The West must find new ways to cooperate with Russia now that Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev have used its energy revenues to transform the country into a resurgent power and developed an assertive policy towards the West. The Russian Federation has come back to the international arena as a resurgent superpower thanks to its oil and gas revenues and the leadership of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev. An assertive Russian superpower has adopted a tough anti-Western stance in its external security policy against both NATO's expansion towards the East and against the deployment of the US missile shield programme in Europe. The Kremlim has used energy as an instrument of power in the Ukraine and has employed military power in Georgia, and new documents, such as the 2003 Defence White Paper, the 2007 Overview of Foreign Policy, the 2008 Foreign Policy Concept and the 2009 National Security Strategy express a consistent line of thought in Putin and Medvedev's foreign and security policy. This ARI reviews the developments in Russia's foreign security policy,the continuity in the ideas and action of both Russian leaders, the challenges and opportunities of Russian-Western cooperation in Afghanistan and the energy security and military-operational issues that can be addressed through a bottom-up approach.
Iran was one of the most important partners of the West in the post-War period. In particular, the governments of the US and West Germany supported the intense political, economic, and strategic cooperation with Iran under the regime of the Shah. The Iranian Revolution of 1979 is known as a turning-point in Iran's relations to the West. This article analyzes Iran's dissociation processes from cooperation with the West and Western institutions in a long-term perspective. It argues that we cannot speak of a coherent dissociation process but of different changing forms of integration since the 1960s. While political cooperation decreased already in the 1970s, economic cooperation increased in this period. The nascent Islamic Republic also differentiated between different cases of cooperation with Western states and institutions. A clear break is figured out for institutions like the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO), while Iran acted, especially in economic relations, with a certain revolutionary pragmatism that shaped political interactions. Although the conflict between Iran and Western states was highly ideational, it did not lead to a uniform pattern of dissociation. Our comparison of Iran's post 1979 relations with the US and West Germany shows important differences.
A superficial look at Russia's current problems with terrorism and Muslim extremism may lead to the conclusion that the United States and Russia have similar views on this issue, which would therefore make them obvious partners in addressing the problems. Russian president Vladimir Putin promoted this position in the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States and renewed this claim after the Boston Marathon bombing of April 2013. However, the Kremlin's view on terrorism is different from Washington's. The history of Russian domination and abuses in the Caucasus, the chaos and poverty that followed the breakup of the Soviet Union, and the Kremlin's human rights violations in Chechnya in many ways contributed to the rise of terrorism and Muslim extremism in Russia. In addition, the Kremlin uses terrorism as an excuse for an increased crackdown on civil society and for the lack of democratization in Russia. The Barack Obama administration therefore should have no illusions about the limitations on US-Russian cooperation on terrorism.
The subject of the study is the cooperation of S. Efremov with Western Ukrainian periodicals as a page in the history of Ukrainian journalism which covers the relationship of journalists and scientists of Eastern and Western Ukraine at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. Research methods (biographical, historical, comparative, axiological, statistical, discursive) develop the comprehensive disclosure of the article. As a result of scientific research, the origins of Ukrainocentrism in the personality of S. Efremov were clarified; his person as a public figure, journalist, publisher, literary critic is multifaceted; taking into account the specifics of the memoir genre and with the involvement of the historical context, the turning points in the destiny of the author of memoirs are interpreted, revealing cooperation with Western Ukrainian magazines and newspapers. The publications 'Zoria', 'Narod', 'Pravda', 'Bukovyna', 'Dzvinok', are secretly got into sub-Russian Ukraine, became for S. Efremov a spiritual basis in understanding the specifics of the national (Ukrainian) mass media, ideas of education in culture of Ukraine at the end of XIX century, its territorial integrity, and state independence. Memoirs of S. Efremov on cooperation with the iconic Galician journals 'Notes of the Scientific Society after the name Shevchenko' and 'Literary-Scientific Bulletin', testify to an important stage in the formation of the author's worldview, the expansion of the genre boundaries of his journalism, active development as a literary critic. S. Yefremov collaborated most fruitfully and for a long time with the Literary-Scientific Bulletin, and he was impressed by the democratic position of this publication. The author's comments reveal a long-running controversy over the publication of a review of the new edition of Kobzar and thematically related discussions around his other literary criticism, in which the talent of the demanding critic was forged. S. Efremov steadfastly defended the main principles of literary criticism: objectivity and freedom of author's thought. The names of the allies of the Ukrainian idea L. Skochkovskyi, O. Lototskyi, O. Konyskyi, P. Zhytskyi, M. Hrushevskyi in S. Efremov's memoirs unfold in multifaceted portrait descriptions and function as historical and cultural facts that document the pages of the author's biography, record his activities in space and time. The results of the study give grounds to characterize S. Efremov as the first professional Ukrainian-speaking journalist.Keywords: journalism; memoirs; periodicals; Galician publications; 'Literary-Scientific Bulletin'. ; Предмет дослідження – співпраця С. Єфремова із західноукраїнськими періодичними виданнями як сторінка історії української журналістики, що висвітлює взаємозв'язки журналістів і вчених Сходу і Заходу України на рубежі ХІХ–ХХ ст. З урахуванням специфіки мемуарного жанру та із залученням історичного контексту з'ясовано витоки україноцентризму в особистості С. Єфремова; багатогранно представлено його постать як громадського діяча, журналіста, видавця, літературознавця; поінтерпретовано поворотні в долі автора спогадів віхи його біографії, що розкривають співробітництво із журналами й газетами Наддністрянщини.Ключові слова: журналістика; публіцистика; мемуари; періодика; галицькі видання; «Літературно-науковий вістник».
The article attempts at juddgement of roots of Polish crises taking the international conditioning into consideration. There are variants of forecasts for the eighties formulated, on the grounds of the observed tendencies in the aspect of evolution of social and economic system and the cooperation with the West. Two regressive "paths" are distinguished which require substantial curbing; of links with the West as well as two progressive ones implying further inflow of accumulation of outside from the West. The variant resting on the assumption of extrapolating main trends of seventies is considered by the author to be the most probable. It involves also the tendency of further structural hybridization without removing the main reasons of inefficiency of the economic system i.e. lack of correct political verification of macroeconomic decisions and lack of mechanism of optimum investment allocation and motivation system. There is also a forecasting variant presented which implies a reduction of social antagonisms by means of the national compromise providing facilities for a transition to the real national State organized according to the rules of inclusive socialism (including a society in the process of exercising political and economic power). These rules should capacitate creation of the new economic model different from the Hungarian and Yugoslavian ones, which in the opinion of the author, do not ensure a correct utilization of external and internal accumulation and are likely to induce crises. Yet, this forecasting variant (labelled the path 4) is considered by the author to be the least probable on account of the adverse structure of social powers and a lack of practical experience. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
