Suchergebnisse

The data presented in the accompanying files were collected through the Voting Advice Application
(VAA) Choose4Greece (www.choose4greece.com), which was designed for the January and September 2015
parliamentary elections in Greece. VAAs are contemporary technological solutions that aim to lower the cost of information that citizens face during elections. They do so primarily by comparing the positions of voters to the positions of candidates or political parties on a set of relevant policy issues and informing voters
about how well their preferences match with those of the parties or candidates. This dataset contains user responses of the online survey as well as the associated positions of political parties.

How do people living in contemporary Germany react to diversification in their every-
day life? What undergirds pro-diversity perspectives among those who live in rapidly
diversifying cities? Conversely, what are their limits, and what groups are excluded? The
Diversity Assent (DivA) project was designed to understand the foundations and mechanisms underlying the acceptance of socio-demographic heterogeneity on multiple dimensions in cities located both in West and East Germany. Two core motivations underlie
the project. So far, we insufficiently understand what motivates those who oppose right-
wing positions – usually a majority among inhabitants of cities in Germany and other
Western European countries. Second, this project builds on a previous large-scale project
of the Socio-Cultural Diversity department at MPI-MMG, "Diversity and Contact". In
particular, it explores to what extent attitudes and patterns of interaction have changed, or
remained constant, in the decade from 2010 to 2020, which was a time of major ruptures
and political polarization. We designed a large telephone survey of 2,917 respondents
asking a set of interrelated questions on dispositions towards diversity, everyday experiences and diversification dynamics. This includes a set of survey experiments designed to
tap and measure social norms of tolerance.

The main goal of the project was to investigate change and persistence in the ideological structure of Switzerland, to trace back to its social and cultural causes and to interpret them from a contemporary diagnostic perspective. A multidimensional and relational view of social topologies based on Bourdieu was chosen as the theoretical approach to social differentiation. The sociographic approach was combined with theories of modernisation and value change for the dynamic consideration of change and the persistence of political and moral milieus.
As an ideal prerequisite for the reconstruction of worldviews, Switzerland has a unique resource in the form of results from federal referenda in the municipalities. The long time series of these aggregates of expressions of opinion goes back to the 19th century and offers a powerful "monitoring" of Switzerland's regional ideological differentiation and was therefore developed and used as an empirical basis.
The combination of social structure analysis, modernisation theory, coordination research and regional analysis required a transdisciplinary approach in which theoretical and methodological knowledge from sociology, political science and geography was incorporated and applied fruitfully. Qualitative and quantitative methods were used for the longitudinal analysis of the referendum results.
In the first phase, the required voting results were digitised, qualified in terms of content and subject matter, classified and integrated into a database. In the second phase, cross- section and longitudinal analyses were combined to extract ideological dimensions of conflict, named and interpreted with the help of content classification and finally modeled into a ideological topology. A reinterpretation of methods of Geographical Information Science (GIS) served both to visualize the ideological grid and to link it with conventional maps. By integrating indicator variables for social and cultural differentiation, a relationship to Bourdieu's social topology was created. In the third phase, four complex hypotheses were worked on, which make change and persistence in ideological topology explainable over the entire 130-year period. The SOTOMO project aimed to combine different theoretical traditions and methodological approaches and to develop new research strategies.

The transformation of the Bulgarian labour market from state socialism to market capitalism has had a strong impact on the school-to-work transition of young adults. Young people's passages from education to employment have become uncertain. Today, many graduates risk not gaining ground in the labour market and facing social exclusion in Bulgaria.

A large percentage of unemployed people belong to minority ethnic groups, especially the Roma whose education and job qualification levels have remained very low and Bulgarian Turks, who live predominantly in rural areas. There are indeed important regional differences in terms of successful school-to-work transitions. The educational level of the rural population continues to lag substantially in comparison to urban residents. When it comes to gender disparities, Bulgaria may serve as an international role model. It seems to achieve higher gender equality in education and employment opportunities than many other countries.

However, little is known how regional labour and educational opportunities impact ethnic and gender disparities in school-to-work transitions. The research project aims at better understanding the mechanisms behind educational (un)success and school-to-work transition in contemporary Bulgaria, including social and ethnic inequalities as well as the relatively low gender segregation of these transitions. Conceptually, the project uses one central argument to understand school-to-work transitions. It investigates the role of the Bulgarian education system in creating social, ethnic and regional disparities in school-to-work transitions by while maintaining a relatively low level of gender segregation on the labour market.

A nationally representative school-leaver survey for Bulgaria will provide detailed data about pathways that lead young women and men from different social and ethnic backgrounds along different educational tracks to different positions in the labour market. Embedded in this survey, regional case studies of three distinct Bulgarian regions (the remote North Western region, the Blagoevgrad district in the South Western region, and the metropolitan Sofia district) will be used to analyse the consequences of differing educational offers on individual school-to-work transitions. Finally, international comparative analysis of the Bulgarian survey data with Switzerland and other European countries serves to diagnose both the strengths and shortcomings of the Bulgarian transition system.

The research project will have broader implications for Bulgarian and Swiss policy makers. On the one hand, it will reveal mechanisms to produce a more integrative education system in Bulgaria, to enable smoother school-to-work transitions, and to more effectively restructure education systems in remote areas, such as in the North Western planning region. On the other hand, Swiss policy makers will be able to learn from the Bulgarian education system, which is unique in terms of producing only little gender segregation.

Der Fokus des Beitrags von Mark Spoerer liegt auf einer Schätzung der Steuereinnahmen vor dem ersten Weltkrieg in Deutschland aus 'Produktion und Importen' (vor der Revision des "System of National Accounts" (SNA): 'indirekte Steuern'). In der Arbeit wird zunächst – ausgehend von der 1993 revidierten SNA– für Deutschland eine Zuordnung der einzelnen Steuerarten zur Kategorie 'Produktions- und Importabgaben' für das späte 19. und frühe 20. Jahrhundert herzustellen. Auf der Grundlage der Klassifikation der Steuerarten nach der SNA – Definition für 'Produktions- und Importabgaben' werden für das Jahr 1913 vergleichende statistische Quellen identifiziert, die mit den Werten für 1913 aus einer Erhebung des Statistischen Reichsamts von 1930 verbunden werden können. In dem empirischen Teil des Beitrags werden für die Kategorie "Produktions- und Importsteuer" die Steuereinnahmen für den Zeitraum 1901 - 1913 des Reichs und der Länder und die Produktionssteuern der Kommunen für die sechs größten Bundesstaaten (Preußen, Bayern, Sachsen, Württemberg, Baden und Elsaß-Lothringen) ermittelt. In einer abschließenden Tabelle werden schließlich die Steuereinnahmen der Kategorie "Produktions- und Importabgaben" für ganz Deutschland zusammengefasst.
"A reconstruction of German pre-World War I economic aggregates by the incomes received approach, and possibly by the output approach as well, would lead to a problem with that already W. G. Hoffmann had to cope with. Depending on the measurement concept, the resulting aggregate series are either expressed in factor cost or in market prices. If measured accurately, the difference is 'taxes on production and on imports´ - what used to be called ´indirect taxes´ before the 1993 revision of the System of National Accounts (SNA) - minus subsidies. For neither series do we have reliable data before 1925. An estimate of production and import taxes minus subsidies would allow to compare aggregates derived from either the factor cost or the market prices concept. Aggregates in terms of factor cost should anyway be transformed to market prices which is regarded as the more meaningful concept nowadays.
Thus the focus of this article is to estimate German taxes on production and on imports minus subsidies before World War I. As will be illustrated below, this is an extremely laborious task which will lead us in the depths of early 20th century fiscal statistics which were recorded independently on all three levels of the German 'Gebietskörperschaften' (governmental units) - Reich, 26 'Länder' (states) and some 65,000 'Kommunen' (municipalities). For reasons having to do with the data available, the period under consideration is confined to 1901-13.
The next section gives a brief overview of the national accounting framework with a focus on the theoretical definition and the historical identification of production and import taxes. In the third section, the production and import tax revenues of the Reich, the 'Länder' and the 'Kommunen' are gathered from contemporary statistical sources. For the 'Kommunen', for which aggregate figures do not exist, we will look at those of the largest six 'Länder' in detail (Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Württemberg, Baden and Alsace-Lorraine). The last section summarizes the results and puts them in a larger context" (Spoerer, a. a. O., S. 162).


Datentabellen in HISTAT:
A.01 Steuereinnahmen im Deutschen Reich für das Jahr 1913: Quellen-Vergleich Gerloff - Stat. Reichsamt (1913-1913)
A.02 Produktion und Steueraufkommen, Reich und Länder, in Millionen Mark (1901-1913)
A.03 Preußen: Kommunales Steueraufkommen, in Millionen Mark (1895-1913)
A.04 Bayern: Kommunales Steueraufkommen, in Millionen Mark (1900-1913)
A.05 Sachsen: Kommunales Steueraufkommen, in Millionen Mark (1899-1913)
A.06 Württemberg: Kommunales Steueraufkommen, in Millionen Mark (1901-1913)
A.07 Baden: Kommunales Steueraufkommen, in Millionen Mark (1901-1913)
A.08 Elsaß-Lothringen Kommunales Steueraufkommen, in Millionen Mark (1899-1913)
A.09 Deutschland: Produktionssteuern und Importsteuern, in Millionen Mark (1901-1913)