Suchergebnisse

In the beginning of the 21st century different features of the transformation of the contemporary international system could be studied. Among these features changes in nature of threats, actions of main actors of international system concerning changing security environment, appearance of new centers of power and military confrontation between the USA and Russia could be distinguished. Impact of polarity of the international system towards international security was one of the most popular topics of international relations in the second half of the 20th century. Concept of polarity as certain distribution of power in international system became very popular due to Realism school of international relations. Many different studies were made concerning this topic in the Cold War period, but after the end of the Cold War topics of international system and polarity in the international system seemed as unimportant and lost its significance. The new importance of polarity conception was brought by the emergence of new types of threats to international security and by unequal distribution of power in the international system that created unipolar structure with one superpower and several smaller centers of power in the beginning of the 21st century. In this article few presumptions and conclusions concerning the transformation of the contemporary polar structure of international systems were made. First presumption is that contemporary international system is transforming from strict unipolarity with one exceptionally strong superpower to modified unipolarity with one superpower and several emerging centers of power.[.].

In the beginning of the 21st century different features of the transformation of the contemporary international system could be studied. Among these features changes in nature of threats, actions of main actors of international system concerning changing security environment, appearance of new centers of power and military confrontation between the USA and Russia could be distinguished. Impact of polarity of the international system towards international security was one of the most popular topics of international relations in the second half of the 20th century. Concept of polarity as certain distribution of power in international system became very popular due to Realism school of international relations. Many different studies were made concerning this topic in the Cold War period, but after the end of the Cold War topics of international system and polarity in the international system seemed as unimportant and lost its significance. The new importance of polarity conception was brought by the emergence of new types of threats to international security and by unequal distribution of power in the international system that created unipolar structure with one superpower and several smaller centers of power in the beginning of the 21st century. In this article few presumptions and conclusions concerning the transformation of the contemporary polar structure of international systems were made. First presumption is that contemporary international system is transforming from strict unipolarity with one exceptionally strong superpower to modified unipolarity with one superpower and several emerging centers of power.[.].

This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section - Rūta Brazienė's 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article's empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber's classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx's theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches - Erik Olin Wright's neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania's class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality [.]

This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section - Rūta Brazienė's 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article's empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber's classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx's theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches - Erik Olin Wright's neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania's class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality [.]

This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section - Rūta Brazienė's 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article's empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber's classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx's theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches - Erik Olin Wright's neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania's class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality [.]

This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section - Rūta Brazienė's 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article's empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber's classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx's theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches - Erik Olin Wright's neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania's class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality [.]

This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section - Rūta Brazienė's 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article's empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber's classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx's theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches - Erik Olin Wright's neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania's class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality [.]

This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section - Rūta Brazienė's 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article's empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber's classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx's theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches - Erik Olin Wright's neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania's class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality [.]

The article analyses the documents of the Church on the importance of participation of the Christians in the politics, and presents the analysis of the research into the believer attitude to the relation between faith and politics. The segregation of politics and morality and disregard of the Church authority prevail in the contemporary society. The believers lack knowledge about the teaching of the Church on the issues of politics and society. The teaching of the Church invites the congregation to assume the commitment of participation in the politics as one of the aspects of Christian vocation. Moral theology, Christian social doctrine and political ethics respond to the most important questions raised by people today.

The article analyses the documents of the Church on the importance of participation of the Christians in the politics, and presents the analysis of the research into the believer attitude to the relation between faith and politics. The segregation of politics and morality and disregard of the Church authority prevail in the contemporary society. The believers lack knowledge about the teaching of the Church on the issues of politics and society. The teaching of the Church invites the congregation to assume the commitment of participation in the politics as one of the aspects of Christian vocation. Moral theology, Christian social doctrine and political ethics respond to the most important questions raised by people today.

The article analyses the documents of the Church on the importance of participation of the Christians in the politics, and presents the analysis of the research into the believer attitude to the relation between faith and politics. The segregation of politics and morality and disregard of the Church authority prevail in the contemporary society. The believers lack knowledge about the teaching of the Church on the issues of politics and society. The teaching of the Church invites the congregation to assume the commitment of participation in the politics as one of the aspects of Christian vocation. Moral theology, Christian social doctrine and political ethics respond to the most important questions raised by people today.

The main point of this work concerns basic premises and its interrelation of liberalism: doctrines of human rights, moral individualism and state neutrality. Locke's and Dworkin's liberal conceptions help to reveal the deep structure of liberal mind, its inconsistence and limitation. There are identified Protestant world-view and Renaissance humanism as a fundamental sources of liberal ideas. Individual and its autonomy is revealed as a central idea of liberal politics. There are shown substancial differences between early and contemporary liberal mind.

The main point of this work concerns basic premises and its interrelation of liberalism: doctrines of human rights, moral individualism and state neutrality. Locke's and Dworkin's liberal conceptions help to reveal the deep structure of liberal mind, its inconsistence and limitation. There are identified Protestant world-view and Renaissance humanism as a fundamental sources of liberal ideas. Individual and its autonomy is revealed as a central idea of liberal politics. There are shown substancial differences between early and contemporary liberal mind.

Concept of Virtue in Contemporary Democratic Theory: an Alternative to A. MacIntyre. This paper examines the relationship between the theories of virtue ethics and the theories of contemporary democracy, as an alternative to the theories of Alasdair MacIntyre. The aim is to provide an alternative assessment of the relationship between these concepts than that provided by MacIntyre, incorporating two important concepts that have not been explored in detail by the philosopher: democracy and sovereign. Assessments of the virtue ethic in contemporary theories of democracy have not been explored in detail, often simply emphasizing the theoretical incompatibility of these concepts. This leads to both various theoretical tensions and the resulting ethical issues in practical politics. The aim is to show that a thorough analysis of the theories of modern democracy and the sovereign concept can help to better understand the theoretical tensions between the virtue ethics and modern democracy. An analysis of Macintyre's theories of virtue ethics and politics reveals that the philosopher does not pay enough attention to the theoretical understanding of modern democracy and therefore does not fully appreciate its relationship to virtue ethics. The analysis of the concept of contemporary democracy in this paper indicates that MacIntyre also refers to similar problems, which suggests that an analysis of the concept of democracy is needed to understand the author's philosophy. The paper introduces the sovereign concept necessary to understand the theoretical basis of contemporary democracy in order to find an alternative way to re-evaluate the theoretical tension of modern democracy and virtue ethics. Analysis of the concept of sovereign shows that Rousseau's concept of sovereign as the general will can provide an alternative understanding of the moral and ethical basis of contemporary democracy. The idea of general will also allows to re-evaluate the key problems of virtue ethics in contemporary theories, raised by MacIntyre, such as the pursuit of the common good and the problem of a legitimate political authority.66 Despite the fact that modern theories of democracy and classical theories of virtue ethics seem incompatible at first sight, a detailed analysis of these theories, including the sovereign concept necessary for the modern concept of democracy, showed that virtue ethics and modern democracy can be explanatory or complementary aspects. In order to thoroughly evaluate virtue ethics, it is important to understand the theoretical political background in which virtue ethics are analyzed, as they are closely related to political sphere. Moreover, the concept of sovereign in the theories of contemporary democracy has a similar role and effect as the concept of virtue ethics in the classic theories. Classic virtue ethics (as described by Aristotle) are not possible (or even morally acceptable) in the fields of contemporary democratic theories; however, this study shows that generally, virtue ethics should not be dismissed from contemporary democratic theories. These findings suggest that it is necessary to treat democracy as a political regime in order to analyze its compatibility with virtue ethics.

Concept of Virtue in Contemporary Democratic Theory: an Alternative to A. MacIntyre. This paper examines the relationship between the theories of virtue ethics and the theories of contemporary democracy, as an alternative to the theories of Alasdair MacIntyre. The aim is to provide an alternative assessment of the relationship between these concepts than that provided by MacIntyre, incorporating two important concepts that have not been explored in detail by the philosopher: democracy and sovereign. Assessments of the virtue ethic in contemporary theories of democracy have not been explored in detail, often simply emphasizing the theoretical incompatibility of these concepts. This leads to both various theoretical tensions and the resulting ethical issues in practical politics. The aim is to show that a thorough analysis of the theories of modern democracy and the sovereign concept can help to better understand the theoretical tensions between the virtue ethics and modern democracy. An analysis of Macintyre's theories of virtue ethics and politics reveals that the philosopher does not pay enough attention to the theoretical understanding of modern democracy and therefore does not fully appreciate its relationship to virtue ethics. The analysis of the concept of contemporary democracy in this paper indicates that MacIntyre also refers to similar problems, which suggests that an analysis of the concept of democracy is needed to understand the author's philosophy. The paper introduces the sovereign concept necessary to understand the theoretical basis of contemporary democracy in order to find an alternative way to re-evaluate the theoretical tension of modern democracy and virtue ethics. Analysis of the concept of sovereign shows that Rousseau's concept of sovereign as the general will can provide an alternative understanding of the moral and ethical basis of contemporary democracy. The idea of general will also allows to re-evaluate the key problems of virtue ethics in contemporary theories, raised by MacIntyre, such as the pursuit of the common good and the problem of a legitimate political authority.66 Despite the fact that modern theories of democracy and classical theories of virtue ethics seem incompatible at first sight, a detailed analysis of these theories, including the sovereign concept necessary for the modern concept of democracy, showed that virtue ethics and modern democracy can be explanatory or complementary aspects. In order to thoroughly evaluate virtue ethics, it is important to understand the theoretical political background in which virtue ethics are analyzed, as they are closely related to political sphere. Moreover, the concept of sovereign in the theories of contemporary democracy has a similar role and effect as the concept of virtue ethics in the classic theories. Classic virtue ethics (as described by Aristotle) are not possible (or even morally acceptable) in the fields of contemporary democratic theories; however, this study shows that generally, virtue ethics should not be dismissed from contemporary democratic theories. These findings suggest that it is necessary to treat democracy as a political regime in order to analyze its compatibility with virtue ethics.