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Local police departments receive a vast number of calls annually from the healthcare sector, the education sector, the Norwegian Labour and Welfare Administration, other social service agencies, families, friends, neighbors and others, expressing concern that individuals or groups might be, or are at risk of becoming, violent extremists. The majority are unwarranted.

Yet Norway has, in recent years, experienced that extremists can inflict a great deal of damage, pain, fear and death – not just on individual victims, but on society as a whole. How can the relevant authorities intervene in time to prevent such events from occurring without compromising important democratic values? This book takes a look at how local police perceive and carry out their role in the tremendously complex and demanding field we call 'concern work' (bekymringsarbeidet).

The police face complicated dilemmas on a daily basis: What is the relationship between extreme behavior and expression, and extremist violence? Where are the boundaries between conservative and extreme forms of religion? Is there an appropriate moment for the police to confront persons who have not (yet?) broken any laws?

Concern Work. Police Prevention of Radicalization and Violent Extremism will appeal to researchers and practitioners working with prevention initiatives, and anyone interested in radicalizaion and violent extremism, as well as democracy, freedom of speech and the rule of law. - Hvert år mottar lokale politidistrikter et stort antall meldinger, fra helsevesenet, skoleverket, Nav, diverse lavterskeltilbud, pårørende, naboer eller andre, der det uttrykkes bekymring for at individer eller miljøer kan være i risiko for å være, eller bli, voldelige ekstremister. De fleste av disse utgjør ingen slik fare.

Samtidig har Norge de siste årene flere ganger erfart at ekstremister kan forårsake stor skade, smerte, frykt og død – ikke bare for noen få, men for hele samfunnet. Hvordan skal myndighetene gripe inn i tide for å forhindre at slikt skjer, uten å sette viktige demokratiske verdier i fare? Denne boken utforsker hvordan lokalt politi forstår og utfører sin del av det uhyre komplekse og krevende feltet vi kaller bekymringsarbeidet.

Politiet står i kompliserte dilemmaer i sitt daglige virke: Hva er forholdet mellom ekstreme holdninger og ytringer og ekstremistisk vold? Hvor går grensene mellom konservative og ekstreme former for religion? Når blir det riktig for politiet å intervenere overfor folk som (ennå?) ikke har begått lovbrudd?

Bekymringsarbeidet. Politiets forebygging av radikalisering og voldelig ekstremisme henvender seg til forskere og praktikere i forebyggingsfeltet, og til alle som er opptatt av radikalisering og voldelig ekstremisme, så vel som rettssikkerhet, demokrati og ytringsfrihet.

Which voices, bodies and practices have expressed critical powerlessness in the face of institutional power, and who is expressing this today? What is at play, and what is the root of this powerlessness? These questions are at the core of this book. With Michel Foucault's theory of power and powerlessness as a point of departure, the contributing authors analyze and discuss the many conflicts and tension that arise when service users and patients take (or relinquish) a particular position.

Institutions and professional practitioners have used and still use traditions, theories and methods that often weaken more than strengthen service users', patients' and clients' own volition and subjectivity. The chapters are by researchers in a variety of disciplines including theology, nursing, ethics, child welfare, disability research, history, diakonia, and social work. In the context of these fields, recognizing and emphasizing people's dignity and promoting equity are explored. But both historically and at present, research and experience show that the opposite also occurs. The ethical takes place between power, powerlessness and practice. - Hvilke stemmer, kropper og praksiser har uttrykt en kritisk motmakt til institusjonenes makt, og hvem uttrykker den i dag? Hva står på spill, og hvor er motmakten forankret? Dette er spørsmål som står i sentrum for denne boken. Med utgangspunkt i Michel Foucaults teori om makt og motmakt analyserer og drøfter forfatterne i denne boka de mange spenninger og konflikter som oppstår når tjenestebrukere og pasienter tar (eller gis) en egen posisjon.

Institusjoner og profesjonsutøvere har brukt og bruker tradisjoner, teorier og metoder som ofte mer svekker enn styrker tjenestebrukeres, pasientenes og klientens egen vilje og subjektivitet. Kapitlene kommer fra forskere innen mange fagfelt, som teologi, sykepleie, etikk, barnevern, funksjonshemmingsforskning, historie, diakoni og sosialt arbeid. I disse kunnskapsområdene handler det om å anerkjenne og å styrke menneskers verdighet og fremme rettferdighet. Men både historisk og aktuelt viser forskning og erfaring at det motsatte også skjer. Det etiske utspiller seg mellom makt, motmakt og praksis.

The article examines three processes, running parallel in time, that have contributed to the Islamization of the Chechen separatist movement. The first war in Chechnya between 1994 & 1996 resulted in the radicalization of several Chechen warlords & politicians. These individuals came to play an influential role during the interwar period & have increasingly defined the rhetoric & language of the separatists in the second war. This local impetus toward radicalism was reinforced by the attempts on the part of international Islamists to co-opt the Chechen conflict as part of their global struggle. At the same time the Russian policies on Chechnya have become increasingly hard & uncompromising, not least after the advent of the global war on terror. The article argues that these processes have contributed to marginalize the moderate players in the Chechen separatist movement & have rendered the conflict so polarized that there is little hope for peaceful resolution. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

Climate change has become one of the most pressing problems for both nature and human lives. Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) are part of a "natural solution" to climate change. Most of existing MPAs are governed by government agencies rather than private stakeholders such as NGOs, local communities and for-profit enterprises. Nevertheless, with the global push to create MPAs, the number of privately governed MPAs is expected to increase. In this context, this paper aims to investigate the role of private stakeholders in enhancing the governance effectiveness of MPAs so as to improve their capability to counter any adverse impact brought by the changing climate. After analysis, the strengths and weaknesses of the practice of each category of private stakeholders are uncovered and specific recommendations are proposed to promote the future practice. With the increasing number of privately governed MPAs in the future, this paper serves as a starting point and contributes to the literature on the study of the private governance of MPAs in the context of the changing climate.

Since Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, Northern Europe has increasingly aligned its national defence arrangements with the United States and NATO. This contrasts with the Cold War period, when Sweden and Finland were neutral, and Norway and Denmark put self-imposed restraints on their NATO memberships. Providing Northern Europe with a stable "buffer" between East and West, this so-called Nordic balance kept the United States and Soviet Union at an arm's length. Since 2014 however, Northern Europe has de facto slid from "buffer" to "springboard" for US forces. This slide may counter Russian assertiveness, but there is also reason to argue that it may increase regional tension and unpredictability. If so, this may leave the entire region with less rather than more security. Using the case of Norway, it is argued that too close an alignment with NATO may have accelerated Norway's role as a "springboard" for US forces. This is because cost-intensive reforms needed to accommodate US expectations abroad have also exacerbated critical vulnerabilities at home. Increased dependency on US forces thereby makes difficult the balance between deterrence and restraint vis-à-vis Russia.