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The growth of the television as a part of mass media channel persuaded commencement of new kinds of political communication. Political advertisement in TV became a brightest but also not so clear-cut phenomenon of political being. Political TV spots in contemporary election process war are ones of essential well organized and fully controlled communication patterns. The pattern and targets of the political advertisement where changing in the evolution of general election processes. V. Cvalina asserts that the main goal of the modern political advertisement it's not the information flue but impact on an advertisement receivers behavior. After analyzing electors behavior author of theory ascertain the fact that a person makes its election decision on an emotional base. The main target of my treatise is to explore and analyze the emotional relationship between the elector and its voting object. What impact it has for making decisions and that are the main ambiences on modern political TV advertisements. The detailed tasks of my researches are to analyze the concept of the nowadays political advertisement, its functions, types of content of the political TV spots and the process of the political election modernization. Also it is important to understand the way electors are making their political decisions. The object of my research is Polish political party of "Civic Platform" and their political TV spots translated due to the General Seym and Senate elections in 2007. B. Dobek – Ostrovskas, M. Mazurs, V. Cvalinas empirical researches were taken for the theoretical background as a base of political marketing and communication knowledge. It was a source of all illations regarding general election processes, political communication functions, on differentiation of types of content of political TV spots and its impact for elector decisional process. The analysis of scientific literature in the first two parts of my treatise made a possibility for practical scrutiny in the third of my academic work. Quantity and quality researches of political TV spots gave me possibility to take these kinds of conclusions: firstly- emotional relationship between elector and political party is based on different kinds of persuasion and political marketing methods, secondly- all "Civic Platform" TV spots where made based on political party image and socio-political situation in the country. Obviously the main target of all reviewed TV spots is to persuade elector decision on the elections day. As distinguishing features I could mention several of them: periodicity of the TV spots, political party's slogan adaptation to different kind of mass communication, big expenditures, persuasive way of communication, negative advertisement and political personality process. Distinguishing features of political advertisement in Poland are in a strait line with the processes of elections modernization. It gives a conclusion that politics are valuated like a market and election processes goes by the simple rules of marketing.

The growth of the television as a part of mass media channel persuaded commencement of new kinds of political communication. Political advertisement in TV became a brightest but also not so clear-cut phenomenon of political being. Political TV spots in contemporary election process war are ones of essential well organized and fully controlled communication patterns. The pattern and targets of the political advertisement where changing in the evolution of general election processes. V. Cvalina asserts that the main goal of the modern political advertisement it's not the information flue but impact on an advertisement receivers behavior. After analyzing electors behavior author of theory ascertain the fact that a person makes its election decision on an emotional base. The main target of my treatise is to explore and analyze the emotional relationship between the elector and its voting object. What impact it has for making decisions and that are the main ambiences on modern political TV advertisements. The detailed tasks of my researches are to analyze the concept of the nowadays political advertisement, its functions, types of content of the political TV spots and the process of the political election modernization. Also it is important to understand the way electors are making their political decisions. The object of my research is Polish political party of "Civic Platform" and their political TV spots translated due to the General Seym and Senate elections in 2007. B. Dobek – Ostrovskas, M. Mazurs, V. Cvalinas empirical researches were taken for the theoretical background as a base of political marketing and communication knowledge. It was a source of all illations regarding general election processes, political communication functions, on differentiation of types of content of political TV spots and its impact for elector decisional process. The analysis of scientific literature in the first two parts of my treatise made a possibility for practical scrutiny in the third of my academic work. Quantity and quality researches of political TV spots gave me possibility to take these kinds of conclusions: firstly- emotional relationship between elector and political party is based on different kinds of persuasion and political marketing methods, secondly- all "Civic Platform" TV spots where made based on political party image and socio-political situation in the country. Obviously the main target of all reviewed TV spots is to persuade elector decision on the elections day. As distinguishing features I could mention several of them: periodicity of the TV spots, political party's slogan adaptation to different kind of mass communication, big expenditures, persuasive way of communication, negative advertisement and political personality process. Distinguishing features of political advertisement in Poland are in a strait line with the processes of elections modernization. It gives a conclusion that politics are valuated like a market and election processes goes by the simple rules of marketing.

The growth of the television as a part of mass media channel persuaded commencement of new kinds of political communication. Political advertisement in TV became a brightest but also not so clear-cut phenomenon of political being. Political TV spots in contemporary election process war are ones of essential well organized and fully controlled communication patterns. The pattern and targets of the political advertisement where changing in the evolution of general election processes. V. Cvalina asserts that the main goal of the modern political advertisement it's not the information flue but impact on an advertisement receivers behavior. After analyzing electors behavior author of theory ascertain the fact that a person makes its election decision on an emotional base. The main target of my treatise is to explore and analyze the emotional relationship between the elector and its voting object. What impact it has for making decisions and that are the main ambiences on modern political TV advertisements. The detailed tasks of my researches are to analyze the concept of the nowadays political advertisement, its functions, types of content of the political TV spots and the process of the political election modernization. Also it is important to understand the way electors are making their political decisions. The object of my research is Polish political party of "Civic Platform" and their political TV spots translated due to the General Seym and Senate elections in 2007. B. Dobek – Ostrovskas, M. Mazurs, V. Cvalinas empirical researches were taken for the theoretical background as a base of political marketing and communication knowledge. It was a source of all illations regarding general election processes, political communication functions, on differentiation of types of content of political TV spots and its impact for elector decisional process. The analysis of scientific literature in the first two parts of my treatise made a possibility for practical scrutiny in the third of my academic work. Quantity and quality researches of political TV spots gave me possibility to take these kinds of conclusions: firstly- emotional relationship between elector and political party is based on different kinds of persuasion and political marketing methods, secondly- all "Civic Platform" TV spots where made based on political party image and socio-political situation in the country. Obviously the main target of all reviewed TV spots is to persuade elector decision on the elections day. As distinguishing features I could mention several of them: periodicity of the TV spots, political party's slogan adaptation to different kind of mass communication, big expenditures, persuasive way of communication, negative advertisement and political personality process. Distinguishing features of political advertisement in Poland are in a strait line with the processes of elections modernization. It gives a conclusion that politics are valuated like a market and election processes goes by the simple rules of marketing.

Relevance of the survey. Interculturality and intercultural education from the approach of changes in the conception of nationality has become an important part within the context of the process of globalisation. In order to understand contemporary social processes and cultural differences, it is necessary to analyse meanings, attributed to the phenomenon of the globalisation. It is one of the most common objects of political, economic and cultural research as well as terms of the contemporary politics and science. Analysis of the change of cultures and expression of differences covers the study of scientific literature on themes of the global transformation, industry of cultures, cultural globalisation, inequality, sociology as well as anti-globalisation. It is important that the globalisation often functions as the synonym for this phenomenon: strive for the liberal policy in the world economics, the growing domination of life forms of the Western politics, economics as well as the culture; spread of new technologies, unified society, where the most important causes of the main social conflicts are eliminated (Scheuerman, 2010). Analysis of Lithuanian and foreign scientific literature revealed explanations of the concept of culture as well as attitudes, allowing stating that today different conception of the culture exists, when the order destruction becomes the norm, ensuring transformations. The culture is linked with the idea of the constant place, giving the meaning for life via aims, the totality of generalised factors, rules of behaviour, heritage, communication, social practices and ethos. The revealed reasons of the cultural change within the context of globalising world supposes the conclusion, that the culture, under circumstances of globalisation, refuses own structures and overtakes other, based on links, homogenisation, reduction of the range dimension, constant process and cultural changes. [.]

Relevance of the survey. Interculturality and intercultural education from the approach of changes in the conception of nationality has become an important part within the context of the process of globalisation. In order to understand contemporary social processes and cultural differences, it is necessary to analyse meanings, attributed to the phenomenon of the globalisation. It is one of the most common objects of political, economic and cultural research as well as terms of the contemporary politics and science. Analysis of the change of cultures and expression of differences covers the study of scientific literature on themes of the global transformation, industry of cultures, cultural globalisation, inequality, sociology as well as anti-globalisation. It is important that the globalisation often functions as the synonym for this phenomenon: strive for the liberal policy in the world economics, the growing domination of life forms of the Western politics, economics as well as the culture; spread of new technologies, unified society, where the most important causes of the main social conflicts are eliminated (Scheuerman, 2010). Analysis of Lithuanian and foreign scientific literature revealed explanations of the concept of culture as well as attitudes, allowing stating that today different conception of the culture exists, when the order destruction becomes the norm, ensuring transformations. The culture is linked with the idea of the constant place, giving the meaning for life via aims, the totality of generalised factors, rules of behaviour, heritage, communication, social practices and ethos. The revealed reasons of the cultural change within the context of globalising world supposes the conclusion, that the culture, under circumstances of globalisation, refuses own structures and overtakes other, based on links, homogenisation, reduction of the range dimension, constant process and cultural changes. [.]

In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens' participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the "so-called" developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths' interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.

In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens' participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the "so-called" developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths' interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.

In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens' participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the "so-called" developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths' interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.

In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens' participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the "so-called" developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths' interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.

In the recent decades, as a result of intensive globalisation, significant changes in the political communication systems can be observed in all old and new democracies all over the world. One of the most frequently used concepts to describe this is professionalisation, meaning that in response to political, societal, economic and technological developments, political institutions and politicians themselves started to improve their campaigning or governmental communication. On the one hand, institutions and parties became more open, started to seek dialogue with citizens by employing professional press officers to deal with the media and rapidly applying new technologies for direct marketing and communication.[.]

In the recent decades, as a result of intensive globalisation, significant changes in the political communication systems can be observed in all old and new democracies all over the world. One of the most frequently used concepts to describe this is professionalisation, meaning that in response to political, societal, economic and technological developments, political institutions and politicians themselves started to improve their campaigning or governmental communication. On the one hand, institutions and parties became more open, started to seek dialogue with citizens by employing professional press officers to deal with the media and rapidly applying new technologies for direct marketing and communication.[.]

In the recent decades, as a result of intensive globalisation, significant changes in the political communication systems can be observed in all old and new democracies all over the world. One of the most frequently used concepts to describe this is professionalisation, meaning that in response to political, societal, economic and technological developments, political institutions and politicians themselves started to improve their campaigning or governmental communication. On the one hand, institutions and parties became more open, started to seek dialogue with citizens by employing professional press officers to deal with the media and rapidly applying new technologies for direct marketing and communication.[.]

500 years ago both a doctrine and institution of sovereignty were created; both were changed frequently in order to meet contemporaneous political demands. After World War I a system of sovereign nation-states was formed, which has become extremely conservative and suspicious towards any change in the status quo. If history has taught us anything, it is to doubt any theory or ideology that claims to have knowledge of the end of sovereignty. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. This work contains history of sovereignty, history of the globalization processes, the limits of sovereignty of nation-states and challenges of the globalization. Work consists of 8 parts: English and Lithuanian summary, Preface, History of sovereignty, Survey of globalization and its processes, Limits of suvereignty, Conclusion, Literature

500 years ago both a doctrine and institution of sovereignty were created; both were changed frequently in order to meet contemporaneous political demands. After World War I a system of sovereign nation-states was formed, which has become extremely conservative and suspicious towards any change in the status quo. If history has taught us anything, it is to doubt any theory or ideology that claims to have knowledge of the end of sovereignty. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. This work contains history of sovereignty, history of the globalization processes, the limits of sovereignty of nation-states and challenges of the globalization. Work consists of 8 parts: English and Lithuanian summary, Preface, History of sovereignty, Survey of globalization and its processes, Limits of suvereignty, Conclusion, Literature

500 years ago both a doctrine and institution of sovereignty were created; both were changed frequently in order to meet contemporaneous political demands. After World War I a system of sovereign nation-states was formed, which has become extremely conservative and suspicious towards any change in the status quo. If history has taught us anything, it is to doubt any theory or ideology that claims to have knowledge of the end of sovereignty. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. This work contains history of sovereignty, history of the globalization processes, the limits of sovereignty of nation-states and challenges of the globalization. Work consists of 8 parts: English and Lithuanian summary, Preface, History of sovereignty, Survey of globalization and its processes, Limits of suvereignty, Conclusion, Literature