Suchergebnisse

Zs.-Fassung ; Summary

Corruption is a systemic inherent mechanism of the the modern capitalist economy. The forms of corruption are always ahead of the law, today dominate the different forms of "legalized corruption" (consultant contracts for politicians, rewards for the top management without performance, and similar). The global structure of corruption in different stages is shown by the examples Lockheed, Elf Aquitaine, Enron and private garbage incineration plants in German cities. The actual neoliberal globalism has generated the most advanced stage of national and global corruption in the history of capitalism. The standards are developed mainly in the United States of America. During the last decade anti-corruption-programs and laws have been elaborated. The worldwide anti-corruption organisation "Transparency International" has reached high estimation in companies und international organisations (World Bank and others) but shows the first signs of collusion. (Prokla / FUB)

Korruption ist ein Mechanismus, der dem modernen kapitalistischen System inhärent ist. Die Formen der Korruption eilen dem Recht immer ein Stück voraus - heute dominieren die verschiedenen Formen der legalisierten Korruption wie Beraterverträge für Politiker oder von Leistungen abgekoppelte Zahlungen an Spitzenmanager. Die globale Struktur der Korruption zeigt sich auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen anhand der Beispiele Lockheed, Elf Aquitaine und Enron sowie privater Müllverbrennungsanlagen in deutschen Großstädten. Die neoliberale Globalisierung hat die Korruption auf nationaler und globaler Ebene auf die Spitze getrieben. Die USA geben hier den Takt an. In den vergangenen zehn Jahren wurden Anti-Korruptions-Programme und entsprechende Gesetze ausgearbeitet. Die weltweit operierende Anti-Korruptions-Organisation Transparency International hat es bei Unternehmen und internationalen Organisationen (Weltbank u.a.) zu hohem Ansehen gebracht, zeigt jedoch erste Anzeichen dafür, dass auch sie ihre Unschuld verliert. (ICEÜbers)

It elaborates a phenomenologic systematization of corruption; a serious spiritual morbid process, whose genesis starts since the origin of humanity. Nowadays, it`s pandemic in the anethic and dehumanized society, which is ruled by antivalues. In Peru, corruption was not registered in the Tahuantinsuyo empire. It began in the Colony when the conquerors introduced it into our society; and it has continued through the Republic period until our days. It has become a serious problem to our spiritual health, with a devastating impact in every field of our social reality, until it became a factor of destabilization of the state and ungovernability. It presents a , dysfunctional psicosocial profile of Peruvians; defines corruption as a serious spiritual disturbance, in which the individual suffers of a lack of conscience of the damage caused to his fellowmen. The characteristics, etiology, phenomenology and structure are discussed. Also, the different stages of corruption, its main manifestations, the dysfunctional institutionality in its aberrant forms. The informal institutionality, and hidden institutionality, the eschatological culture has been described, the more common expressions of the language of corruption and the image of corrupted leaders. As well as the syndrome of corrupted politics, its semiology and its consequences. Finally, some reflections of this disturbance and the appropiate alternatives with the purpose of contributing in the eradication of this from the heart of the society. ; Se elabora una sistematización fenomenológica de la corrupción; grave proceso mórbido espiritual, cuya génesis se remonta a los orígenes de la humanidad. Actualmente es una pandemia en la sociedad anética y deshumanizada, regida más por los antivalores. En elPerú, la corrupción no tuvo registro en la Época del Tahuantinsuyo. Esta se inició en la Época Colonial con la presencia de los conquistadores, quienes la introdujeron en la sociedad peruana; y continuó en la Época Republicana hasta la actualidad, habiéndose convertido en un grave problema de salud espiritual, con impacto devastador en todos los campos de la realidad social, hasta convertirse en un factor de desestabilización del Estado y de ingobernabilidad. Seguidamente se presenta el perfil psicosocial disfuncional del peruaño; se formula una definición de la corrupción como un grave trastorno espiritual, en el cual el individuo carece de conciencia del daño que ocasiona a sus semejantes. Se abordan sus características, etiología, fenomenología y estructura. También, se mencionan los diversos escenarios de la corrupción, sus principales manifestaciones, la institucionalidad disfuncional en sus formas aberrantes: La institucionalidad informal y la institucionalidad oculta. Luego se describe la cultura escatológica, el lenguaje de la corrupción con las expresiones más comunes del acervo popular y la imagenología de las cúpulas dirigentes. Así como el síndrome de la corruptela política, la semiología correspondiente y las secuelas de la corrupción. Finalmente, unas reflexiones sobre este trastorno y las alternativas pertinentes con el propósito de contribuir a erradicarlo del seno de la sociedad.

von Rudolph Meyer ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Cam. 583 x

This article analyzes the continued popular support for Lula and Dilma in the face of multiple corruption allegations throughout their respective presidencies. What explains their ability to survive corruption? And what are the implications of this - at first sight - lack of electoral punishment for Brazilian democracy? In searching for answers to these questions, this article looks at four mechanisms that help explain the continued popularity of politicians amid allegations of corruption: the use of clientelism as payoffs, informational failures, the relevance of other issues, and rouba mas faz. By analyzing Lula's and Dilma's terms in office and their inopportune links to corruption, this article argues that the shifting strategies used to deal with corruption allegations effectively shifted the reputational costs of corruption away from individual political leaders and toward the Workers' Party and the political system as a whole. This finding emphasizes the mid- to long-term consequences of corruption scandals on political parties and democratic institutions, while also shedding light on the paradoxical relationship between corruption as a voting valence issue and continuing electoral support for politicians allegedly involved in corruption. (GIGA)

La crisis de salud pública causada por la pandemia de COVID-19, junto con la subsiguiente emergencia económica y la agitación social, ha empujado a los gobiernos a aumentar el gasto de manera sustancial y rápida. Debido a la naturaleza apremiante de la crisis, las normas y procedimientos de contratación pública se han relajado en muchos lugares para acelerar las transacciones. Sin embargo, esto también puede crear oportunidades para la corrupción. Utilizando información a nivel de contrato sobre el gasto público de la plataforma de compras electrónicas de Colombia, y una estrategia de identificación de diferencias en diferencias, encontramos que los municipios clasificados por un algoritmo de aprendizaje automático como tradicionalmente más propensos a la corrupción reaccionan al aumento del gasto liderado por una pandemia. utilizando una mayor proporción de contratos discrecionales no competitivos y aumentando su valor promedio. Esto es especialmente así en el caso de los contratos para adquirir bienes y servicios relacionados con la crisis. Nuestra evidencia sugiere que los grandes shocks negativos que requieren un gasto rápido y masivo pueden aumentar la corrupción, compensando al menos parcialmente los efectos atenuantes de este instrumento fiscal. ; The public health crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, coupled with the subsequent economic emergency and social turmoil, has pushed governments to substantially and swiftly increase spending. Because of the pressing nature of the crisis, public procurement rules and procedures have been relaxed in many places in order to expedite transactions. However, this may also create opportunities for corruption. Using contract-level information on public spending from Colombia's e-procurement platform, and a difference-in-differences identification strategy, we find that municipalities classified by a machine learning algorithm as traditionally more prone to corruption react to the pandemic-led spending surge by using a larger proportion of discretionary non-competitive contracts and increasing their average value. This is especially so in the case of contracts to procure crisis-related goods and services. Our evidence suggests that large negative shocks that require fast and massive spending may increase corruption, thus at least partially offsetting the mitigating effects of this fiscal instrument.

"In diesem Beitrag werden Verbreitung, Bedingungen und Folgen von Korruption in Bewerberstaaten für einen Beitritt zur Europäischen Union in doppelter Vergleichsperspektive untersucht. Die Beitrittskandidaten werden einerseits westeuropäischen EU-Mitgliedsstaaten gegenübergestellt, andererseits solchen postsozialistischen Gesellschaften, die keinen EU-Bewerberstatus haben. Bei der Erklärung der unterschiedlichen Korruptionsbelastung wird im Ost-West-Vergleich eine institutionalistische Perspektive favorisiert, die Besonderheiten der postsozialistischen Gesellschaftsformation und der Umbruchsituation als tendenziell korruptionsfördernd herausstellt. Unterschiede zwischen den Reformstaaten werden ebenfalls institutionell durch den unterschiedlichen Erfolg erklärt, eine effektive Demokratie und Marktwirtschaft aufzubauen. Weiterhin wird gezeigt, daß Korruption die Zufriedenheit der Mittel- und Osteuropäer mit der Leistungsfähigkeit der Demokratie schmälert und damit ein Hindernis für die Konsolidierung der jungen Demokratien ist." (Autorenreferat)

Two hundred years ago in Great Britain, the political system was dominated by electoral power exercised through rotten boroughs, a system characterized by institutionalized corruption - these electoral boroughs were owned by local elites, and voting was restricted to a handful of people. Whilst industrially she was the wonder of the world, the political system in Great Britain was restricted, corruption was the norm, and it seemed impossible to imagine that such an ancient system could be changed. By the time of the Reform Act of 1832 however, Britain had already been going through a process of constitutional change lasting for hundreds of years – it is only now, from our position of 20/20 hindsight, that we choose to interpret all of the events since the signing of the Magna Carta in 1215 as if it were some seamless whole, an inevitable process that would lead to the position of superior moral governance that we appear to think we are in now ; Two hundred years ago in Great Britain, the political system was dominated by electoral power exercised through rotten boroughs, a system characterized by institutionalized corruption - these electoral boroughs were owned by local elites, and voting was restricted to a handful of people. Whilst industrially she was the wonder of the world, the political system in Great Britain was restricted, corruption was the norm, and it seemed impossible to imagine that such an ancient system could be changed. By the time of the Reform Act of 1832 however, Britain had already been going through a process of constitutional change lasting for hundreds of years – it is only now, from our position of 20/20 hindsight, that we choose to interpret all of the events since the signing of the Magna Carta in 1215 as if it were some seamless whole, an inevitable process that would lead to the position of superior moral governance that we appear to think we are in now.

Seligson, M. (2003). Corrupción y democracia. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 14, 67-96. ; Uno de los problemas más serios que Ecuador ha enfrentado en los últimos años es el de la corrupción. Publicitados escándalos en el gobierno y en el sector bancario han ocupado titulares en noticias nacionales e internacionales. La corrupción en Ecuador no se ha limitado a estos sectores sino que se ha extendido a muchas áreas. Un reciente informe de la Contraloría General del Estado encontró que de 1.496 auditorías efectuadas en el año 200, en un 34% de los casos había indicios de responsabilidad penal y en 50% de los casos podía haber responsabilidad civil. La Comisión de Control Cívico de la Corrupción fue creada en 1997 para enfrentar este serio problema. Las encuestas de opinión pública no son buenos instrumentos para medir la magnitud y naturaleza de la corrupción en altas funciones puesto que tales actos son pocos en número y la mayor parte de lo que el público sabe acerca de ellos viene de los reportes de los medios de comunicación. Las encuestas, sin embargo, son mecanismos excelentes para medir la clase de corrupción que afecta a los ciudadanos en sus vidas diarias. De hecho, más adelante se demuestra que en comparación con los bien conocidos pero a menudo criticados Índices de Percepción de la Corrupción de Transparencia Internacional, las encuestas son la mejor forma de medir tal corrupción. El Proyecto de Opinión Pública Latinoamericana de la Universidad de Pittsburgh ha realizado varios estudios sobre corrupción, concentrándose en la magnitud de la corrupción experimentada por los ciudadanos, la percepción ciudadana de la honestidad o deshonestidad en varias instituciones y el impacto de la corrupción sobre la democracia. En este capítulo el interés se concentrará en Ecuador, incluyendo comparaciones con otros países cuando sea apropiado ; Corruption is one of the most serious problems Ecuador has faced in the last years. Public scandals in government and in the banking sector were placed in the headlines of national and international media. The corruption in Ecuador has also spread to other sectors of the society. A recently report found that there were 34% cases of penal responsibility and 50% cases of civil responsibility from 1.496 investigations made in 2001. The Civil Commission of Corruption Control was created in 1997 to face this serious problem. The public polls are not good instruments to measure the magnitude and nature of corruption in high functions because these acts are very few and what the public opinion know about them comes only from media reports. The public polls, however, are excellent instruments to measure the kind of corruption that affects citizens in their daily lives. In fact, as it will be proved further in this paper, public polls are the best way to measure corruption, even better than the well known and criticized International Transparency Corruption Perception Index. Pittsburgh University Latinoamerican Public Opinion Proyect has made several studies about corruption, focusing in the magnitude of corruption experienced by citizens, citizen perception of honesty / dishonesty in institutions and corruption's impact on democracy. In this work the main interest will be Ecuador, including different comparisons with other countries when necessary.