Suchergebnisse

Cours given at the summer session of the Institute of French Studies in NYU, branch of Paris.graduated level. From the successive cases of headscarf to Manif for all, religious issues occupy a central place in contemporary French political debates and contradict France's representations as a secular country where religion is completely relegated to the private sphere. This course will propose to revisit the specific features of political regulation of religion in France, as well as the idea of a 'return of religion' in France. It will address issues such as the visibility of religion in public spaces; the articulation between religious practice and political participation; the diversity of movements claiming secularism today; relations between state and religious leaders Catholic, Muslim and Jewish. ; Master ; Cours given at the summer session of the Institute of French Studies in NYU, branch of Paris.graduated level. From the successive cases of headscarf to Manif for all, religious issues occupy a central place in contemporary French political debates and contradict France's representations as a secular country where religion is completely relegated to the private sphere. This course will propose to revisit the specific features of political regulation of religion in France, as well as the idea of a 'return of religion' in France. It will address issues such as the visibility of religion in public spaces; the articulation between religious practice and political participation; the diversity of movements claiming secularism today; relations between state and religious leaders Catholic, Muslim and Jewish. ; Cours dispensé lors de la session d'été de l'Institute of French Studies à NYU, antenne de Paris.Niveau graduate. Depuis les successives affaires du foulard jusqu'à la Manif pour tous, les questions religieuses occupent une place centrale dans les débats politiques français contemporains et contredisent les représentations de la France comme un pays laïque où la religion serait totalement reléguée dans la ...

International audience ; Documentary poetry aims to question the poetic aesthetics and the politics speeches in the aim of making visible the invisibilities, of listening non-legitimized speeches, by working on the textual device and its contextualization. We will try to theorize certain poetic and political articulations, as well as the relationship with the environment, notably from texts by Manuel Joseph, J.M. Gleize, Nathalie Quintane, and J.H. Michot. ; La poésie documentaire ou documentale vise bien souvent à questionner l'esthétique poétique et la politique des discours dans la mesure où il s'agit de rendre visible des invisibilités, de rendre audibles des paroles non légitimées, en travaillant sur le dispositif textuel et sa contextualisation. Nous tenterons de théoriser certaines articulations poésie/politique, ainsi que le rapport à l'environnement, notamment à partir de textes de Manuel Joseph, J.M. Gleize, Nathalie Quintane, et J.H. Michot.

International audience ; Documentary poetry aims to question the poetic aesthetics and the politics speeches in the aim of making visible the invisibilities, of listening non-legitimized speeches, by working on the textual device and its contextualization. We will try to theorize certain poetic and political articulations, as well as the relationship with the environment, notably from texts by Manuel Joseph, J.M. Gleize, Nathalie Quintane, and J.H. Michot. ; La poésie documentaire ou documentale vise bien souvent à questionner l'esthétique poétique et la politique des discours dans la mesure où il s'agit de rendre visible des invisibilités, de rendre audibles des paroles non légitimées, en travaillant sur le dispositif textuel et sa contextualisation. Nous tenterons de théoriser certaines articulations poésie/politique, ainsi que le rapport à l'environnement, notamment à partir de textes de Manuel Joseph, J.M. Gleize, Nathalie Quintane, et J.H. Michot.

Party defections have increasingly become a major trend of Ugandan multiparty politics, not only for individual elites at the national level and in the parties' leadership but at the grassroots level by local party members too. These shifts of allegiance are now systematically part of the staging and imagery of President Museveni's electoral campaigns. A common explanation of this phenomenon points at the inconsistency of partisan loyalties and ideologies. It is often taken for granted that defections are expressions of clientelism, political opportunism and above all democratic immaturity and a misunderstanding of multipartyism. This paper argues on the contrary that mass defections reflect the social technology of the National Resistance Movement hegemonic rule at the local level, and the constraints for opposition parties whose structures it co-opts. They are part of the monopolisation of organisational initiatives at the grassroots level by the regime. Defections are not simply a symbol of electoral opportunism but part of a routine economic posture in a context of straddling lines between the economic and political spheres. Following up the trajectories of two specific groups of defectors from Teso over several years, this paper seeks to give precise insights on the local presence and rooting of political parties, their modes of mobilisation, recruitment, their repertoires of action, and more generally on the transformation of identities, partisan practices and political activism but also on the hegemonic ruling party's mode of governance at the local level. This micro-sociologic approach opens windows on how hegemony is built in a dialogic way with local political entrepreneurs and vote brokers. Hegemonic rule therefore also contains its own limits as it requires a permanent renegotiation with individual actors embedded in a set of local power relationships.

Party defections have increasingly become a major trend of Ugandan multiparty politics, not only for individual elites at the national level and in the parties' leadership but at the grassroots level by local party members too. These shifts of allegiance are now systematically part of the staging and imagery of President Museveni's electoral campaigns. A common explanation of this phenomenon points at the inconsistency of partisan loyalties and ideologies. It is often taken for granted that defections are expressions of clientelism, political opportunism and above all democratic immaturity and a misunderstanding of multipartyism. This paper argues on the contrary that mass defections reflect the social technology of the National Resistance Movement hegemonic rule at the local level, and the constraints for opposition parties whose structures it co-opts. They are part of the monopolisation of organisational initiatives at the grassroots level by the regime. Defections are not simply a symbol of electoral opportunism but part of a routine economic posture in a context of straddling lines between the economic and political spheres. Following up the trajectories of two specific groups of defectors from Teso over several years, this paper seeks to give precise insights on the local presence and rooting of political parties, their modes of mobilisation, recruitment, their repertoires of action, and more generally on the transformation of identities, partisan practices and political activism but also on the hegemonic ruling party's mode of governance at the local level. This micro-sociologic approach opens windows on how hegemony is built in a dialogic way with local political entrepreneurs and vote brokers. Hegemonic rule therefore also contains its own limits as it requires a permanent renegotiation with individual actors embedded in a set of local power relationships.

UID/HIS/04666/2013 ; The category of Action, being thelast of the material categories predicted by Eric Weil in his Logique de la Philosophie, constitutes the discursive center of our time, subjecting allother discourses to the idea of a history reoriented by the formal category of Meaning, in which violence proves to be insensate and the individual revoltloses its reason for being. It becomes clear, then, that such a perspectivesupposes the progressive decline of the warlike politics, to allow the historyof an effective freedom. However, notwithstanding the many improvements, thisequation is not only slow to materialize, as our age is increasingly marked byuncontrolled and uncontrollable violence. How should we understand this stateof affairs? The hypothesis we intend to stress is that Action presupposes a setof conditions that makes it particularly vulnerable either to the generalizedincomprehension of its ends or to the intervention of other categoricaldiscourses with their alternative worldviews. To this end, we analyzeextensively the logic of the category and of the attitude that it involves,stressing the constitutive fragility of its rationality, which requires, as asine qua non condition, what we suggest being a democracy of meaning. ; publishersversion ; published