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本研究从超常规色彩强烈的重大灾害危机处置入手,分析当代中国动员体制在改革时代的变化特征,以此为切入点来考察动员这项"革命制度遗产对当代中国政治的影响。本研究以中国政府在地震领域的危机动员实践作为实证案例,从1949年以后的不同时期选取四场震例进行纵向比较,以此来把握中国政府在危机条件下启动的政治动员在不同的政治发展阶段会呈现出什么样的整体特点。中国在地震领域的危机动员实践能够证明,中国的政治动员体制比传统动员政治研究假定的要更具动态性。兴起于革命时代的政治动员在进入改革时代以后依然能够延续,并没有随着乌托邦意识形态、计划经济乃至全能主义体制的整体瓦解而走向直线衰落。至少作为中国政府独特的公共危机处置手段,政治动员在改革时代呈现出的变化轨迹是复杂的,成形于全能主义时期的动员政治元素在改革时代不仅没有直接衰败,在某些阶段还重新获得了发展动力,能够与改革时代出现和或者强化的动员模式并存。本研究通过观察中国政府跨越不同政治经济发展阶段的地震危机动员实践发现,中国政府涉灾财政能力和行政能力的发展均衡程度,以及中国政治精英对国家在灾害治理领域角色定位的认知变化,能够对中国政府的地震危机动员模式产生重要影响;既包括s新模式兴起和旧模式衰落,也包括新旧模式的共存。而且,尽管国家能力和国家意愿之间没有必然关联,可是一旦两个因素出现比较同步的增强,还能够为这种"革命制度遗产在改革提供新的制度化动力,促成动员模式更进一步的变化。本研究的结论是,只要作为关键动员主体的中共政权在规范和结构上保持相对稳定,政治动员仍将会是中国政府重要的危机管理工具。而且随着中国政府有更强的意愿和能力来承担公共服务供给职责,政治动员形式和内涵都会有所改变。曾经具有很强非正式和应急色彩的政治动员不仅会变得越来越常态化,而且还会成为正规、任务内容更加广泛的中国涉灾公共治理体系的重要组成部分。 ; This research investigates the dynamics and resilience of China's politlical moblization by making hsitrocial comparison of Chinese government's management of earthquake disasters across four decades. The author selects four major earthquake catastrophesTangshan, Lancang-Gengma, Lijiang, and Wenchuanfrom different historical periods to examine how Chinese government mobilized different types of subjects to contain and control crises under different political, social, and economic conditions. Based upon participatory and non-participatory observation, interviews, and extensive document analyses, this research reveals that China's political mobilization, at least in the issue area of catastrophe management, has demonstrated a more complicated trajectory of change than predicted by most mainstream politilcal theories, espeically in the post-revolutionary era featured by increasing socio-economic pluralization and political liberalization. Insitutional elements promoting mass particpation and self-sufficience thriving in the revolutionary stage not only continue to function in the reform era, but also coexist with newly emerged mobilizational elements featured by increased state dominance, formal legal procedures, and professional expertise. ...

1990年代以來,尤其是進入2000年,中國基督教開始在復興,但其發展表現出極大的地方差異。較之於其他城市,作為中國政治與文化中心的北京,其基督教發展呈現出廣泛的公共性。本文以北京不同類型教會為研究對象,主要探討基督教與公共性的關係。 ; 本文認為城市基督教的復興是當代中國社會政治與文化結構性變遷帶來的結果。發展中的北京基督教存在多重意涵的公共性,而這多重公共性創造出北京基督教的不同社會與政治面貌。雖然黨國試圖壓制非官方基督教的發展,將其限制在私人領域,但基督教不僅復興,且以不同形式──公共論域、公民共同體及公民不服從參與建設中國的公民社會。 ; Since the 1990s, Protestantism has been experiencing the revival in urban China. However, the development path of urban Protestantism varies in different in different areas. Compared to other cities, Beijing Protestantism is showing the new forms and has a significant impact on the public realm. ; By using the most updated data obtained from years of fieldwork, this dissertation attempts to study the rising and the publicness of Beijing Protestantism with case studies of different types of churches.This study argues that the revival of urban Protestantism results from the structural transition of contemporary Chinese society, politics and culture. According to various theories on publicness, the developing Protestantism in Beijing has indeed demonstrated a variety of publicness, in the forms of its parpicitation in public sphere formation, civic community building and civil disobedience, etc. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 袁浩. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 298-311). ; Abstracts also in English. ; Yuan Hao.

本研究运用地方政治经济特征来解释商业协会与威权国家关系的分化,以及商业协会之间的系统差异,主张在地方政治经济结构中理解商业协会的角色及其之于威权政体的意义。本研究说明了在转型中国商业协会政治角色的新经验进展,探讨了社会利益能够成功地以制度化的方式输入威权政体的条件。 ; 在国家一面,本项研究说明了支撑地方威权国家维持支配的制度基础。激励地方政府开拓财源的财政制度和刺激官僚追求政绩的晋升制度,促使地方政府及其组成部门利用商业协会来提供必要的财政补给、提供公共品和帮助政府执行治理职能。在社会一面,中国的地方政治经济发展模式并非消弭而是加深了私营企业主之间的利益分化,破坏了商业协会的同质性基础。大型私企、中小型私企、个体与地方政府的互动模式具有本质差别,形成了分化的利益诉求。但是当前的商业协会体系并不能处理这种分化了的社会利益诉求,试图将它们都聚集到同一个结社中,既破坏了结社的内部凝聚力,也阻碍了制度化利益传输的可能。 ; 商业协会与威权国家的关系取决于政府渗透与结社凝聚力两大条件的交互作用。本研究将当下商业协会与威权国家的关系概括为四种类型:"合作型,"对抗型,"支配型和"庇护型。不同类型协会表达利益诉求的能力不同,"合作型与"对抗型都可以曲折的方式实现利益中介,但它们都还不是制度化的利益中介过程。通过"去政治化的政治整合过程,当前中国的商业协会对威权政体的政治稳定起到了正面作用。基于上述分析,合理的推论是:若地方政治经济特征存在系统差异,则商业协会的整体状况也应存在系统差异。本研究所建立的关于商业协会政治影响力的Logistic回归模型说明,商业协会的层级越高,组织凝聚力越高,与政府的"合作型关系越强,其被政府咨询以及实际影响政策的可能性也越高。在中国,在更高的政府层级上商业协会具有更可见的政治影响力。 ; This research reveals how the differentiated relation between business associations and authoritarian state and the systematic organizational variations are configurated by local political economy, and argues the political significance of business associations in authoritarian state should be located in the specific political economic structure. This research displays recent development of business associations' political role in transitional China, and identify the conditions that facilitate organizational social interest pursuits to be successfully inputted into authoritarian state. ; On the one hand, this research discusses the institutional bases which motivate the local authoritarian state to maintain continuing domination over society. Both the fiscal institution driving local state to expand revenue incomes and the bureaucratic promotion institution driving officials to accumulate political achievements motivate the local government to achieve following benefits from penetrating and dominating business associations: extract money from society, provide public goods, and facilitate the governance functions. On the other hand, the specific developmental pattern of local market economy actually has deepened the fragmentations among emerging private ...

Qin, Shuang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstracts also in Chinese.

于一个国家而言,民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题,也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争,旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 ; 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法,本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时,抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争,官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看,以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽,重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时,越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中,社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 ; 于以上分析,本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段,知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于"话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明,当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进,形成了一个自我强化的循环。 ; 研究意义而言,本研究首先探讨了"话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性,继而指出民众抗争,精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现,只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应,即使是非持续性的,非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展,以及政治话语实践的转变。因此,虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权,但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 ; For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. ; The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. ; Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership's discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party ...

Preliminary Material /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1961 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1962 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1963 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1964 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1965 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1966 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1967 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1968 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1969 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1970 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1971 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1972 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1973 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1974 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1975 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1976 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1977 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1978 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1979 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1980 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1981 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan -- 1982 /Zhang Letian , Xi Fuqun and Yunxiang Yan.

Lam Yan-wing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [101]-[106]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract in English PP --- p.i-ii ; Abstract in Chinese pp --- p.iv-v ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction pp --- p.1-10 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- Early Life of Yanaihara Tadao and Influences on his Ideological Development pp --- p.11-26 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- Ideas of Yanaihara Tadao in Prewar and Postwar Period pp --- p.27-77 ; Chapter - --- Christianity and Socialist Ideas: Which was the Right Way to achieve the Utopian Society? ; Chapter - --- "Colonial Policies, Racial Equality and Foreign Relations" ; Chapter - --- War and Pacifism ; Chapter - --- Christianity and Japanese Tradition ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Yanaihara Tadao's Ideology and the Contemporary Situation pp --- p.78-94 ; Chapter Chapter Five --- Conclusion pp --- p.95-100 ; Bibliography

对于转型期中国的劳动争议,为何国家一边推动以法律规则为本位的劳动监管体系,另一边又不断恢复各种软化法律规则约束力的调解机制?为何从中央到地方再到各部门官僚都偏好于以调解的方式来处置劳动争议?而且,为什么90年代以来大规模的建章立制没有提升准司法的裁决率和司法的判决率,反而使得劳动争议的调解率长期居高不下?国家是如何维持强大的调解能力的?劳资双方又为何愿意接受国家的调解?最后,国家对调解的偏好又会对工人维权行动带来什么样的影响?对于上述问题,本文提出一种"司法化与"政治化并行的双向运动的解释框架。虽然转型期的中国国家在司法机构建设、法律制定、等方面显示出一定的"司法化特征,但是与此同时国家也不断将司法体系"政治化,不仅干预和限制司法权力的行使,也在实际执行过程中软化法律规则的约束力。这种双向运动既根源于革命根据地时期和计划经济时期的制度遗产,也因转型期威权政体内部利益分化而不断强化。这两者也给劳资双方塑造了特殊的政治机会结构,既默许资方规避司法诉讼来压制工人维权,也促使工人高度依赖于国家调解来获得有限的经济赔偿。结果,"调解优先成为劳动争议处置的支配性策略,调解机制逐渐替代了劳动监察、行政裁决和司法判决等直接诉诸国家强制性权力的处置方式。这也是长期以来中国劳动争议调解率居高不下的主要原因。这种双向运动分别在宏观层面和微观层面带来了不同的后果。在宏观层面,"调解优先的策略发挥了分化工人的功能,使得制度化维权渠道中的劳动争议日益个体化和原子化。在微观层面,工人们"准司法化的维权观与国家"去司法化的维稳观之间产生了激烈的张力,形成了"挤出效应,迫使越来越多的维权工人退出法庭并走向街头,采取直接的、对抗性的、激进的、乃至暴力化的抗争行动。 ; An expansion of mediation in China's labor disputes resolution has gathered significant momentum since the middle of the 2000s. This tendency stems from the state's long-term dependency on politicized mediatory measure to contain labor's disruptive impulses. And the fragmentation of interests inside the authoritarian regime further marginalizes laws and judicial institutions in resolving grievance. These two factors have together shaped a political opportunity structure as "mediate first for both the labor and capital, and consequently, given a great impetus to the Grand Mediation campaign. By mobilizing grass-roots and non-judicial mediatory agencies to proactively intervene in labor conflict, the Grand Mediation has reinforced the state's capacity in managing contentious issues without resorting to either heavy handed repression or adversarial litigation. However, regarding the contradiction of the politicized mediation with workers' judicialized preference, the state's over-reliance on mediation may impel workers to alienate from institutionalized channel and subsequently deteriorates China's industrial relation. It is further argued that the prevailing of Grand Mediation may trigger off disruptive and violent labor protests in the long run. All in all, the tendency of "mediate first reveals a ...

本文是關於泰國導演阿比查邦·魏拉希沙可在2000 年至2010 年間作品的整體性研究,包括電影、短片和錄影裝置等不同形式。我們將討論阿比查邦的現代主義電影風格如何回應當下泰國的社會政治現實和歷史處境,並產生其文化政治效應。同時,我們也試圖借此重申和強調電影的美學研究在把握作品形式與外在歷史社會條件上的融貫性和理論重要性,尤其是在以時間為現代思想和經驗的內在線索這點上。 ; 首先我們將阿比查邦置於世界電影史和泰國電影史交匯的座標之下,然後從個三方面考察他如何將泰國的"非同步"、複調節奏的社會現實納入對"非順時性時間"探索(與戰後現代主義電影的譜系一致)的美學風格中。第一個方面,是他在早期作品中關於"講故事"形式的實驗,據此他發展出一種新的敘事性,打破傳統敘事中統一的"敘述時間",而替代以一種"居中性"的"時差"效應;同時發展出對分離的聲畫關係的各種新嘗試。第二個方面,是他中期作品中對感性經驗的重塑,包括引入異質化多元的時延、非個人知覺和情感模式。第三個方面,是貫穿電影長片和錄影裝置作品的"分叉"結構(或二分結構)。通過這一結構,他引入對時間性三維(過去現在未來)的靜態綜合和重新分配,即,將編年歷史的順時時間內攝於各種元素差異與重複建立起的超歷史(或非歷史)的時間分化;無論是過去還是當下的事件,都被體驗為一種對先在的純粹的事件如同儀式一般的召喚。這正是阿比查邦式的非歷史性的時間觀念和神話式敘述機制。同時,每一個方面都包含了阿比查邦在相應的作品中處理回應的泰國社會現實問題,將在論文中詳細展開。 ; This dissertation has three ambitions. The first is to provide an interpretation of the works by Apichatpong Weerasethakul in the 2000s as an auteur study, including feature films, experimental shorts, and video installations, which requires a new vision for film criticism for the compelling mode of filmmaking practice. The second is to discuss the social-political function of the modernist cinema in a contemporary society with specific historical trajectory of modernity, by investigating how Apichatpong's works relate/respond to Thai historical-social-politic circumstance. The third is to make an argument for the theoretical importance of aesthetics study of cinema in the light of the concern for time that is intrinsic to both thought and being and underlies modern experience. ; By locating Apichatpong in the junction of global and local cinema with historical contextualization, this study will unfold around how Apichatpong registers the polyrhythm of the "non-synchronicity" of contemporary Thai reality on his artistic innovative of the non-chronological temporality in three main parts. The first is the "storytelling device" which creates a new narrativity by transforming the "diegetic time" into a pure "time-lag" or "in-between" with an experiment of the disparity of sound and image. The second is a reconfiguration of the sensible, which consists of heterogeneity of ...

by Chu Yiu Wai, Stephen. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 316-336). ; Acknowledgments --- p.ii ; Chapter Chapter One --- "Introduction: The Politics of an ""Other"" Critical Discourse" --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- "Interpretation, Textuality, Paradox: Towards an ""Other"" Reading Position" --- p.25 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- De/Formation of the Hermeneutical Framework in Chinese-Western Comparative Discourse --- p.76 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Reading Feminist Reading and a Critique of Chinese Critical Discourse --- p.129 ; Chapter Chapter Five --- The Problem of Reading in Contemporary Chinese Critics: Three Exemplary Positions --- p.170 ; Chapter i. --- James J.Y. Liu --- p.172 ; Chapter ii. --- Stephen Owen --- p.208 ; Chapter iii. --- Wai-lim Yip --- p.227 ; Chapter Chapter Six --- "An ""Other"" Conclusion: Towards an Oppositional Reading in the (Post)Colonial Context" --- p.257 ; Select Bibliography --- p.316 ; Glossary --- p.337