Suchergebnisse

Le putsch de juillet 2016 a été un vrai traumatisme, mais aussi l'occasion pour le régime d'aggraver la répression interne, et de tenter de faire passer son projet de réforme constitutionnelle. Celui-ci instaure un président disposant de tous les pouvoirs, sans réel contrôle. La radicalisation de l'AKP a des conséquences politiques internes, mais aussi économiques et diplomatiques, en particulier quant à la posture du pays vis-à-vis de l'Union européenne.

The article discusses the relationship between the concepts of "legal security" and "coup d'état" on the basis of the evolution of these concepts over the centuries. The analysis of the terms which the author is interested in, adopted as the subject of this study, leads to the conclusion that, in particular, the concept of "coup d'état" is often mistakenly refereed to as a "revolution" or a "putsch". A political upheaval, one of the methods of which is a coup d' état, should be regarded, in the light of the research carried out, as deviating from the concept and character of a social up-heaval. In the case of a political upheaval, the legal security of the individual is usu-ally protected as before, and a possible lack of such security should only be treated as a result of the natural tendency of the individual to protect his or her legal status within a state organisation. It is only with changes of social (class) character, which may be an indirect consequence of a political upheaval, that the addresses of legal norms may have justified concerns about their legal safety. ; The article discusses the relationship between the concepts of "legal security" and "coup d'état" on the basis of the evolution of these concepts over the centuries. The analysis of the terms which the author is interested in, adopted as the subject of this study, leads to the conclusion that, in particular, the concept of "coup d'état" is often mistakenly refereed to as a "revolution" or a "putsch". A political upheaval, one of the methods of which is a coup d' état, should be regarded, in the light of the research carried out, as deviating from the concept and character of a social up-heaval. In the case of a political upheaval, the legal security of the individual is usu-ally protected as before, and a possible lack of such security should only be treated as a result of the natural tendency of the individual to protect his or her legal status within a state organisation. It is only with changes of social (class) character, which may be an indirect consequence of a political upheaval, that the addresses of legal norms may have justified concerns about their legal safety.

I explore the comparative vulnerability of regimes to a coup d'état using a game‐theoretic model. Analysis centers on leaders of groups capable of intervening at the time of a coup. I prove the existence of an equilibrium in which a coup is attempted without restrictions on current government policy, the breadth of participation in politics, or the relative size of the conspiracy. Comparative statics results concerning the willingness of plotters to stage a coup and other leaders to join a coup once under way are established. Differences in comparative regime vulnerability stem from differences in the amount of organization required to attempt a coup.

Résumé Le rôle joué par Lucien Bonaparte, frère cadet de Napoléon, dans la prise de pouvoir que ce dernier effectue au lendemain du coup d'état de Brumaire, a été essentiel. Engagé aux côtés de Sieyès dans la préparation du complot visant à modifier la constitution pour renforcer le pouvoir exécutif, Lucien tient un poste clef au Conseil des Cinq Cents dont il devient président le 23 octobre 1799, soit une semaine après l'arrivée à Paris de son frère. Certes, il bénéficie de l'aura du jeune général, mais cette élection démontre aussi l'autorité qu'il a conquise sur ses collègues malgré son jeune âge – il a 24 ans. Cette autorité le sert lors du coup d'état. C'est en effet son sang froid qui évite à Napoléon une mise en accusation ; c'est aussi son intervention auprès des troupes qui permet de justifier l'intervention militaire. En cela son action a été décisive, source des mécomptes à venir entre lui-même et son frère.

Résumé En décembre 1887, comme en avril 1888 puis en janvier 1889, entouré d'une foule de partisans, le Général Boulanger a la possibilité matérielle de prendre le pouvoir par la force. Pour ses adversaires républicains, la crainte d'un coup d'État n'est pas seulement rhétorique ; elle alimente le fantasme du complot, qui, instrumentalisé, aboutit à l'exil de Boulanger puis à sa condamnation par la Haute Cour en août 1889. Ses déclarations et son comportement, strictement légalistes, n'ont pas suffi à dissiper le soupçon. La tradition nationaliste explique le choix de Boulanger par le manque de courage ; à lire ce dernier, il semble plutôt qu'il n'en avait pas le goût.

Since the 2009 coup d'état, Honduras' energy sector has experienced radical changes. The Honduran electricity market was liberalized, and electricity distribution was granted. The installation of photovoltaic projects in the country's electricity grid was stimulated via incentives and increased investment in renewable energy projects. Additionally, the Energy Secretary was recently created by decree, but the sector still suffers from scattered, biased legislation, and institutional weakness. An important new issue related mainly to the high investment in renewables in isolated areas is the social effect, leading to social unrest, because many of the areas where these projects are being carried out are inhabited by indigenous communities. Moreover, the effects of climate change have not been included in studies on the nation's energy policy. This article analyzes the most‐relevant factors that should be included in an update of Honduras' energy policy, considering a post‐coup reality. The Long Energy Alternatives Planning software is used to model energy scenarios.