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This article aims to show that the counterterrorist strategy pursued by the Obama administration has amplified and normalized the contested practice of targeted killing adopted by the former administration using armed drones to hunt and kill Al-Qaeda known associates. In evoking the continuum between both administrations, we put forth that the drone war is firmly established as a counterterrorism strategy with Barack Obama as commander-in-chief. We firstly retrace the origins of the use of drones in a military strategy by illustrating how targeted killings are linked to the transformation of the national security governmental regime in the wake of September 11, 2001, and the preemption doctrine. We sustain that the establishment of a regime based on the vision of the drone will allow us to emphasize how, through a vertical domination, an optical regime is able to discipline populations from afar and in conjunction with the new counterinsurgency strategy. Secondly, we explore the implementation of this new secret counterterrorism strategy in the geopolitical borderland known as 'Af-Pak' to fight Taliban and Al-Qaeda forces. Finally, we examine the use of killer drones in Af-Pak to question the necropolitical dimension of this targeted killing strategy that focuses on an optical regime of biopolitical governance. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this contribution consists in analyzing the "terrorism" through the academic and political struggles about the paradigm of the "new terrorism" since the events of 9/11. Thanks to the exploration of the real difference between "old" and "new" forms of terrorism, this research note argues the interest of a specific research design which implies multiplying levels and focus of analysis from the terrorism groups to counterterrorism actors, society and media. This approach in terms of "scene terroriste" asks in a new point of view the question of continuity of political violence since the bombing attacks of 9/11. Adapted from the source document.

The French army is entrenching itself in the sahel region since 2014, claiming a near victory over the multitude of armed groups operating in the region. The french implication relies heavily on special operation units waging a movement war against the so-called "terror groups". But what are the true natures of those groups? Such armed groups are actually far from being the archetype of international Jihadist organisations that the french government claims they are fighting. Paris Meanwhile, by fighting in those countries is actually entrenching itself geographically for its own geopolitical gains rather than pursuing humanistic goals. By supporting unrepresentative governments and relying on heavy military presence in the Sahel, the French governemnt is actually helping recruitment among those armed groups and is uncontiously helping their creations.

Far from being opposites, 'terrorism 'and 'antiterrorism 'are on the contrary both reflections of anew distribution of violence and represent the privileged site of profound transformations of political modernity. This is the lesson that is to be drawn from the archeo-genealogical research that has been carried out in regards to the fight against terrorism as it has been implemented in (and by) the United States over the past fifty years. From this perspective, the terrorism/antiterrorism pair appears to be the disparate and radically heterogenous site of the advent of a renewed government technology: traceability. The present article offers a detailed examination of the twofold transformation - that of the modern state's security architecture and of the Schmittian figure of the enemy - set in motion by this renewal in the art of governing. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; This paper aims to demonstrate the central position of the Law as one of the important paradigm of legitimization and/or resistance to the monopoly of the use of violence following the events of 9/11. Through the problematic of international norms and their power of justification, we focus on the different political and judicial mobilizations that constitute the basis of the new counterterrorism procedures in Europe and North America. We also investigate the constitutional ramifications of counterterrorism policies in democracies and the judicial abuses in the prosecution of the "war on terror" by analyzing the transnational transmission of norms and the nexus between technology, risk and human rights. The understanding of these mechanisms which define new legislations and practices gives meaning to the relationship between Law, violence and State since 2001. ; Cet article entend montrer la manière dont le droit s'est imposé dans la période post 11 septembre 2001 comme l'un des principaux cadres de légitimation et/ou de résistance à l'exercice de la violence étatique. Intéressant de manière directe les réflexions relatives aux enjeux de la justification de la violence en termes de normes internationales, cette contribution se propose d'analyser les dynamiques de fabrication du droit pénal grâce à l'étude des mobilisations politiques et juridiques à l'origine de la formulation des procédures judiciaires antiterroristes adoptées en Europe et en Amérique du Nord depuis 2001.

International audience ; This paper aims to demonstrate the central position of the Law as one of the important paradigm of legitimization and/or resistance to the monopoly of the use of violence following the events of 9/11. Through the problematic of international norms and their power of justification, we focus on the different political and judicial mobilizations that constitute the basis of the new counterterrorism procedures in Europe and North America. We also investigate the constitutional ramifications of counterterrorism policies in democracies and the judicial abuses in the prosecution of the "war on terror" by analyzing the transnational transmission of norms and the nexus between technology, risk and human rights. The understanding of these mechanisms which define new legislations and practices gives meaning to the relationship between Law, violence and State since 2001. ; Cet article entend montrer la manière dont le droit s'est imposé dans la période post 11 septembre 2001 comme l'un des principaux cadres de légitimation et/ou de résistance à l'exercice de la violence étatique. Intéressant de manière directe les réflexions relatives aux enjeux de la justification de la violence en termes de normes internationales, cette contribution se propose d'analyser les dynamiques de fabrication du droit pénal grâce à l'étude des mobilisations politiques et juridiques à l'origine de la formulation des procédures judiciaires antiterroristes adoptées en Europe et en Amérique du Nord depuis 2001.

Fighting terrorism is a complex task, not limited to military options. It also concerns State-building, nationalism and inclusive sustainable development. The roots of underlying conflicts were already laid during colonialism, the slave trade, plundering of resources and arbitrary border establishment. The battle cannot be won by occupation nor by internal efforts of the countries affected alone, particularly not when terrorist enjoy secret support from parts of the army and the country's political elite. There are outside sources fomenting violent conflict by close cooperation between transnational crime and terrorist networks. Money laundering and financing of terrorism in global financial systems are part and parcel of the problem. Also many activists and combatants are not just driven by religious fanaticism and ideological zeal. Revenge, mere survival and local strives between conflicting groups often play a decisive role too. Ill- and ungoverned spaces favour warlordism, both of radical jihadist and non-religious terrorist movements, driven by localism and informal networks. The military response of some governments and security services degenerated into inadequate state counterterrorism with no regard for local populations. It resulted in challenges for the rule of law and human rights in these countries. Although trans-national military counterinsurgency among ECOWAS governments improved, it remained hampered by the divide between Anglophone and Francophone countries and the vested interest of former colonial rulers France and Great Britain. By now, terrorists also effectively use cyberspace and social media to create fear and spread their violent ideologies. The interactions between crime and terror in West Africa will continue in the foreseeable future. It may even increase, considering the devastating effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and famines caused by failing cereal imports as result of the Russian war in Ukraine. The effects on the social structure are considerable, including the population's dwindling trust in the state administration and the villagers' willingness to side with the terrorists. The fight of terrorism demands viable long-term solutions that take into account the linkages between counterterrorism, the rule of law and human rights and socio-economic development.

International audience ; In recent years, the threatening state of endemic instability in the Sahel-Sahara belt has posed a real security problem for the countries in the region. Due to structural vulnerabilities and a lack of common policies, the state actors in the region have been hard pressed to produce sufficient defense and security to combat the geopolitical uncertainties that are destabilizing the Sahel. These deteriorated security conditions pushed France to reorganize its regional strategy and military presence under the new counterterrorism operation "Barkhane" in order to develop an updated conceptual and organizational framework for security in the Sahel ; La bande sahélo-saharienne (BSS) a développé ces dernières années une situation de menace et d'instabilité endémique qui pose de véritables problèmes de sécurité pour les Etats de la région. Bien en peine de produire un niveau de défense et de sécurité à la mesure des incertitudes géopolitiques qui déstabilisent le Sahel africain, les acteurs étatiques de la région, en raison des vulnérabilités structurelles et l'absence de politique commune de sécurité et de défense qui le caractérise, n'arrivent plus à assurer leur sécurité. Dans ce contexte sécuritaire dégradé, la nécessité de mettre en place un cadre rénové aussi bien du point de vue conceptuel qu'organisationnel a conduit la France à procéder à une réorganisation stratégique de sa présence militaire dans la bande sahélo-saharienne qui a abouti à la mise sur pied de l'opération antiterroriste « Barkhane » pour la sécurisation du Sahel

International audience ; In recent years, the threatening state of endemic instability in the Sahel-Sahara belt has posed a real security problem for the countries in the region. Due to structural vulnerabilities and a lack of common policies, the state actors in the region have been hard pressed to produce sufficient defense and security to combat the geopolitical uncertainties that are destabilizing the Sahel. These deteriorated security conditions pushed France to reorganize its regional strategy and military presence under the new counterterrorism operation "Barkhane" in order to develop an updated conceptual and organizational framework for security in the Sahel ; La bande sahélo-saharienne (BSS) a développé ces dernières années une situation de menace et d'instabilité endémique qui pose de véritables problèmes de sécurité pour les Etats de la région. Bien en peine de produire un niveau de défense et de sécurité à la mesure des incertitudes géopolitiques qui déstabilisent le Sahel africain, les acteurs étatiques de la région, en raison des vulnérabilités structurelles et l'absence de politique commune de sécurité et de défense qui le caractérise, n'arrivent plus à assurer leur sécurité. Dans ce contexte sécuritaire dégradé, la nécessité de mettre en place un cadre rénové aussi bien du point de vue conceptuel qu'organisationnel a conduit la France à procéder à une réorganisation stratégique de sa présence militaire dans la bande sahélo-saharienne qui a abouti à la mise sur pied de l'opération antiterroriste « Barkhane » pour la sécurisation du Sahel

International audience ; In recent years, the threatening state of endemic instability in the Sahel-Sahara belt has posed a real security problem for the countries in the region. Due to structural vulnerabilities and a lack of common policies, the state actors in the region have been hard pressed to produce sufficient defense and security to combat the geopolitical uncertainties that are destabilizing the Sahel. These deteriorated security conditions pushed France to reorganize its regional strategy and military presence under the new counterterrorism operation "Barkhane" in order to develop an updated conceptual and organizational framework for security in the Sahel ; La bande sahélo-saharienne (BSS) a développé ces dernières années une situation de menace et d'instabilité endémique qui pose de véritables problèmes de sécurité pour les Etats de la région. Bien en peine de produire un niveau de défense et de sécurité à la mesure des incertitudes géopolitiques qui déstabilisent le Sahel africain, les acteurs étatiques de la région, en raison des vulnérabilités structurelles et l'absence de politique commune de sécurité et de défense qui le caractérise, n'arrivent plus à assurer leur sécurité. Dans ce contexte sécuritaire dégradé, la nécessité de mettre en place un cadre rénové aussi bien du point de vue conceptuel qu'organisationnel a conduit la France à procéder à une réorganisation stratégique de sa présence militaire dans la bande sahélo-saharienne qui a abouti à la mise sur pied de l'opération antiterroriste « Barkhane » pour la sécurisation du Sahel

International audience ; The aim of this contribution consists in analyzing the "terrorism" through the academic and political struggles about the paradigm of the "new terrorism" since the events of 9/11. Thanks to the exploration of the real difference between "old" and "new" forms of terrorism, this article argues the interest of a specific research design which implies multiplying levels and focus of analysis from the terrorism groups to counterterrorism actors, society and media. This approach in terms of "scène terroriste" asks in a new point of view the question of continuity of political violence since the bombing attacks of 9/11. ; Cette note de recherche se propose d'interroger le fait terroriste à travers une étude du paradigme faisant du terrorisme post 11 septembre 2001 un phénomène " nouveau ". L'intérêt de cette contribution est d'examiner précisément la validité de ces études tout en dégageant une approche singulière du terrorisme en tant qu'objet de recherche. Grâce à l'élargissement de la focale d'analyse à un ensemble hétérogène d'acteurs (pouvoir politiques et de sécurité, médias, opinions publiques), nous proposons une lecture en termes de " scène terroriste ". Ne pas se centrer exclusivement sur l'étude des groupes revendiquant la violence politique offre la possibilité de poser de manière renouvelée la question de la nouveauté du terrorisme post-11septembre comme phénomène politique à part entière.

International audience ; The aim of this contribution consists in analyzing the "terrorism" through the academic and political struggles about the paradigm of the "new terrorism" since the events of 9/11. Thanks to the exploration of the real difference between "old" and "new" forms of terrorism, this article argues the interest of a specific research design which implies multiplying levels and focus of analysis from the terrorism groups to counterterrorism actors, society and media. This approach in terms of "scène terroriste" asks in a new point of view the question of continuity of political violence since the bombing attacks of 9/11. ; Cette note de recherche se propose d'interroger le fait terroriste à travers une étude du paradigme faisant du terrorisme post 11 septembre 2001 un phénomène " nouveau ". L'intérêt de cette contribution est d'examiner précisément la validité de ces études tout en dégageant une approche singulière du terrorisme en tant qu'objet de recherche. Grâce à l'élargissement de la focale d'analyse à un ensemble hétérogène d'acteurs (pouvoir politiques et de sécurité, médias, opinions publiques), nous proposons une lecture en termes de " scène terroriste ". Ne pas se centrer exclusivement sur l'étude des groupes revendiquant la violence politique offre la possibilité de poser de manière renouvelée la question de la nouveauté du terrorisme post-11septembre comme phénomène politique à part entière.

Genre et fondamentalismes en Afrique: une introduction /Fatou Sow --Religion, culture et politique : relire les fondamentalismes /Fatou Sow --Fundamentalism and the challenge to women's human rights /Karima Bennoune --Genre et défis des fondamentalismes en Afrique /Fatou Sow --Genre et fondamentalismes culturels et religieux en Afrique /Albertine Tshibilondi Ngoyi --Évolution des rôles sans évolution du statut : souffrance et stratégies insoupçonnées des femmes de la banlieue dakaroise /Rosalie Macchia-Samba --"Femmes soyez soumises" : perception et limite de l'application des mesures de lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes en milieu conjugal en République démocratique du Congo /Francine Shako Obonga --Des figures féminines "scandaleuses" au Sénégal : une tension entre subjectivation transgressive et conformisme aux valeurs culturelles fondamentales /Awa Diop --Sexualité et procréation des femmes atteintes du VIH/SIDA à Yaoundé : entre fondamentalismes et discours médical /Moustapha Moncher Nsangou Mbouemboue --L'impasse sur les droits sexuels dans la lutte des féministes sénégalaises pour la pénalisation des mutilations génitales féminines au Sénégal : autocensure ou césure stratégique ? /Maïmouna Ndoye --Homosexuality and religious fundamentalism in the Ghanaian Mediascape: clashes between an "un-Godly'' concept and lived practices /Karine Geoffrion --Les femmes au sein de l'Église kimbanguiste /Camille Welepele Elatre --Émergence des femmes dans "les Églises dites de réveil" à Yaoundé (Cameroun) /Érick Zackarie Endémé Tsamenyé --Cultural fundamentalism and gender disparity /Chidiebere Onwutuebe --Understanding women's participation in politics and decision-making: the case of Namibia's 2009 elections /Michael Conteh --Women and politics in postcolonial Swaziland through the prism of the Kwetfula-Marula ceremony /Hellen Promise Mhlanga --Terrorism and counterterrorism in eastern Africa: concerns for Muslim women in Kenya /Alfred Anangwe.

Russia and China challenge the liberal order and rule of law on a global and regional level. The Trump administration has facilitated the support of the move away from the liberal international order and the "Westphalian" system of states that America had defended for centuries. Extremism is thriving around the world, including in sub-Saharan Africa, fuelled by the aftermath of colonialism, poverty and Islamist ideologies. Regions with limited statehood became failed states where violent conflicts threatened regional security and stability. Russia benefited from the resulting power vacuum. Moscow focused on countries that were formerly French and Portuguese colonies, which Moscow believed are easier to infiltrate. Under these conditions, Putin is free to exploit the political and social contradictions in Africa and destabilize the Western order, even at the risk of the rise of Islamic terrorism. Terrorist criminal pipelines and corrupt states have been exploited by Russian arms dealers across Africa for decades. These included notorious support for the Taylor regime in Liberia in the early 2000s, including the infamous Russian arms dealer Viktor Bout, dubbed the 'merchant of death'. The cooperation was based on state control of ports of entry and exit for criminal organizations to safeguard profit-sharing, diplomatic passports, including associated immunity, and the rule of law, which ensured the smooth marketing of these companies. Today, Russia benefits primarily from providing "security" to autocratic leaders, including arms sales, advice and training in counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations against Islamic terrorism in exchange for access to African resources and markets. Aside from Al-Quida, the Islamic State (ISIS), Boko Haram other local Islamic organizations are fuelling terrorism in SSA. Moscow is particularly interested in the Horn of Africa to control important trade routes of global importance.