Suchergebnisse

This article studies the contemporary expression of transitional justice, a field of practice through which global governance is exercised. It argues that transitional justice is being normalised, given the normative and empirical de-legitimisation of its premise of exceptionalism. The article theorises exceptionalism and normalcy in transitional justice and identifies three macro-level causes of normalisation: the legalisation, internationalisation, and professionalization of the field. This argument is illustrated by a study of Uganda's trajectory of transitional justice since 1986. Across five phases of transitional justice, processes of legalisation, internationalisation, and professionalization have contributed to the gradual dismantling of the country's exceptional justice. The case demonstrates, further, that normalization is a contested and incomplete process.

Well before the election schedule of India's 17th Lok Sabha to be held ahead of mid 2019 we can not pass any judgement but its coalitional history with varied trends right from the year 1977 and thereafter showed that it is not the cultural homogeneity which is a requisite for political stability and integration, the chances of stable democracy are enhanced to the extent that the group has a number of cross-cutting, politically relevant affiliations. It involves : 1. application of power, in the sense of joint use of resources to determine outcomes'; 2. a 'mixed motive situation' means the existence of both conflict and cooperation; and 3. this is a collective activity, which involves interaction of more than two units. In Indian context it can be safely argued that coalition politics has come to settle at the Indian federal level and that it cannot be viewed as a sudden and unexpected development but on a deeper analysis, it is reflective of a societal metamorphosis: wherein day by day larger number of hitherto latent groups of Indian society are getting mobilised and politicised. Evaluation of coalition politics in India will definitely help many alike countries to set coalitional patterns in the present and the future as well.

Digital telecommunication technology has expanded the mobile phone's role for being increasingly used as a weapon against authoritarian regimes around the world in recent years. The proliferation of mobile phones in China also nurtures growing mobile-phone–facilitated popular protests, with the increasing use of mobile media as a key resource for not just proliferating censored information, but also facilitating demonstrations and triggering "mass incidents" (quntixing shijian). Nevertheless, very few studies address systematically the role of mobile phones in conventional forms of popular protests, let alone communication via mobile phones and its political implications for contentious activities and public engagement in contemporary China. To fill this void, this study examines spontaneous mobilization via mobile phones, with a focus on several concrete popular protests in rural and urban areas. It investigates how Chinese citizens have expanded the political uses of mobile phones to initiate, facilitate, and empower offline popular protests. Drawing upon more than 40 in-depth interviews, this study demonstrates that the dynamic of mobile-communication–facilitated contentious activities lies both in the incorporation of more interpersonal, horizontal communication and in the articulation of social experience in people's everyday lives. It concludes and theorizes that the dynamic of mobile activism lies both in the incorporation of more interpersonal, horizontal communication and in the articulation of social experience in everyday lives.

This panel aims to investigate knowledge, arts and policies in urban circuits through a transnational perspective. Our focus is on cultural production and performances by social collectives that employ political, cultural, management, economic and labor resources engendering exhibition scenarios, visibilities and disputes on urban public spaces. This comparative and ethnographic perspective (in its various forms) intends to contribute with an understanding on contemporary uses of public spaces in the city, in order to debate (re) urbanization processes and the role cultural practices, festive and artistic performances play in this context. We also propose a reflexive discussion on anthropologist's practices and contemporary public policies, especially those with a cultural and heritage focus. This panel proposal is based on cooperation projects between researchers from Brazil, Argentina and Portugal with a vast experience in cultural and artistic practices research in the cities of Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires and Lisbon. Panel coordinators have also taken part in organizing national and international scientific events, including work groups and round tables, as well as joint bibliographic productions. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

In recent years, numerous European museums have collected objects related to refugees. This article examines the Flight for Life (På Flugt) exhibition (2017), which the National Museum of Denmark organized based on a contemporary collecting project that took place in Greece and Denmark in 2016. Alison Landsberg's concept of prosthetic memory is made use of here to examine how the exhibition invited visitors to identify with refugees. This empathetic approach had political potential by promoting solidarity with refugees. However, it did not open up a broader contextualization of the collected objects in terms of the migration policies of Denmark and the European Union. This article argues that museums, through contemporary collecting projects of the refugee reception crisis, engage in memory politics by framing how Europe will be able to make sense of the refugee reception crisis of the early twenty-first century.

Since Vladimir Putin was elected president of Russia in 2000, the rhetorical use of the past has increasingly become a defining characteristic of Russian politics. Through a new national holiday, references to history in official statements, the erection of monuments and other forms of state symbolism the regime has sought to mobilise cultural memory in support of its legitimacy. The recent and distant past alike were drawn upon to create a historical foundation for the regime's emphasis on a strong state and centralised leadership, as well as for stepping up the restrictions on political opposition. Yet the Russian government is not the only one who has used history to spread its ideas about how the Russian state "traditionally" should be governed. Various societal, cultural and religious groups and organisations, have put forward their own historically framed visions on Russian statehood. This dissertation examines this societal dynamics of memory politics in contemporary Russia in the period 2000-2012. It analyses a wide range of actors, from the central government and the Russian Orthodox Church, to cultural heavyweight Nikita Mikhalkov and radical thinkers such as Aleksandr Dugin. In addition, in view of the steady decline in media freedom since 2000, it critically examines role of cinema and television in shaping and spreading these historical narratives. This makes it possible to, on the one hand, gain a better understanding of the various means through which the Russian government practices its memory politics (e.g., the role of state media) and, on the other hand, to sufficiently value the existence of alternative and critical voices and criticism that tend to be missed.

Reseña de: Patrick LEE y Robert P GEORGE, Body-Self Dualism in Contemporary Ethics and Politics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, Nueva York, 2008, 222 pp.

One of the main characteristics of politics is its close connection with power whose positive effect is to work for the common good. However, there is also the risk of political power being used in a less benevolent way. On the one hand, concrete acts are what makes power visible and tangible, yet on the other hand written and oral speech acts will achieve the same end. Then again, words which are spoken or noted down on paper are only one way to get a message across, since everything that remains unsaid also has considerable effects. Missing or fragmentary information hints at the tendency of public institutions to overlook or neglect certain population groups thus putting the members of those groups at a disadvantage, impeding their participation within society. The subsequent analysis of contemporary Mexican-American prose will examine the interactions and effects of political communication in the USA by studying literary characters and their lives as well as the legislative framework and the arguments of individuals in key positions of society. Examining the literary representation of these interrelated aspects in Ana Castillo's novel So Far From God will expose the connections between political acts and statements as well as the effects of the corresponding communication or lack thereof on the people concerned. The interdisciplinary approach of the analysis makes use of scientific knowledge regarding power, language, sociology and cultural studies in order to provide deeper insights into the interaction of politics and literature. ; La política está marcada por el ejercicio del poder, cuyo efecto positivo consiste en asegurar el bienestar común. Sin embargo, el poder político conlleva el riesgo de ser utilizado con motivos no filantrópicos. El poder en sus diferentes formas se vuelve palpable y visible, por un lado, por acciones concretas, así como también por expresiones escritas y orales. De esta forma, no solamente las palabras orales o escritas tienen efecto, sino también las cosas no expresadas. La ...

The following study sets as the starting point of analysis the paradox which one can observe in contemporary Georgian public space. Religious discourse refers to Stalin as a believer and even talks of his contribution to the revival of Christianity in the Soviet Union, despite the vast historical evidence suggesting otherwise. A considerable part of the Georgian population expresses respect or sympathy towards this historical figure. In this research, it is argued that explanations stemming from memory politics, nationalism or from the attempts of turning the image of Stalin into a commodity, fail to substantially address the puzzle and shed light on the phenomenon. Hence, the following study proposes a chain of signification developed within the discourse theory as a theoretical and methodological tool for looking at these developments. The discourse on national identity with Orthodox Christianity as a nodal point explains the possibility of such an image, religious Stalin, coming into existence.

Yovanovich, H. N. M. Religion, politics and challenges of contemporary European identity / Yovanovich H. N. M. // Научный результат. Сер. Социология и управление. - 2020. - Т.6, №3.-С. 136-152. - Doi:10.18413/2408-9338-2020-6-3-0-9. - Refer.: p. 149-152. ; The modern Europe (or more precisely - the European Union) builds its ideological matrix not on the foundations of its own Christian heritage, but on the foundations of agnostic secularism and liberalism, as inaugurated by the French Revolution, which places our topic in the domain of politology of religion

This companion volume to A Survey of the Nepali People in 2017 has been designed to provide insights into the general socio-political context in which the survey was conducted. The contributors provide perspectives on a range of topics to highlight issues pertinent to the changes Nepal has experienced in recent years, particularly since the adoption of the new constitution in 2015 and the 2017 elections. These include politics at the national and local levels; women in politics; identity and inclusion; the dynamics in borderland areas; and the challenges facing the Nepali economy. The six articles in this book are expected to make a significant contribution to the literature on the early years of federal Nepal.

What can the issue of poor air quality in China's rapidly growing urban centers teach scholars about politics in contemporary China and authoritarian regimes more generally? This dissertation argues that the answer is (surprisingly) quite a bit. To this end, the dissertation makes use of a wide range of original data and novel methods to offer insights from a recent campaign to improve ambient air quality in the province-ranked municipality of Chongqing as well as recent episodes of abysmal air quality and resulting public outcry over ambient air quality monitoring and reporting standards into a number of ongoing scholarly debates. For example, do top-down accountability institutions such as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) cadre evaluation system through which leaders link the promotion of sub-national officials to quantitative indicators of their performance in office create perverse incentives for officials to manipulate these same indicators? If officials can indeed manipulate indicators, then is it possible for leaders to promote officials based upon their performance in office? Absent bottom-up accountability institutions like competitive elections and where leaders maintain substantial control over the media, who sets the public agenda and can the public agenda influence the policy agenda? The following chapters address these and related questions

Kalyal Sanayal's work on postcolonial capitalism has been influential in many strands of critical social theory. In this brief note, I investigate three key components of his argument and find them wanting. In particular, I show that the evolution of land ownership in India does not support the claim that the primitive accumulation of capital is one of the important processes in operation in contemporary India. On the contrary, the evidence suggests that the process of primitive accumulation has been arrested or significantly slowed down. In addition to the critical comments on Sanyal (2007), I indicate towards an alternative framework that is better able to explain the key features of contemporary India.

The purpose of this essay is to discuss the impacts of ethnicity in the politics of the contemporary American city. The importance of ethnicity is seen as derivative of the structure of local politics in the United States and the processes which have resulted in the establishment and maintenance of ethnic identities and communities in American cities. As such, the paper is intended to provide a context for the remaining papers in this session which focus on the recent political behavior of specific ethnic groups in particular cities.

This article discusses the politics of local Sufi group (tarekat) in Indonesia, the Shiddiqiyyah. It addresses the locality of Shiddiqiyah tarekat and its politics during New Order Indonesia and following the fall of the regime. It is argued that the Shiddiqiyah, a local tarekat with its roots in East Java and later successfully welcomes national reputation, is an example of a tarekat that utilizes nationalistic slogan to expand its influence as well as to protect the tarekat from heretic accusation. Through a series of intensive fieldwork, the article argues that the Shiddiqiyyah has successfully maintained ideological patronage to the New Order Indonesia through nationalistic slogan which has been a core value of the group. The doctrine of nationalism has been translated in Sufi and Javanese idioms and become fundamental doctrine of the Shiddiqiyyah.