Part two of an interview with Julia Casey. Topics include: Food that was purchased and prepared when Julia was growing up. Formalities between the Italians in her neighborhood. How the children would play. The Roxbury neighborhood house that started a girls club and the types of activities they participated in. The nurses and doctors who would visit the neighborhood. Home remedies for sickness. How Julia and her husband met. How their marriage was received by their families. What it means to be Italian. Julia did not grow up in a religious community. What it was like to move to Fitchburg from Boston. The different expectations of boys and girls in Julia's family. Julia's children and their jobs. How speaking proper Italian has benefited Julia. ; 1 JULIA: In, in these little -- I mean, they still have the same candleholders. I've got them on my dining room table, but, but they didn't have -- I don't remember the candles. I remember these little wicks. I'm gonna ask my friend about that. And they would float on top, and you would think it would be kind of dangerous, wouldn't you? But I still remember these little candles they would keep bringing. Now, that was one of the customs, but they have special foods on the 19th of March. It was I think the Feast of St. Joseph, if I'm not mistaken. INTERVIEWER: Yeah, it is. Mm-hmm. JULIA: And the lady across the street would make that little Italian pasta they called orzo, and I think it was a type of barley. They would make the actual grain itself and the orzo pasta, O-R-Z-O—you can buy it in any market today—it was shaped like that. But they would make a dish from, I think, I think it might've been barley, and they made that on the Feast of St. Joseph. That was the custom where they came from. INTERVIEWER: Did they also make -- I don't remember what it's called -- but fried dough, little pizzas? JULIA: No, that was not, not common. I didn't know any -- no, and we didn't eat pizza, not like they do today. I know that my father, there was a barroom about a mile away from us, an Italian barroom in another Italian section, and that then made pizzas. And very, very seldom did I ever know of anyone who made pizza. You know, one of the ways that they did was they used to dip bread in tomato sauce, which is all pizza is, but I never actually knew families who made pizza. That didn't come into fashion until long after the war. INTERVIEWER: So living with all of these different people, no one really made pizzas? JULIA: No, no one made pizza that I knew of, you know.2 INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: And nobody made lasagna. And raviolis, very seldom did anybody make raviolis. Why, I remember that in the [Piedmontese] family they would make these very fine Italian sausages with white wine, you know. Some of them made bread, but it was a problem because the bread man from the Italian, the big Italian bakeries in Boston, would come through the street. We -- they went out shopping but they went out mostly to buy different kinds of meat and specialties. But we had food then, clocks with fresh food, fish. The chicken man came, vegetable man came through the streets, and the women would just buy what they needed right on the street. On Saturdays they'd go shop; everybody went out with bags. They'd go into downtown Boston and buy special things that they, you know, couldn't get, but for the most part they went shopping once a week. They would go to their special stores to buy, you know, different kinds of spaghetti and pasta. They used to buy them in big boxes, some of the families, 10, 20-pound boxes of fine -- long, long spaghetti. And they didn't have the varieties that they have now, you know, but I mean, if they wanted salamis they'd have to go to the Italian delicatessens where they sold the different kinds of salami and everybody ate different kinds, you know. My father would go in and bring home these packages. The markets -- we went to the -- in the north, and with Petrini and Baldini, and they would slice the salami paper-thin and they'd weigh it out on gorgeous pieces of wax paper in beautiful, even rolls, every kind all rolled up. You know, he'd bring them home and we'd go crazy. Italian bread and salami, those are our idea of living, prosciutto, you know, salame crudo, salame cotto, [unintelligible - 00:05:11]. And they used to make -- my mother made lintels with a special, big liver sausage and other kinds of, 3 you know, pork sausage, and that was a dish that they had once in a while. So the food was very -- it was, whatever house you went into there was a different tradition. Every region had different… INTERVIEWER: Was there a lot of sharing? JULIA: No. I wouldn't say that, no. There was -- they maintained, really, a great deal of respect and formality. You know my mother lived with these families, 13, 18, 20 years, she would never think of going downstairs without, you know, knocking on the door and saying permesso when someone answered. You always said permesso before you entered. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: She -- and they referred to each other as signora. They didn't call each other by their first names for many, many, many years, you know. INTERVIEWER: Even with the… JULIA: Unless they were said, unless you were told, you know, "Call me Angelina," "Call me Celestina." They knew the first names, but they really observed quite a formality. INTERVIEWER: Is that among people even in the same region, from…? JULIA: No, if they were from the same region, you know, then they would call each other that, that way. But from another area, until they got to really know each other, quite a while, you know. They -- some of the southern Italians worked in stitching shops. We had a family who had a pants -- he was in manufactured pants, and various of his women relatives and men relatives were in downtown Boston, you know. Most of them did well; they were frugal people. Their children bought automobiles, very few of the originals, you know, immigrants, bought any. So we had a kind of a clear street for playing. That's why we were able to play jump rope and hoist the 4 green sail and red rover and hide and seek. We played all these games on the street. The girls who were a little bit older than we were, they'd come out of the laundries, and if we'd be playing double-dutch jump rope, they'd come and swing -- we're talking long clotheslines -- swinging long clotheslines in the street, double-dutch, you know. Now, I think only the black girls do it, very complicated. INTERVIEWER: Yeah, the cities. I think it's popular in the cities still. JULIA: Yeah. Well, now you have too many cars. You don't have any clear spaces to play things like that. The boys made -- what do they call them, I don't know, scooters out of roller skates of two by fours on orange crates [laughter] and go whizzing along the street with these homemade things, you know. INTERVIEWER: Did the girls ever do that? Do they ever borrow these scooters? JULIA: No, we were, we were not tomboys. As I said, our mothers kept an eye on us, and they would play stickball, the boys. We would play catch, among the girls. But -- and we belonged to a settlement house, a bunch of us did, and they took us to camp… INTERVIEWER: Was there any…? JULIA: In fact, I still have a picture of a group of us. INTERVIEWER: The settlement house, was there any…? JULIA: The Roxbury neighborhood house on Albany Street, which was there for, maybe, 50, 75 years. Its special work was to help the immigrants integrate into American ways of society, and they provided clubs. Somebody came to our street and started up a library, a girls' club, and as a result of that group -- and it was one of the Boston's Brahm-, a woman from the Boston Brahmin family who, you know, belonged to -- this was their way of doing social work, women that were brought up very well-educated in the Back Bay or Beacon Hill area of Boston, belonged to these old families 5 whose, many of whose ancestors had made their money on merchant ships, you know. And that was one of the works that they did. And they take to our street, and the street next to ours, and they started a girls' club. They would bring books, and we learned to do a little crafts, knitting, and then eventually, we joined the neighborhood house and they had a camp in Bennington, New Hampshire, to which we went, and they would take us to wealthy homes for once a year, say, for picnics out in the country. And then at the neighborhood house, we put on plays. I remember one time we went to Simmons College, and a group of us put on a play, Little Lord Fauntleroy. One of us had a green velvet costume, put it on for the students, and then we danced, and we talked about different things. And as I said, we did some crafts and they encouraged whatever they saw, for instance, they -- I liked classical music. I don't know why because, you know, I mean, in that generation very few people had pianos—but they did have phonographs, you know. We didn't. But somehow I was attracted to classical music and I was able to get tickets to the youth concerts at Symphony Hall through the neighborhood house. And it was wonderful, you know. In fact, the girls that grew up after us did the same thing. They belonged to the neighborhood house and had their own little group. INTERVIEWER: Now, is this a place that really catered to the Italians? JULIA: No, it catered to -- Roxbury was sort of in the area, there were a lot of Italians there, but it didn't cater to them especially. There were people, you know, from other groups and this -- the odd part was that our neighborhood was not connected to any other neighborhood. It was isolated; that's what made it so close. Many of the young people that grew up there married each other. That's one of the reasons that the families maintained contacts, you know. 6 A number of people that I knew married other people from the neighborhood, and so from one, you would hear the news of what's going on with others even though they lived in faraway suburbs through those family connections. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: But we didn't interact with other Italian neighborhoods at all. We had this industrial area that we had a big playground that the kids on my street didn't use very well, and it was right next to our elementary school. But our families would never let us go to these industrial areas in the afternoon or night; that's why we were confined to our streets. INTERVIEWER: And that's where you'd play. JULIA: Right. INTERVIEWER: So when you were part of the Roxbury neighborhood house, was that your first exposure, really, to other ethnic groups? JULIA: But we stayed together; the girls from my street stayed together in their own group, and we did not interact unless we were -- and we put on our own little plays. Oh, we put on a supper one night for the staff of the neighborhood house, the head of it. Dear God, what was her name? Her brother was a very, a world-famous Shakespearean actor. I can still see him now—tall and thin, with great refinement. These women were all college graduates. Some of them had gone to the Simmons School of Social Work. At that time that was a very important area of study. You know, at the house in Chicago, these women became -- well, it was called social workers but not the same way as they do in the Welfare Department. This was real social work. And the house was an offshoot of the settlement house movement that started with our house in Chicago. They had them all over the east, eastern part of the country, you know, so they'd seen all 7 different kinds of ethnic groups. But they were very refined women. They taught piano, they taught music, and they had a library. They got college girls to come in and help tutor students who wanted to be tutored. They provided many services. They went out into the neighborhoods. And they, along with our elementary school nurse, provided wonderful medical services for those neighborhoods. My sister, who was born two years after I was—I said she was my brother's twin—was very seriously brain-damaged, and the result of that was that, you know, my mother's life was pretty terrible for the -- until she died, she was a serious epileptic, at ten. INTERVIEWER: She was epileptic until she was ten? Is that it? JULIA: She died when she was eleven. INTERVIEWER: Old enough. JULIA: At the age of ten, when she was about ten or eleven, my mother found herself pregnant with my youngest sister. And the visiting nurses used to come to the street, whom I think, it might've been through the Metropolitan Insurance Company. They would come in their blue uniforms, and they would visit all these Italian women who had any need for any kind of medical service. If one of them was pregnant, she came and spoke to you and advised you how to take care of yourself. She did the prenatal work. You didn't go to the hospital or a doctor if she advised you, but she did notify the hospital of when the birth was expected. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: But she gave you, you know, information on good health and hygiene and what you needed to eat. Because the Italian women, they were naturals at this, except my mother, who had grown up in a family that was extremely reserved and she knew absolutely nothing when she came. You know, they didn't -- you grew up in Italian families in rural areas, then you, knew because they taught. 8 And, in fact, my mother even had a midwife, one of them had midwives who were… they were trained in folk medicine, you know. They weren't like the [unintelligible - 00:18:09]. That was why some of the births were pretty bad. INTERVIEWER: Oh. JULIA: But anyway, they would help each other by, you know, in that way, but they -- the visiting nurses and the school nurse. The school nurse, if she detected a problem with any student in the school, either from information by the teachers or -- we also had physical examinations, and doctors would come in once a year, and physically examine every child. She detected vision problems. If they detected anything, like they would catch phases of diabetes, they would catch all kinds of problems. The visiting nurse would immediately visit that child's family, and she would make the arrangements to have the child sent for examinations at Boston City Mass General, wherever there was specialists for whatever they saw, you went. Once a year you brought five cents, a bus would pull up to the school in relays, and everybody went to the dentist in Forsyth Clinic. For five cents, they did pulling and filling, and this is where the dentists were trained, so the student dentists would take care of you. INTERVIEWER: Do you feel that the settlement house then had changed your life in any way? JULIA: Oh, definitely. You know what? It performed wonderful services. In the first place it taught us, it taught -- besides the playing that we did on the street, it brought us into a little bit more of the American way, you know. It brought a little more cohesion, and we learned to do things that we couldn't have learned on our own. Although, on our street they used to put on, like, shows, so we'd dance in -- strictly amateur, and one of the mothers made crepe 9 paper costumes. She could run them up so rapidly, I could still remember this purple crepe dress that was [laughter] with ruffles and a [unintelligible - 00:20:43] here, a ruffles on the skirt, and I still keep in touch with her daughter. INTERVIEWER: Wow. JULIA: They were clever. This lady would go into the stores and see something in the window, a dress. And she'd fix it in her mind and come home and cut out a pattern out of newspapers from what she remembered, and she would produce dresses for her daughters. INTERVIEWER: So it exposed you more to an American way of life? JULIA: Yeah, it did. And you know, besides our old school teachers, they spoke beautiful English. INTERVIEWER: Were you going to school with mostly Italians? JULIA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Only Italians, or…? JULIA: Well, I would say a lot. The Irish had more or less moved away from that section of Roxbury, even though our parish church was St. Patrick, and the Irish had moved well up beyond Dudley Street because they were by that time much more affluent. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. But it sounds like the neighborhood that you grew up in was so harmonious. JULIA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Did you ever feel any sense of conflict when you went to school or outside the confines of the neighborhood? JULIA: We did. We felt that, so there must've been a lot of what we used to refer to as American kids, who are probably mostly Irish descent. But we didn't have very -- we had hardly anything to do with them at all. There was one Irish family, the Kellys, and they went to parochial school, but actually they married into the Italian community. And that was the only Irish family I knew. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm.10 JULIA: My father had a few Irish tenants who we didn't think too much of. Going to the Depression they would never pay their rents, you know, but then… INTERVIEWER: In that six-family house that your father owned, were there other relatives living in the house? JULIA: No. INTERVIEWER: No? JULIA: No. There were, you know, strange people who came. And during the Depression men sold wine, you know. In fact, even during Prohibition some of them did. We would find taxis coming into the street, and I don't know how people got, you know, the names of people who would sell the wine but if you had no money, or very little money, you made money any way you could, you know. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: So. INTERVIEWER: So what about the other families from different regions? Would you call them by regions? JULIA: They were very -- they were, yeah. INTERVIEWER: I heard… JULIA: Calabrese, Baresi, Sicilian, yeah. INTERVIEWER: But when you referred to them I heard you just mentioned a little while ago that… JULIA: Yeah, Piedmontese. We had about four or five Piedmontese family. And of course, their dialect was even different. And that's next to Lombardi, but see, their dialect takes from the [unintelligible - 00:23:56]. INTERVIEWER: Oh, I see. JULIA: Right. INTERVIEWER: And where does yours? JULIA: More, you know, we -- down to the east of Lombardi is the Venetian province, and then you go up into the Tyrol, which today 11 is bordered by Austria. So the northern Italians, they don't put final vowels on their words. They chop it off, you know. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. So I was -- I've been noticing your pretty green eyes. Where did you get those? JULIA: All Italians have their, you know, you'll -- there's a brown-eyed type, but you can find green-eyed Italians in Sicily. INTERVIEWER: Really? JULIA: Oh, yes. Hazel, you know. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: Grey from my mother and father. They didn't have brown eyes. Nobody in my family had brown eyes. INTERVIEWER: Hmm. Wandering in your neighborhood, was there a woman that people would go to for advice, or…? JULIA: On the next street there was a lady who apparently had been, you know -- there were many ways to educate people, have always have been. And some people were very wise. She was in America a lot longer than the other women. She had a big family with grown, with grown-up sons, so she was -- and she came from a family where she was told a great many things and learned many things. So yes, there were some women who knew about things, but since they all came from different regions they all knew their own customs, and they had different ways of treating, you know, headaches, or -- I remember my grandmother used to slice potatoes and put them inside wrapped, fold them into a cloth, and when somebody had a headache, my aunt did that, too. They would put these sacks of potatoes in this cloth; they would just tie the cloth and bath with them. I don't know why. They used to string garlic if they thought a child had worms, and a child would wear this string of garlic around his neck. And if you had a boil, my mother would cook linseed flower. They'd buy them in the drugstore, only in the Italian drugstore, and you would 12 make poultice—that was very common. Some people used bread and water, and you would have this thing on whatever bump you had that you wanted to [unintelligible - 00:26:47]. They were really strep infections, but they didn't know strep infections, you know. There were boils, and if you have a little infection in your finger or thumb, you'd wrap it up in bread and water with a bandage or poultice of some kind. Even the American doctors would recommend them. They'd tell you, you got -- check moisture and heat would cause these things to mature. INTERVIEWER: Did you notice that different regions…? JULIA: They would bring chamomile -- yes, Mrs. Mucci downstairs kept herbs, dried herbs, chamomile and what they referred to in America as mallow [unintelligible - 00:27:41] and I -- if that [unintelligible - 00:27:44] grew here, I had a plant one time. And they would buy these dried herbs at the Italian drugstores, and they would make teas out of them. You would drink them. If you had indigestion, the northern Italians would buy it in liquor stores. It was called Fernet, F-e-r-n-e-t. It's actually an [unintelligible - 00:28:10] in medicine containing a great deal of -- bitter, bitter! But many times you'd go visiting in, after you wake, sometimes before, you would get a tiny glass of Fernet. Branca – that was the trademark. It came in a green bottle. And it was co-, it was a digestive. It was -- because it was so bitter, it was considered to be good for your stomach. INTERVIEWER: So no matter what your age, you would get that? JULIA: Then we -- everybody had Belowski. INTERVIEWER: What's that? JULIA: May I give you either some hot tea or coffee? You must be exhausted. INTERVIEWER: No, I'm fine. I'm fine. It's not much longer. Thank you. JULIA: And get you as hot as broth, or as a broth.13 INTERVIEWER: No, I'm fine. Do you need something? JULIA: I get like this once in a while. But yes, I don't wanna move this thing. INTERVIEWER: I can take it off if you'd like. JULIA: I find the only thing is -- part of the [unintelligible - 00:29:15]. Five months ago he's a co-host by the senior -- high-styled program on FA-TV, so we call him the Mike Wallace… INTERVIEWER: And you've been married [unintelligible - 00:29:32] years? JULIA: [Unintelligible - 00:29:32], Linda. Linda! [Unintelligible - 00:29:35] HUSBAND: Oh, pardon my cold hand. JULIA: That's my husband, Phil. INTERVIEWER: Nice to meet you. HUSBAND: My pleasure. JULIA: In his museum of … in New… museum about neckties that I paid a fortune for. HUSBAND: Well, I sure got TV exposure today. JULIA: Yeah. He get to… who did you interview today? HUSBAND: I interviewed a very interesting 91-year old woodcarver. JULIA: Oh, my heavens. HUSBAND: Louis [Charpentier]. And then that was followed up by a group of Irish step dancers. And I didn't do anything on that, so they just dragged me from dancing, so all I could do was say, hello and goodbye. INTERVIEWER: Oh. HUSBAND: It was frustrating. JULIA: You know, Edcel Johnson wants you to let him know when that program is on now. HUSBAND: Oh, I'd bet they… JULIA: Teddy, too.14 HUSBAND: I bet -- all right. I bet they did that thing so I -- in my notebook there. INTERVIEWER: Was it a cable TV show? JULIA: Yes. It's at ATV. You know, the informational video… HUSBAND: It started innocently enough. I'm on the board for an organization called The Resources for the Elderly, and their primary function is to sponsor the Meals, Meals on Wheels and the Elderly Nutrition Program. Like they some -- it goes back about three, four years ago. It's been quite a while. They started this program—these are all volunteers and all seniors—it's called Senior Lifestyles. And as a TV show material that is supposedly of interest to the seniors, and it, it's partly information and partly entertainment. And so, as I say, I'm on the board for the Resources, and we were having a board meeting, and it just so happened that the woman who was then serving as host for the program for some time decided that that was enough for her, so they're looking for somebody to fill in as a host for the TV show. And one of the board members [woke] up and said, "Mr. Casey would be a good replacement." And somebody else said, "Yes, indeed. He would be great." JULIA: Oh, he loves women. HUSBAND: And I couldn't think of any reason why I couldn't or wouldn't do it, so before I knew it I had been drafted and I was serving as host to it. Then that's what I do. It's on once a month, and they have two half-hour segments. Usually last -- monthly only has one half-hour, but today we have two half-hour segments, and the first one was this Louis Charpentier. And my god, he was -- you know that guy we saw in the coffee shop? JULIA: I thought he was gonna be easy… HUSBAND: No, no, no. This is… JULIA: … interviewing famous carpenter. Oh, Louis Charpentier.15 HUSBAND: … this Louis, he is -- he claims to be 91 years old. JULIA: Oh, my heavens. INTERVIEWER: He looks wonderful. He does. JULIA: Did you see any of his work? INTERVIEWER: No. HUSBAND: I used to… JULIA: I think they have it at the library? HUSBAND: He used to be head of the plastics industry. And the plastics industry was an organization, apparently, that did work for all of the plastic shops in and around… JULIA: When you came with your ham sandwich a little mustardy. INTERVIEWER: I thought… JULIA: I thought you'd have sandwich. You've got to listen to me talk for four hours and have nothing. HUSBAND: Yeah. I'll have a ham sandwich. INTERVIEWER: Well, you have to get those though, because you said you had to wait… HUSBAND: Oh, that's all right. JULIA: I'm gonna call the lady and tell them you're gonna be a little late. HUSBAND: But anywho, this Louis is something else, and he was -- he started his woodcarving when he was only about two years old, apparently, while he had a carving that sold his home up to the farm up in -- well, back and around or back there, and there was the oxen that was plowing, there was his father, there was the house he lived in and his school, the whole bit. INTERVIEWER: So do you interview these people? HUSBAND: I interview them. I try to make intelligent conversation with them. JULIA: I have made intelligent conversations with them. HUSBAND: The thing that makes this fascinating is that I usually don't know until I arrived at the studio who is going to be the guest for the day. INTERVIEWER: Oh, that's difficult.16 HUSBAND: I have to -- I know it was… INTERVIEWER: Oh, Julia was just telling me about the tapes that you found in the [unintelligible - 00:34:30]. HUSBAND: Yes. INTERVIEWER: That's remarkable, especially because here I am two days later. JULIA: I know. INTERVIEWER: All about Italian dinner. JULIA: And on the other tape, what I said -- think it's a, seems to be a little illogical, I was wanting to say the least. In the other tape, you would have to guess who the family Christmas but then I'd read, since I wrote it all out, it's more logical, you know. It's more -- or less of a timely sequence. But I do give you the information I've given you about the broth. INTERVIEWER: Okay. JULIA: And… INTERVIEWER: It'll be interesting to make a… JULIA: Oh, yeah. I'm gonna make myself a sandwich if I can figure out how to open this slice of cheese. INTERVIEWER: Do you want some help? JULIA: Oh, I -- oh, here it is. Heavens! I thought. What's the matter with this? INTERVIEWER: How does your husband feel marrying an Italian? JULIA: It was an adjustment; let us put it that way. INTERVIEWER: Was it? JULIA: I met him… thank you for this. INTERVIEWER: Yes. HUSBAND: Tried one this morning. INTERVIEWER: Oh. So who made these? HUSBAND: The man I interviewed, Louis Charpentier. INTERVIEWER: Oh.17 JULIA: Oh, he gives you -- oh, I've seen him do that at the Historical Society where he teaches you how he got started. HUSBAND: Right. JULIA: And he tries to teach everybody that they can do the same thing. INTERVIEWER: Oh, so he was -- his work is just so good. Oh, he's so… HUSBAND: No, he used to work in plastic. And as I say, he works for -- he works in an organization that designed methods for making just about anything you wanted, buttons or, how do you say, [unintelligible - 00:36:18] or whatever it was called for… JULIA: I know he's just working now. He's in the library and… HUSBAND: No, no. He's retired. JULIA: Yeah. But where is his work? I know he started, he started on display somewhere. HUSBAND: Yes. It's in a home. He has it at home, because I asked him if it was all insured and he said that it was. JULIA: I don't know how… INTERVIEWER: So Phil, let me ask you, how did you feel marrying an Italian? HUSBAND: Oh, wow, it… JULIA: You should ask his mother. HUSBAND: No, we -- and now seriously, we had a problem. It's not because I married an Italian, no. It's just that my mother didn't particularly like Julia, unfortunately. I'm not sure what the root of her prejudice was. It might have been because of her heritage, or it might have been just because my mother didn't want me to get married at that point, although I was not exactly a teenager. I had come home from the war, and I was a book. But whatever reason or reasons my mother had she didn't actually… didn't actually -- she didn't oppose the marriage, but she didn't support it, and she didn't even show up for it. My father and my sister came. JULIA: Though she was my [unintelligible - 00:37:48], she cooked. She was great to the children.18 HUSBAND: Oh, yeah. That's right. She loved the, she loved her grandchildren. She was very -- and they had a great time. JULIA: She was very generous to me in many ways. HUSBAND: My son approved of Grandma's cooking, and they had a good time visiting her. And we all, every holiday, we make sure that there was a delegation that went to Grandma, though we tried and made a compromise. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. Now, did you -- where did you grow up? HUSBAND: I grew up in Roxbury prior to the days when Roxbury had the… with the ethnic… JULIA: Now it is. HUSBAND: It is now. When I was -- I was there prior to that. INTERVIEWER: Thank you. JULIA: Lemon juice? INTERVIEWER: Thank you. HUSBAND: And by one of those strange coincidences, Julia lived the one part of Roxbury, I was in another. We had never laid eyes on each other before the war. Did she tell you about how…? INTERVIEWER: No. I don't know how you met. No. HUSBAND: Well, we met -- it was like something out of one of those [unintelligible - 00:39:12] that tells -- she had that series of how people tell how they -- I was in the Navy during World War II in an organization called the [CVs], and I was stationed overseas in New Guinea. I met her brother, who was in the combat engineers, and there was this [unintelligible - 00:39:37]. So I got to know him, and his platoon was involved in the invasion of the Philippines. They were moving out agents. So he said to me, he said, "Phil," he said, "we're going to be cut off from correspondence for a while. Would you do me a big favor and write to my mother and tell her that if you don't hear from me, not to worry, I'm all right?" So I said, "Sure, all right." And I did 19 that, I wrote to his mother, and his mother who was living in Roxbury, I sent a letter to Washington where my girlfriend was thankfully employed as a government girl. And I -- with instructions for her to answer this letter. So she answered the letter, and Julia and I started corresponding, and that's how we get to know each… JULIA: Fifteen months. HUSBAND: And then after the war, when I came home, I… JULIA: It was all over. HUSBAND: And then there… INTERVIEWER: What? What was all over? JULIA: It was all over. He was hooked. INTERVIEWER: Oh, he was flirting as soon as he saw you. HUSBAND: Then there was some kind of a breakdown in the romance, and we had separated. [Unintelligible - 00:41:00] and we get back together again and we could get married in 19… INTERVIEWER: How did her parents feel about her marrying an Irishman? HUSBAND: Oh, as far as I know… JULIA: Horrible. HUSBAND: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Oh, with him? JULIA: My father… HUSBAND: There was a point in time when her father didn't care who she marries and who would take her off his hands. INTERVIEWER: Oh. JULIA: I was going to [unintelligible - 00:41:24]. HUSBAND: Yeah. I was even supposed to get a bicycle, a motorcycle for marrying her. JULIA: "Philly, I give you motorcycle [unintelligible - 00:41:34]." HUSBAND: No, but she… JULIA: You better [unintelligible - 00:41:38]20 HUSBAND: Neither one of those gifts materialized so, anyhow. No, I liked her father and mother. And of course, I had -- I was very friendly with her brother and sister. And so, we had the wedding, and that was a [unintelligible - 00:41:57] together. INTERVIEWER: How was she different from the, let's say, Irish girls that you went to school with? HUSBAND: Oh, she was a different. -- I didn't actually – I didn't know that many girls when I was going to school because you have to remember that when I was going to school, this was in the days when the boys went to one school and the girls went to another. Boy's school was an English high school. JULIA: But in elementary school… HUSBAND: Elementary was all boys because of… JULIA: Oh, you did? HUSBAND: Yeah. That's -- I went to the all… JULIA: Oh, I didn't know that. HUSBAND: With the nuns [unintelligible - 00:42:34]. JULIA: Well, I was actually the first female person you ever met. HUSBAND: No, not exactly. I met… JULIA: You may have seen New Guinea. HUSBAND: You have to define, there, the word "met." Kind of -- you were the first female that I was—let's put it this way—that I little became involved with. JULIA: Well. No. That's enough. INTERVIEWER: Well, we're in all kinds of things today. JULIA: Are you gonna have a ham sandwich? HUSBAND: Yes. I'll have a ham sandwich. So what is this project here? INTERVIEWER: This is a project that's recording the experiences of -- by Italian-American family in the Fitchburg and Leominster area. HUSBAND: Oh, yes.21 INTERVIEWER: But we had seen Julia at a -- one of the Italian night, the films that Fitchburg State College had put on, and Julia started talking extensively after the movie, Big Night, I think it was called Big Night. HUSBAND: Yes. INTERVIEWER: And we realized it was someone that maybe we'd like to talk to because she seems to know so much about the culture. HUSBAND: Yeah. And she is the one member of her family that has -- that is interested in the [unintelligible - 00:43:57] of the family extensively. JULIA: I was also the first one born in this country of my family. INTERVIEWER: Your family. HUSBAND: She was born in this country, which makes her an Italian-American, but she maintained contact, through her mother, maintained contact with Italy. She knows how to speak Italian, including the dialects of northern Italy. And now she is in the process of learning how to speak… INTERVIEWER: Right. HUSBAND: She's starting again. Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Now, were there any surprises though when you married…? JULIA: Yeah. Seven. INTERVIEWER: That's -- wow. Seven children, right. But the Italian culture, I'm wondering… HUSBAND: No, I didn't have any problem with that. I was very fond of her family. Wherever her family gathered then there was a party. And her family had always been most cordial to me. INTERVIEWER: What do your children consider themselves? HUSBAND: They consider -- when they think about it, they… you probably have to ask them how much they consider themselves to be Italian. JULIA: More than half. HUSBAND: Well, I don't know whether they really think about it.22 JULIA: They went to the parochial school in Dorchester, and their last name was Casey. So they fit right in. Even though there were a lot of Italians. And by this time, Dad is gone. You know, we're not immigrants anymore. Your father was a professional man who's a graduate of Boston College, and so that they didn't have to go through that. They… HUSBAND: I came up here; this is the first place I've ever been to where they couldn't spell Casey. They would actually went, "Case-, how do you spell that?' And I thought at first they were kidding me, because down in the Boston area there was a very large population of Irish-Americans. There's still a lot of Irish down there, some of them from Ireland itself, and some of them are there illegally. INTERVIEWER: And what traditions do you try to carry on in your family? JULIA: Well, the traditions are that they know that I'm intensely interested in the Italian part of the family. I have furniture, for instance. I have, you know, [unintelligible - 00:46:38] for years and other pieces that my mother gave me when she was… HUSBAND: They have -- girls have a lot of respect for Italian culture, and one of them had been over to Italy. Take your time. JULIA: This was an -- how did you get involved with this? INTERVIEWER: I'll call you all out when it's all right because… JULIA: Are we going to meet again? INTERVIEWER: I don't think so, unless you… when I leave, feel the need to talk about something else. JULIA: Are you -- do you need -- I would like to, if possible, because I had -- now, I have four appointments this afternoon, and I would like -- I was trying to figure out how I could get copies of these tapes. INTERVIEWER: I could have that done for you at Fitchburg State College. So I'll call you… JULIA: And you have more than one? INTERVIEWER: Probably. I'll call you next week…23 JULIA: All right. INTERVIEWER: Okay? Okay. So what does it mean to be Italian to you? JULIA: It doesn't, it doesn't mean that I have been all my life aware of the great contributions that the Italians have made. But I became more aware of them as I grew older, and it made a strong attachment to family. And as I said, I still have -- my close friends are still the kids that grew up, that I grew up with, they're still the people that I grew up with, even though we all live in different places. It means certain types of food. It means, especially to me, it means this age of almost 80, I am determined foreigner, and I have -- it means that whenever I meet anybody that is Italian, that speaks Italian -- to me there's quite a big difference between the northern and southern Italian. I've always been made of… INTERVIEWER: Tell me what you just said, always been aware of… JULIA: I've always been aware of the vast differences among the people from this one peninsula that juts out into the Mediterranean, that there is such a difference in everything about them—the food and the way they speak—and it's made me very, very aware of the differences that a language can develop into, almost different languages within a cohesive place, you know. We have this boot that goes down into the ocean split down the middle by this range of mountains, and yet every section you go to, because it was at one time a collection of city states—and somebody brought that up the other day in class, it was a collection of city states—and yet my mother's experiences and the way she spoke and lived was so different from everyone else's on my street. So being an Italian, to me, meant that I had to adjust to -- when I went to school I felt very out of it, because I started school in Lexington. My father bought a house in Lexington for a few years, and I had -- I just felt a complete foreigner because I spoke hardly any English myself since we were isolated in Lexington.24 But I -- after I came back to Boston, then I had to adjust and get used to all of the different -- the girls who came from different Italian families, all of them, were. They spoke differently, their parents spoke differently; they had all these different ways of doing things. And that adjustment was a wonderful experience for me. And it means -- now, I don't think so much of modern Italy. I feel that in some ways they've grown excessively. I've heard other people made this comment, too. I've read a couple of books that said the same thing, that they've become excessively materialistic. Certainly, you know, religion -- we were not, I will say another thing, we were not a religious community. The women -- the praying that was done, the observation of religion was private. Everybody didn't lead the street and go to church on Sunday. The young kids that were making their first communion, they had to go to church. We went to church in a group, but mothers and fathers for the most part didn't go near the church. The church was run by Irish priests; nobody understood the Italians, and we hardly ever saw a priest. And so it's very different from this situation here in Fitchburg where the Italians set up their own church on top of an Irish community that moved out, you know, the Irish community and church was St. Bernard's. The Italians, back 75 years ago, decided that long ago, that they wanted their own church, and they set it up, they found an Italian priest. And we were not -- women prayed on Sunday morning, sometimes you could look up at certain windows and a woman would be sitting there with an open book which was, obviously, a [unintelligible - 00:52:54] in Italian, and she would be reading her prayers. This is [unintelligible - 00:52:59]. They observed some of the saints' days, but it was not a community that went to church. Ever. INTERVIEWER: Now, what about making first communion and confirmation? Would you go into the north end?25 JULIA: No. Some of them did. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: A couple of the families sent their daughters into the north end to make -- but most of us that were the same age, there were, you know, about two or three or four at that time, then they would go to the parish church, you know, in a group, and that was also beyond the industrial area. So it was maybe a 15-minute, 20-minute walk, and we went because the nuns, where they have were training the kids in the catechism, we went to Sunday school. Then, because they didn't want us walking to that neighborhood, as we grew older, we started going to the Jesuit church, the Immaculate Concepcion in the south end, which was an enormous church but not a parish church. But then I belonged to the choir there; some of us joined the choir. And that was an all-American experience; there was no Italians. INTERVIEWER: So Fitchburg in 1968? JULIA: I cried all the time. I didn't -- I never wanted to leave Boston. You know, I did spend a very good experience, first, the college community… INTERVIEWER: Say that again? The college community? JULIA: The college community is a wonderful place. I've always been a reader. In that respect, the kind of reading that I did was quite different from what other girls on my street did, and I am unable to explain that. I am unable to explain the direction in which my own, which you might call intellectual growth. Well, I went to an all-girls high school, and I don't know why I was attracted to classical music and literature. And I mean, I practically lived at the public library. As a matter of fact it was his branch, too. His branch of the public library, he lived on the other side of it, but you know, until my brother met him in New Guinea and he wrote to my mother, I had never a clue that he was around.26 INTERVIEWER: So when you came to Fitchburg did you make any connections with Italian people? JULIA: Not at first. Not at first, because I was still taking care of the family. Later, then, as my children grew up and they met -- because we went to St. Camillus, and that is not an ethnic church, you know. So later -- actually, in the last 10 years, I would say, I… I've met 10, 20 youths through my children. My daughter married into a Fitchburg Italian. For a little while we joined the Sons of Italy. I joined the Virginia Eleanor Lodge, and I didn't keep it up, but you know, I've met a lot… INTERVIEWER: [Unintelligible - 00:56:16] speaking, what did your parents and the parents down street, what did they want for their children? JULIA: All they wanted was for them to grow up and to go to work. The girls were not encouraged to go to school. My sister, who, as I said, who came along 13 years after I did, was first college graduate on the street. She went to, she got… INTERVIEWER: Pick it up. You said… JULIA: My sister, Mary Louise, was the first girl to go to college in our entire neighborhood. INTERVIEWER: Now, how did that happen? JULIA: She was fairly smart in school, and she was in the class of 1952 at the same high school I had gone to in a girls' high school in Boston, and she got a teacher's scholarship. And she decided she wanted to be a nurse, and how she was scared, oh, instead of going into a hospital program… INTERVIEWER: This was in… JULIA: Back… out! Instead of going in to a three-year hospital program, somebody put it into her mind to go to Boston College, a four-year degree course. Actually she went. INTERVIEWER: Wow.27 JULIA: She went out of her work at Boston City, quite a bit of it, so she could live at home and the hospital was five minutes away. She took part of her affiliation there. INTERVIEWER: Now, what did your parents think of that since they really wanted you to go to work? JULIA: Well, they felt that we should go to work. They didn't, you know -- but when Louise came along they had been sufficiently Americanized, but nobody, nobody encouraged. They expected the girls would grow up, get jobs in factories, or if they went to high school, find a job in an office and then get married. INTERVIEWER: What about the boys? JULIA: The boys, none of them went to college either, although some of them were quite smart. And one family, the boys went to college on their own. They were a little bit older than the rest. And then they -- some of them got jobs in technical areas, like different labs and in MIT, and they would stop taking courses along the job training. But almost -- one young man, which is a surprise to everyone, we knew one boy from that street that went to college; he became an officer in the Navy. No one else in his family did. There were five or six children in the family, neither girls nor boys went to college, and he was a little older than I was, and he actually went on to law school. Why? I have no idea, because his parents never spoke a word of English. And he was Sicilian, you know, and yet he went. So when I said "yet he went," it sounds like a put-down, it really isn't. It's just that none of us were encouraged to go to college, nobody. My mother couldn't understand why I was constantly reading, but it was because, you know, I worked. I mean, I helped my father in the house, peeling just because they would whitewash them. I haven't done anything like that since I got married. I refuse to do it, because that six-family house took it out of all our hides. People would move out, 28 you'd have a terrible mess, you know, you not only have the problem of trying to collect miserable rents, but every time a new family moved in, me and my father be washing and cleaning and my mother and I went after, cleaned up after all of them, and it was a -- it was really the -- it wasn't until many years afterwards, and it wasn't too long before they died, that some of the older families that had owned houses themselves sold them, and some of them came to live in my father's house. And that was a good experience. They paid their rent and very respectful, which was a surprise, because in the beginning they have a… INTERVIEWER: Is it important for the Italians to have a clean house? JULIA: Some of them. Some of them wasn't, you know. INTERVIEWER: Anything else that you'd like to add? I've been here a long time now. [Laughter] JULIA: No, I think that I -- they all -- I wanna add this: that the older that I have gotten, the more I appreciate where I grew up, dirt street and all, the more I realized the goodness and the cleverness, the ability of people from other regions of Italy, the more I appreciate the beauty of that language and what, what is world's known about the Italian culture in general. And I think that my mother and father provided me with, if nothing else, an openness about accepting people from everywhere, you know. That I got from them. Well, we're very gregarious. I appreciated all the different types of humor they had, different cooking. So then since I've left my neighborhood, I feel like I fit in everywhere. The college community? No problem. The Italian community? No problem. Where am I? I feel that I fit in, and it definitely came from this upbringing. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Could your children say the same thing? They've been brought up some way different?29 JULIA: There is one, a teacher, Maria is a schoolteacher. Kath has always done office work, she's the only one that [unintelligible - 01:02:38] go to college, but there wasn't because she couldn't -- you know, he's in the fire department, he's an electrical engineer in Boston working on the big date. [Unintelligible - 01:02:51] American, an Irish girl from Fitchburg. My son, Steven, was working for the Waste Water Treatment Plant in Burke and was attending Fitchburg State. He had gone three years to Texas -- I remember my Louis, feeling that we cooked very differently from anybody he knew, and he thought it was strange, you know, that -- I thought it was strange that other people didn't cook all this stuff then [laughter]. But my Julian, who's the youngest, is a technical writer for Lotus for Boston College. Julian went to UMass, Cathy went -- enjoyed our lives here, we've gotten used to the Georgia life here, the ones I have done. INTERVIEWER: Okay. JULIA: I learned Spanish on the job. That was the other thing that the Italian did for me. I was assigned to the Department of Public Welfare after I took that six-month refresher course. And gradually, by taking in-service examinations, I went from clerk stenographer to sort of an administrative job, and I was in the Child Support Enforcement Unit. We had a great many women coming in from Puerto Rico, all of whom spoke Spanish, and many of them brought in interpreters. Well, after I listened for a while, I suddenly realized I understood what they were saying and, if I had enough courage, I could begin to speak the Spanish language. And as a result I did. And I used to be able to conduct the interviews in Spanish. I didn't need the interpreter, you know. So that was another thing that I got out of learning Italian. Now, the proper Italian is a great surprise to me. I don't know how I started that. I'm sure I'm the only one that grew up where I grew 30 up that speaks it, and it's -- I compare it to people learning to play the piano by ear. I was so accustomed to all these different dialects that gradually the proper Italian, especially when I went to Italy, even for short periods of time, and I began to listen—and my aunt used to listen to the radio, Italian programs on the radio—and somehow the language has come. I'm fluent, but I'm not grammatical perfectly. I have to feel my way through the grammar. But I'm fluent, I can say most things that I want to say in ordinary -- and I don't know why. I feel now that I know things about myself like everyone as you grow older, that I have a gift for languages, although the grammar was difficult for me. We were only allowed to take French. In junior high school, French was the only language that was offered, and I had a bad time with the grammar. But as I've grown older, I find I can -- I've been able to master the language. I can speak, and everybody understands me. Why? I don't know. INTERVIEWER: It's a gift? JULIA: You know, even my -- when I meet the occasional person that came into the office, all the workers that came in, the Spanish-speaking workers, they all used to laugh because [laughter] there I was, I could say what I wanted to say in Spanish, and they'd all make, you know, little conversation, and I'd always talk to them. Well it isn't everyone that gets to have an audience like that. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: [Laughter] I enjoyed it. Thank you. JULIA: I'm gonna call my friends and tell them that I will be there. I'm working…/AT/jf/jc/es
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PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address H. S. BONER, Supt. m The diereary. The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College. VOL. XIII. GETTYSBURG, PA., APRIL, 1905. No. 2 CONTENTS "THE TOILER'S SONG."—Poem, 30 F. W. M. '07. "ARE OUR ISLAND COLONIES A SOURCE OF "—Essay. . HERBERT S. DORNBERGER, '06. STRENGTH?"—' 31 POEM. 34 "THE UNCERTAINTY OF LIFE,"—Story, . 34 "SENIOR SWAN SONG,"—Poem, 39 "A HABIT OF ECONOMY,"—Essay, . 40 GEO. W. GULDEN, '06. "THOUGHTS OF THE 'PROFS,'"—Poem, . 42 "KEEPING A DIARY,"-Essay, 45 5. B. '07. "AWAY,"—Poem . 47 '06. "THE DREAM MAIDEN,"—Story, . . 48 EDITORIALS, . • 54 "Salve, Tempus Vernum." The Bulletin Board." " The Critique." ■"UNDER THE CRACKER," 57 30 THE MERCURY. THE TOILER'S SONG. F. W. M. '07 /V CROSS the corn and cotton ■* "^ Rings out the toiler's song ; And all earth's countless voices Bear its plaintive strains along. Singing in the sunshine, Bind the long sheaves fast, Song and labor blending, For rest will come at last. Its melody is lasting ; Brings the tears to many eyes ; Those sweet-voiced singers' anthem Goes like incense to the skies. Singing in the sunshine, Speed the task with might; Rest comes after labor, And labor ends with night. Across the starlight pealing Goes the echo of that song, And thousands humbly kneeling Its mellow tones prolong. Singing in the sunshine, Crown the earth with light ; Evening brings the homeland. For labor ends with night. -HL* THE MERCURY. 3 I ARE OUR ISLAND COLONIES A SOURCE OF STRENGTH? Essay, by HERBERT S. DORNBERGER, '06. b4* VER since the close of our war with Spain much dis- "* cussion has taken place concerning our new possessions. These discussions have considered the Philippine Islands and Hawaii from various standpoints. What advantages will these semi-civilized islands bring the United States? has often been asked. Are they a source of strength or are they, on the con-trary, a source of weakness? is another of the points, which has caused much debate and contention. And thus a number of similar questions, too many to enumerate here, have likewise been asked. From this great number of standpoints it is the purpose of the present discussion to consider the foreign ag-grandizement question in respect to whether or not our new island colonies are a source of strength. This, likewise, gives rise to a large number of intermediate points, which are directly concerned with the above mentioned question. Owing to lim-ited space we will only take up the more important points and confine ourselves to the effect these islands have or may have on the United States %s a nation and on the people of the United States. The first part of the discussion, the effect these colonies have on the United States as a power or nation, will be divided, for convenience, into four topics : These islands in times of peace ; in times of war with a foreign power; in times of internal re-bellion or insurrection ; and their value to the government as coaling stations. The first topic, as before stated, will be the effect upon the United States in times of peace. Now that we are in posses-sion of these islands, it, of course, becomes necessary to make them capable of protecting themselves against either foreign or domestic strife or war. This means that a force of troops, a squadron of war-vessels and modern defences and fortifications be established there. To do this properly requires the expendi-ture of large sums of money. But this fortifying and station- 32 THE MERCURY. ing of military and naval forces there is not all the expense in-curred by holding these islands. Other modern institutions must also be introduced. An educational system must be founded, roads must be built and improved, a postal system must be established and men must be employed to fill these different positions. Thus, from the aspect of the effect of these colonies on the government, nothing but expense is seen. Now that we have hurriedly scanned the situation in times of peace, it will logically follow to examine briefly the situation in times of war with a foreign power. These islands are at a great distance from the Ignited States and are accessible only from the Pacific coast, besides requiring a large force to be sta-tioned there in the event of a hostile attack. Then, how easy it would be for some strong power to lay siege to one of the numerous harbors and thus weaken the Pacific coast defense and lay it open to attack by causing reinforcements to be sent to the besieged colonies. Of course, it is not probable that anything like this will occur at the present time, but who can tell what the future is destined to bring us ? If the United States had had these islands during the Spanish war, it would not have been so easy to overcome Spain, for it would have necessitated the keeping of a large enough force stationed at these different places to insure protection for them and thereby weakened our attacking force considerably. Now take Spain. Had she had only Spain proper to protect, she would have been enabled to use the fleets, which were protecting her various island possessions, to harrass the Atlantic and Pacific coast. England will serve as another instance of this, as will also France. Considered in this light these islands are undoubtedly an element of weakness to our otherwise strong nation. Next, we will discuss the third topic, the effect these islands have on the United States as a nation, or these possessions in times of insurrection. Their inhabitants are for the most part very poorly educated and have a tendency toward rebellion. Such a rebellion means the loss of a large number of lives and the destruction of a vast amount of property, for a rebellion there would be waged in a guerrilla fashion, which is a form of THE MERCURY. 33 insurrection that is extremely difficult to suppress. Here we again have another great disadvantage to the nation holding such possessions as the Philippins Islands and Hawaii. As ex-amples of this we cite the Philippines under Spain's dominion and the long list of insurrections and rebellions Great Britain has been obliged to meet and crush. Now that we "have considered the disadvantages these col-onies afford the United States, it is only proper that we also turn our attention to the advantages they offer us as a nation. These islands are principally valuable as coaling stations. Their location for this purpose is one of their best qualities. Situated in the middle of the Pacific Ocean they are most valuable as •coaling stations. They also form an extremely fine base of supplies for operations against China and the Far East. What ■makes them all the more valuable is that they, as islands, are subject only to an attack by water. Thus one can see at a glance the vast importance they are to the United States as ■coaling stations and a base of supplies for operations in the East, which will be the field of battle in the near future. Now that we have considered the more important points both for and against our keeping possession of these island colonies of ours, from the aspect of their effect upon the United States as a nation, it naturally follows that we also devote some time to the effect they will have on the people of the United States. As before, we would divide this part of the discussion into topics which are also four in number: Their value to our commerce ; their value to our industries and manufactures; their value as sources of raw materials and the like; and their value as affording a field for the investment of American capital. 34 THE MERCURY. "'i "HE Spaniards had a fleet of ships, * The greatest to be found ; They started on a conquest trip And cruised the world around. They thought they could do wondrous things And conquer every land ; But lo, they struck a windy time And now rest in the sand. They never thought that such a thing Could ever come their way ; But said that they could make King " Hen" Do 'xactly as they say. The elements were opposed to it, And now "Hen " holds full sway They only had a few ships left, Those Uncle Sam blew 'way. THE UNCERTANTY OF LIFE. TODAY we are, to-morrow we are not. When the hand of fate falls then is our time at hand. We may wander longr brave many perils ; in an unguarded, yet appointed moment we are lost. But it is not a tale of daring and courage, nor a tale of man and the city, but a plain, unvarnished tale of the mountains and streams which we would tell. Among the mountains of Pennsylvania, in a hollow, like to a giant's cup, lies a sparkling, little pond kept full by three trout streams. All around the mountains rise a sheer half-mile, and the heads of those grim, old ranges almost converge in a point. The almost in this case allows this story to be written. Now there, in days past, had stood a mill, beneath whose whirling saw the giants of the forest were transformed into prosaic lum-ber. Early in my boyhood we went through that hollow for berries; first in season raspberries, then huckleberries, then those long, sweet, black fellows, whose delicious taste well re- THE MERCURY. 35 pays a seven-mile tramp. To this spot we always came, for here there were many diverging roads and here we rested and drank of spring water, ice-cold and crystal-clear. The mill stood silent and deserted, for the flood which had wiped out the city of Johnstown also ruined the skidways and tramroads. All over the hills the only sign of man to be found were the blacked stumps, left a grim reminder oi the destructive force of man. The tramroad on which they had hauled the logs to the mill was now rotted away and over the sides of the moun-tains was a new growth which had almost reached a commer-cial size. In the valley, which was mentioned before, lived an old couple in a log cabin. We boast of being up-to-date in Penn-sylvania, yet there are spots where civilization is not all-power-ful. This was one. On the-right hand side of the cabin (go-ing up the mountain,) was the most beautiful stream I ever ex-pect to see. Great, flat slate stones scattered all over the bed of the brook were covered with moss, which, when the leaping water threw its spray, glistened like one grand robe of emeralds. An archway of trees made it an ideal retreat, cool in the hot-test summer day. Many times while berrying did we sit there, a merry crowd of boys and girls to eat our lunch. Above the cabin, circling like a gigantic serpent, runs the railroad, the P. & N. W. Railroad. Back of the cabin it makes the grandest horseshoe of any railroad in the East. Often in the hard times of '94-'97 did I ride around Point Lookout with its magnificent view for miles down the valley, where the morn-ing fog hung low over the stream and field, where the moun-tains rose grandly with their tops bathed in sunlight, except where here and there a little cloudlet of fog rose like some specter along the mountain side. Below us would be seen probably four or five coal trains creeping one after another like a procession of snails. On the first train were probably 125 men, who, idle, picked berries in preference to doing nothing in town. Below sparkling like a diamond, set on a background of velvet, lay the mill-dam in the very centre of the valley. As the train shot grandly around Point Lookout the coal cars roll- 36 THE MERCURY. ling and rocking, it made one shiver to think of the half-mile plunge we would take if they should ever leave the track. In the valley on the mountain road the berrypickers, looked like little black and red ants, and the trout stream wound about like a band of silver. But we are forgetting our cabin in the valley. The old man > who lived there, was one-half Indian, Jimmy Sutton by name. He had no trade, no occupation but that of a hunter. A small patch of ground across the road from the cabin grew all the potatoes and other vegetables he needed, and the fish and game he caught made a welcome addition to his table. He had served in the war of '61-'65 and drew a pension, which was sufficient for their simple mode of life. All day long he would sit patiently and fish or watch for wild turkey and rabbit. His patience was untiring, his time unlimited. His wife was his opposite, a childlike, primitive sort of a woman, obeying his commands with doglike devotion, looking up to him as her lord and master. He, as a rule, exacted no demands which were unreasonable or impossible. But, well I remember one summer, when the old man re-ceived his back pension. He went to the nearest saloon and drank hard from middle summer until early fall. Then the grief of his wife was almost unbearable ; her faith was touching. It transformed her from a simple, ignorant woman into a woman of strength and character. Long would she look every day for. her man's return. Often, while at her work, she would run to the door and look up the mountain road, eagerly await-ing him. And her disappointment was bitter; it moved the women of the berry pickers to tears. She never gave up hope that he would come back ; she would always answer, when asked if she expected him to return, " He'll come back some day, my Jim will." And she was right. When after a sum-mer of wondering and debauchery, the old man came home broken and penitent, her joy was beyond the reach of pen to describe. This strange couple had a son at this time, a boy of about seven years. He had never seen a trolley or a book, yet he THE MERCURY. 37 was a keen little fellow, to whom the secrets of the woods were known by instinct. With his dog, on the long, summer days, he would play through the valley, going miles from home, undisturbed by fear of rattlers and copperheads, for he was a free child of nature, reveling in the glory of mountains streams and forest. Often have I met him, calling as he ran along, exulting in the mere fact of living. He loved the moun-tains. They were school and home for him, and, though un-spoken, his passion was none the less real. The people of the lowlands can never feel, never understand, the affection a man, raised in the highlands, has for his native hills. To him they are dear; to be near them is enough ; to walk over them by day all alone with his thoughts, to camp high on their summits and watch in the summer-dusk the stars appear one by one, is glorious, it is wonderful. Standing in a valley looking up the rockstrewn steep a man's conceit is struck from him by the con-trast with his own littleness; God made the mountains, to teach man his own unworthnessand instability and to shelter the busy cities from the unbroken sweep of snowladtn winds. The summer went by. The strange family in the giant's cup lived on. More work had made fewer berrypickefs, yet they were all welcome. A belated party caught by the rain was always gladly taken in at the cabin, and when the old wo-man would spread us bread and butter after a long day's tramp, it tasted sweeter than honey, more satisfying than any dinner we have ever eaten. Well do I remember one sultry, hot day when, as the evening approached, the sky was one somber mass of black and the wind moaned through the trees like a player sadly running over the strings of his violin. Three of us sat in the cabin door and waited for the storm to break. Across the valley loomed the slide, a great yellow splotch on the hill-side, where hundreds of tons of earth had broken loose and dashed to the foot of the mountain. Around this summit the lightning played strange freaks, cutting the trees, rending them as with a giant's axe. The old man told us stories of catamounts, bears and snakes, 38 THE MERCURY. I , until, in our boyish fear, we could almost hear the unearthly cry of the wild cat and the rattle of the snake. The years went by and a time of adversity came to the family, who lived in the shadow of the mountains. Their cabin was burned one summer night" and they were left homeless. But there was some compensation for them, too. Those, who have little and lose all, regain their former standing with greater ease than those blessed with many worldly goods. A tew days later a new cabin stood on the site of the old one and what little furniture they had lost was replaced by the exercise of a little ingenuity. The fall came on and the mountain sides were clothed in a a garment of red and gold. The dying leaves put on their gayest colors ere they fell, making one grand kaleidscope of beauty. The half-wild cow, which the family owned, did not return for clays and they spent their time in searching for her. One evening the boy now thought he heard the tinkle of a bell, and, asking his mother's permission, he ran down the road in search of the lost animal. At his heels followed his dog Jack, the best ground hog dog in all that country. We can only imagine him as he went down the road so light-hearted and free, little knowing he was going to meet death. We can imagine the dog stopping shortly with a quick, sharp bark as he scented the ground-hog sitting before his hole in the evening sunlight. With a short, shrill "yelp the dog springs from the road up the hill followed by the no-less eager boy. The dog soon holes the hog and then follows it through its crooked path under the rock. Brought to bay in his home, the game fought back so fiercely that, old and experienced as the dog was, he was com-pelled to retreat to the open air. Then the boy crawls forward on his stomach with a short club to dislodge the animal. The hog had builded wiser than he knew. Underneath a rough stone wall above which ran the deserted tramroad he had dug far into the ground. The boy in his eagerness thought not of the danger and striking the keystone of the wall the whole weight of rock fell upon him. His life was crushed out in an instant and all was still except for the echo of the falling stones. ■■■■ ■i I i I/ II I i tit i «I>M ./. THE MEKCURV. 39 Dusk came and then the night and not until the night was far advanced did his people begin to wonder or worry. At last alarmed, they hastened to find him. The dog faithful unto 'death sat on the ledge of rock howling morunfully and guided them to him. In a glance they understood. We cannot know the feelings of these two old people whin at last they uncovered their boy mutilated and cold. The old man, with the stoicism of his Indian father, said not a word, but his mother wailed and moaned, out there on the mountain side. They buried him in the valley where he had lived and died and now every one, who stops there, listens with sympathy and pity to the story of his untimely death. SENIOR SWAN SONG. E^~"AREWELL, when "exams " hold you in their power, And keep you awake in the wee stilly hour, Then think of what " profs " will sure do to you And how you will feel when they all get through. Your troubles are many, not one hope will remain Of the few that have passed through your fear-leaden brain. But you ne'er will forget the small note that you threw, To your class-mate o'er yonder, who signaled to you. And yet in the evening when songs you strike up, With joy and with pleasure you fill up each cup. Whate'er's in the future, be it gloomy or bright, You'll always remember the joys of that night. You will join in the jokes, the tricks, and the wiles, And return to your pillow to dream there with smiles ; For something it tells you that this happy day Will soon pass far from you forever and aye. Then live while you can in this gay college life, For soon will your path be a journey of strife. Your friends will be few and still less of them tried ; With courage and calmness you must stem the tide. Your troubles will come, they will fall thick and fast; Yet memory will hold these glad days till the last. For no matter how low you may sink in the strife, You will look back with pleasure to gay college life. 40 THE MERCURY. ' A HABIT OF ECONOMY. GULDEN, '06. kHE meaning of the words " habit" and " economy," as used in this subject, needs but little exposition. Every-one of average intelligence understands them in a general sense ; but their application in the details of affairs demands our atten-tion. A habit is an involuntary tendency to perform a certain act,, which tendency is acquired by a frequent repetition of that act. A habit determines how we walk ; another, how we sit; an-other, how we eat, and so on indefinitely, until we can truly say-that habits determine our actions. • Economy, as defined by one writer, is : " The management,, regulation or supervision of means or resources, especially the management of pecuniary or other concerns of a household;. hence, a frugal use of money, material and time ; the avoidance of, or freedom from, waste or extravagance in the management or use of anything; frugality in the expenditure of money and material." This definition, though clear, yet, it seems to me, can be crystallized into this one idea of the proper manage-ment of one's concerns. In short, then, a habit of economy is an involuntary tendency to'manage one's concerns properly. Illustrative examples we have in plenty of men, who have sadly failed on account of the lack of a habit of economy ; and of others, who have been eminently successful because they possessed it. In the care of important matters, both public and private, the largest safety is to be assured by placing con-fidence in those who have formed this habit. Observe the ex-amples of some of our great men, with what scrupulous care they managed their affairs. Washington, even in camp, with the cares of the campaign devolved upon him, looked after the details of his mess and his personal expenditures. This habit also manifested itselt in his careful account of household expen-ditures while he was President. Jefferson, too, planned the af-fairs of his house, his garden, his farm, everything to the last detail. He was reared to avoid waste. The habit of enforcing; 1 J kt ■ *l THE MERCURY. . 4I reasonable frugality was formed in his youth, and was exercised throughout his entire life. These were the highest types of the class of men in whom others put confidence, but they were not the only men who possessed this habit. We know that the majority of our an-cestors, the sturdy men and women of earlier days, possessed,- in a much larger measure, this habit than we, their descertdents^ do today. They were workers, honest, frugal and saving.- They acquired for themselves comfortable homes and taught their children to work, to save, to insure increase from a habit of wholesome economy. Often do we hear those, still living, tell how they were brought up under the discipline of economy. Work was ap-pointed for them, and they had to do it. Idleness was not tol-erated. And now it actually pains them to witness the waste and idleness practiced by the growing generation. The main question with which they were concerned, in regard to personal affairs, was, "How much can be saved?" They were satisfied to work for small wages, if out of thesf wages they could save a portion during the year. The great question today seems to be, "How much can be made?" With this deceptive guide as their leader, our young men from the country are flocking into the cities, searching for situations, which will afford them an easier living, with the hope of rapid accumulation of wealth. Many of them do not believe that labor is the producing power, but think that by some easy road they can obtain success and fortune. They have never realized that "You can't get something for nothing ;" and to them "misfortune," as they call it, speedily comes. Others have never formed the habit of economy, and, although they are successful in securing positions which pay large salaries, yet they save no money. They spend each month's wages as they earn it, and often before it is earned. They are the men who later demand higher wages, not that they may save money and make their homes more comfortable, but that they may spend more on the luxuries of life, luxuries that the wealthy enjoy. Too many of our people today are not satisfied to live com- f'fB^—l'.'»«««flHBTaMTmlfiffiff KMitmm 42 THE MEKCORV. fortably and add a little to their material possessions by prac-ticing frugality. Feeling confident that the future will bring large returns, they branch out into large expenditures, and run into debt for purchases altogether unnecessary. They try to match or surpass, in house-hold equipment or other showy material, those of larger and more abundant means. Their false pride impels them to follow the leadership of fashion which ruins them with debt, changes wholesome taste to pernicious •excesses, and invites demoralizing perils. All this from a lack of the habit of economy, which comes from saving here and there, and holding on to the small things, which go to make up the larger; a habit which should be enforced by every pa-rent, and formed by every child, because the practice of econo-my is among the most useful and valued of life's duties. THOUGHTS OF THE PROFS. ^| VHE " Prof " lies down to rest, ^ His working day is o'er ;. His dreams are filled with zest, He plots and schemes yet more. Now there's the Senior grave— Yes, I'll go after him ; He looked so bold and brave But, oh, his bluff is thin ! I call him up the very first, I torture him with fire ; And in my rage I'll almost burst The bonds of god-like ire. I'll hurl the question in his face, I'll make him quake and moan ; He surely will another place Wish he had for his happy home. But let him writhe in grief and pain, Until I find another, Who can his place as well supply, Oh, yes, his Junior brother. THE MERCURY'. 43 A Junior is a mighty man, A man of power aiid skill ; Indeed, if it were not for him The schools would go downhill. That's what he thinks about himself, But oh what a foolish notion ; Could"he see himself as others see, He might change in his devotion. To '• Profs " arrayed in learning deep He looks quite small indeed ; Pop says he sees them come and go, And when Pop speaks we heed. To them the brain of man is clear As crystal-sparkling water; In logic they are gifted one's In Greek they wisely mutter. But the ■' Prof " dreams on ; His ghoulish glee is not one whit abated, For tomorrow come exams, you know, And his wrath can not be sated. Philosophy, History, Poetry, Art, Psychology and Mathematics— A very demon seems to start As he gazes on Poppy Statics. But we leave the Junior now anon, For the Sophomore, wisest of wise, Who, haughtily smiling, gazes on With his wide-open owl-like eyes. To him the heavens are an open book ; For botany specimens he roams the plain, On athletic teams for him you look ; At midnight knowledge he strives to gain. He hustles and bustles around, Like a hen on a griddle hot; Undying fame he would win at a bound, He would even question the wife of Lot. . . I ■ >tl.'J ! 44 THE MERCURY. But the professor has a job for him, That will turn his joy to woe ; Ich bin, du bist, like a funeral hymn The Dutchman mutters sweet and slow. An essay I make him hand to me, The Essay Doctor says in his sleep ; Four-hundred-thousand words at least And busy at his work he'll keep. Goodbye, Sophomore, here's my meat, The Proffy grins in fiendish glee, For the verdant grass beneath the feet Is pale indeed near a Freshman wee. This world struggled on for ages Ere the Freshman here arrived, And now he scribbles countless pages, To solve the riddle he often tries. He's in for reform the day he starts— Politic's, Fraternities, curriculum, too ; He'll assign to the " profs " their speaking parts ', And tell the Seniors what to do. There's not a thing on this old sphere, Of which he cannot all things tell; He's always in place to see and hear ; He has guided all he attempted well. But o'er him does the Proffy gloat, And rolls in his bed with joy ; For he's going to set this young mind afloat; He'll surely teach this Freshman boy ! He'll make him dig the whole day long, Till his tired hands can scarcely move ; No more will he burst into song ; Sad, sick he misses mamma's love ; " For I'll be his mother dear," The kindly Proffy said ; " I put his bottle of milk quite near I dress him for his little bed. • 1/ IJ * / f THE MERCURY. 45 ^^»M*.IM,IH,t. aiH.^nY.fal.fc., 1,1 l.t/-.Jl L.IM11M 48 1 THE MERCURY. The rose looked up at the maiden And opened its petals white ; The twilight of life is passing, How swiftly falls the night, But into the city of sorrow The maiden sent the rose, That bloomed on a brighter morrow For only a few of those, Who, burdened with strife of living, Yet yearned for one happy day, And 'twas thus, through the maiden,s giving, That the rose found out " A Way." THE DREAM MAIDEN. WHEN Bill Heller came to college as an unsophisticated rustic, he little dreamed of the adventures which des-tiny had mapped out for him. Up to this time Bill had been accustomed only to follow his father's great horses as they toiled in the heat of the mid-day sun, to listen to the liquid warbling of the nightingale as she sang in the silvery moonlight, to rise in the early dawn as the sun came majestically sweep-ing above the horizon, kissing the tender buttercups as they gladly turned their golden cheek toward him. Bill had read the lives of men who had left their foot-prints on the sands of time and often in the solitude of his daily toil he had longed for the time when he should lift his deep sounding voice against the evils which threatened the destruction of his native land. Bill's first month's experience as a verdant Freshman was not exactly (a direct) parallel to his expectations. Beaten and bruised in the class rushes, the laughing stock of the upper classmen, his hopes and ambitions suffered a severe shock. To be or not to be. Should he stay and endure it all or go back to the huckleberry bushes ? was the question, which constantly puzzled Bill's mind as the days went by and trouble threw her black cloak around him like the pall of darkest night. The last spark of hope had almost died away and homesickness, that most unrelenting of all afflictions, held Bill in its iron grip. ) I I * I a < 11 THE MERCURY. 49 'One night, overwhelmed with the deepest dispair, he angrily 'dashed his books to the floor and rushed forth into the night, -some unconscious attraction, the will of some higher power, •drew him on. Over field and meadow he plodded, weary of the world, of sorrow and care. Unmindful of the flight of time and whither-soever, he walked, he finally came to a stream glittering in the moonlight. Sitting on a fallen giant of the forest and hurrying his face in his hands, he burst into tears, ibitter and unconsoling. The tears dropping like rain on the placid bosm of the stream rippled as though it, too, sympathized •with him in his hour of trouble. Gently as the professor steals upon the unsuspecting cribber, lie heard a faint melody steal upon him. Was it his fervid imagination or was it the murmur of the rippling brook ? Like the balm of Gilead, the sound came to his troubled soul and, forgetting all woes, he sat, enraptured by the wild beauty of the music; nearer and nearer it came, louder and louder it grew and Bill felt himself wafted into the seventh heaven of delight. Like a meteor bursting from its home in the heavens, a vision came from the depths of the forest and then Bill knew from whence those angelic notes had come. He sat spellbound and speech-less as the fair creature swept by him. His ayes had never before beheld such beauty, so intoxicating, so wonderful that Bill's excited brain could scarce believe her human. Some where in this rushing old world of ours there is a man for every woman, a woman for every man. Sometimes they never meet and two lives are blasted. When they do meet some law, un-known in its principles, draws them together, until two hearts beat as one. She was gone, but a new hope beat in Bill's breast. Who the fair maiden was Bill pondered in vain. Was she human or divine? If he could only see her once again, what would he not do or give to hold the fair (creature) in his arms and whisper, soft words of love in those (dainty) ears ! Bill's ambition came back like the tide and he held his head proudly up to the starry heavens. The clock just struck three, when Bill reached the college gate, and soon he was in Ded. Sleep came to him, a dream in which a lovely maiden gently MM.LV.W tLMMUJ'M.Ul.lr, jl.L.At.l.l.t.MHHiamHimmaUilMMI 50 THE MERCURY. brushed his tawny locks from off his fevered brow. The Chapel Bell was ringing when Bill awoke, and, hastily dressing, he was just 5 1-2 minutes late in getting to Latin class. Three times the Latin professor called upon him to recite, and three times Bill heard him not. The fourth summons broke the spell of his reverie and the gigling of his classmates caused Bill to blush to the roots of his hair. Bill's head swam. The room seemed to* be going round and he toppled over in a faint. For two months he lay in bed with brain fever. His life was despaired of and only his magnificent constitution and will sustained life. One night, while the tired nurse slept, Bill silently stole from his bed and instinctively sought again the spot where the vision of love-liness had first appeared to him. She was an over-grown country girl, a brunette, with wide-open, brown eyes. She came to college to realize her highest ideals, wilful, pretulent, brilliant, in her classes, always singled out in a crowd, a veritible queen, envied by women, loved by the men. Born in an atmosphere of literary culture and re-finement, she was at the time we write as yet undeveloped by the moulding flame of love. Nature was to her an open book. She loved to roam the fields and forests drinking with delight from the sparkling springs which sprang up in the forests. She came to college to live, to enjoy, to do, to be. Never failing in her set purpose, she went overcoming all obstacles. Her voice, bell-like and clear, sounded through the forest like the chime of a silver bell. She never knew the joy of love, the wild abandon, the joy that was almost pain. Bill had escaped his nurse and sat again at the tree in the forest beside the brook. He listened, longing with all the unreasonableness of a sick man for the voice of his charmer. Hark, listen, through the stillness of the night, it came and Bill's heart threatened to leap from his mouth. The voice came no nearer and Bill arose walking silently on the fallen leaves. He had walked only a few hundred feet when coming out into an open glade he saw the object of his search. Parting the bushes, Bill stood there open-eyed, drinking in the music as the hot sand of the desert drinks up the falling dew. There was the disturber of his -
Introduction Such symptoms as hard, complex, bodily or mental feelings, that turn our everyday life into a hell, at first, lead us to a doctor, and then - to a psychotherapist. A sick man is keen to get rid of a symptom. A doctor prescribes medication, that is ought to eliminate a symptom. A psychotherapist searches for a reason of the problem that needs to be removed. There is such an idea that a neurotic symptom, in particular, an anxiety - is a pathological (spare or extra) response of a body. It is generally believed that such anxiety doesn't have some real, objective reasons and that it is the result of a nervous system disorder, or some disruption of a cognitive sphere etc. Meanwhile, it is known that in the majority of cases, medical examinations of anxious people show that they don't have any organic damages, including nervous system. It often happens that patients even wish doctors have found at least any pathology and have begun its treatment. And yet - there is no pathology. All examinations indicate a high level of functionality of a body and great performance of the brain's work. Doctors throw their hands up, as they can't cure healthy people. One of my clients told me her story of such medical examinations (which I'll tell you with her permission). She said that it was more than 10 years ago. So, when she told her doctor all of her symptoms - he seemed very interested in it. He placed a helmet with electrodes on her head and wore some special glasses, when, according to her words, he created some kind of stressful situation for her brain, as she was seeing some flashings of bright pictures in her eyes. She said that he had been bothered with her for quite a long time, and at the end of it he had told her that her brain had been performing the best results in all respects. He noted that he'd rarely got patients with such great health indicators. My client asked the doctor how rare that was. And he answered: "one client in two or three months." At that moment my client didn't know whether to be relieved, flattered or sad. But since then, when someone told her that anxiety was a certain sign of mental problems, or problems with the nervous system, or with a body in general, she answered that people who had anxiety usually had already got all the required medical examinations sufficiently, and gave them the advice to go through medical screening by themselves before saying something like that. Therefore, we see a paradoxical situation, when some experts point to a neurotic anxiety as if it is a kind of pathology, in other words - some result of a nervous system disorder. Other specialists in the same situation talk about cognitive impairments. And some, after all the examinations, are ready to send such patients into space Main text I don't agree with the statement that any neurotic anxiety that happens is excessive and unfounded. It often happens that there is objective, specific and real causes for appearance of anxiety conditions. And these causes require solutions. And it's not about some organic damages of the brain or nervous system. The precondition that may give a rise to anxiety disorder is the development of such a life story that at some stage becomes too toxic - when, on the one hand, a person interacts with the outside world in a way that destroys his or her personality, and, on the other hand, this person uses repression and accepts such situation as common and normal. Repression - is an essential condition for the development of a neurotic symptom. Sigmund Freud was the first who pointed this out. Repression is such a defense mechanism that helps people separate themselves from some unpleasant feelings of discomfort (pain) while having (external or internal) irritations. It is the situation when, despite the presence of irritations and painful feelings, a person, however, doesn't feel any of it and is not aware of them in his or her conscious mind. Repression creates the situation of so-called emotional anesthesia. As a result, a displacement takes place, so a body starts to signal about the existing toxic life situation via a symptom. Anxiety disorder is usually an appropriate response (symptom) of a healthy body to an unhealthy life situation, which is seen by a person as normal. And it's common when such a person is surrounded by others (close people), who tend to benefit from such situation, and so they actively maintain this state of affairs, whether it is conscious for them or not. At the beginning of a psychotherapy almost all clients insist that everything is good in their lives, even great, as it is like in everyone else's life. They say that they have only one problem, which is that goddamn symptom. So they focus all of their attention on that symptom. They are not interested in all the other aspects of their life, and they show their irritation when it comes to talking about it. People want to get rid of it, whatever it takes, but they often tend to keep their lives the way that it was. In such cases a psychotherapist is dealing with the resistance of clients, trying to turn their attention from a symptom to their everyday situation that includes their way of thinking, interactions with themselves and with others and with the external world in order to have the opportunity to see the real problem, to live it through, to rethink and to change the story of their lives. For better understanding about how it works I want to tell you three allegorical tales. The name of the first tale is "A frog in boiling water". There is one scientific anecdote and an assumption (however, it is noted that such experiments were held in 19 century), that if we put a frog in a pot with warm water and start to slowly heat the water, then this frog get used to the temperature rise and stays in a hot water, the frog doesn't fight the situation, slowly begins to lose its energy and at the last moment it couldn't find enough strength and energy to get out of that pot. But if we throw a frog abruptly in hot water - it jumps out very quickly. It is likely that a frog, that is seating in boiling water, will have some responses of the body (symptoms). For example, the temperature of its body will rise, the same as the color of it, etc., that is an absolutely normal body response to the existing situation. But let us keep fantasizing further. Imagine a cartoon where such a frog is the magical cartoon hero, that comes to some magical cartoon doctor, shows its skin, that has changed the color, to the doctor, and asks to change the situation by removing this unpleasant symptom. So the doctor prescribes some medication to return the natural green color of the frog's skin back. The frog gets back in its hot water. For some period of time this medication helps. But then, after a while, the frog's body gets over the situation, and the redness of the frog's skin gets back. And the magical cartoon doctor states that the resistance of the body to this medication has increased, and each time prescribes some more and more strong drugs. In this example with the frog it is perfectly clear that the true solution of the problem requires the reduction of the water temperature in that pot. We could propose that magical cartoon frog to think and try to realize that: 1) the water in that pot is hot, and that is the reason why the skin is red; 2) the frog got used to this situation and that is why it is so unnoticeably for this frog; 3) if the temperature of the water in the pot still stay so hot, without any temperature drop, then all the medication works only temporarily; 4) if we lower the temperature in that pot - the redness disappears on its own, automatically and without any medication. Also this cartoon frog, that will go after the doctor to some cartoon physiotherapist, will face the necessity to give itself some answers for such questions as: 1) What is going on? Who has put this frog in that pot? Who is raising the temperature progressively? Who needs it? And what is the purpose or benefit for this person in that? Who benefits? 2) Why did the frog get into the pot? What are the benefits in it for the frog? Or why did the frog agree to that? 3) What does the frog lose when it gets out of this pot? What are the consequences of it for the frog? What does the frog have to face? What are the possible difficulties on the way? Who would be against the changes? With whom the frog may confront? 4) Is the frog ready to take control over its own pot in its own hands and start to regulate the temperature of the water by itself, so to make this temperature comfortable for itself? Is this frog ready to influence by itself on its own living space, to take the responsibility for it to itself? The example "A frog in boiling water" is often used as a metaphorical portrayal of the inability of people to respond (or fight back) to significant changes that slowly happen in their lives. Also this tale shows that a body, while trying to adjust to unfavorable living conditions, will react with a symptom. And it is very important to understand this symptom. Symptom - is the response of a body, it's a way a body adjusts to some unfriendly environment. Symptom, on the one hand, informs about the existence of a problem, and from the other hand - tries to regulate this problem, at least in some way (like, to remove or reduce), at the level on which it can do it. The process is similar to those when, for example, in a body, while it suffers from some infectious disease, the temperature rises. Thus, on the one hand, the temperature informs about the existence of some infection. On the other hand, the temperature increase creates in a body the situation that is damaging for the infection. So, it would be good to think about in what way does an anxiety symptom help a body that is surrounded by some toxic life situation. And this is a good topic for another article. Here I want to emphasize that all the attempts to remove a symptom without a removal of a problem, without changing the everyday life story, may lead to strengthening of the symptom in the body. Even though the removal of a symptom without elimination of its cause has shown success, it only means that the situation was changed into the condition of asymptomatic existence of a problem. And it is, in its essence, a worse situation. For example, it can cause an occurrence of cancer. The tale "A frog in boiling water" is about the tendency of people to treat a symptom, instead of seeing their real problems, as its cause, and trying to solve it. People don't want to see their problems, but it doesn't mean that the problem doesn't exist. The problem does exist and it continues to destroy a person, unnoticeably for him or her. A person with panic disorder could show us anxiety that is out of control (fear, panic), which, by its essence, seems to exist without any logical reason. Meanwhile the body of such a person could be in such processes that are similar to those that occur in the conditions of some real dangers, when the instinct for self-preservation is triggered and an automatic response of a body to fight or flight implements for its full potential. We can see or feel signs of this response, for example, in cases when some person tries to avoid some real or imaginary danger via attempts to escape (the feeling of fear), or tries to handle the situation by some attempts to fight (the feeling of anger). As I mentioned before, many doctors believe that such fear is pathological, as there is no real reason for such intense anxiety. They may see the cause of the problem in worrisome temper, so they try to remove specifically anxiety rather than help such patients to understand specific reason of their anxiety, they use special psychotherapeutic methods that are designed to help clients to develop logical thinking, so it must help them to realize the groundlessness of their anxiety. In my point of view, such anxiety often has specific, real reasons, when this response of a body, fight or flight, is absolutely appropriate, but not excessive or pathological. Inadequacy, in fact, is in the unconsciousness, but not in the reactions of a body. For a better understanding of the role of anxiety in some toxic environment, that isn't realized, I want to tell you another allegorical tale called "The wolf and the hare". Let us imagine that two cages were brought together in one room. The wolf was inside one cage and the hare was in another. The cages were divided by some kind of curtain that makes it impossible for them to see each other. At this point a question arises whether the animals react to each other in some way in such a situation, or not? I think that yes, they will. Since there are a lot of other receptors that participate in the receiving and processing of the sensory information. As well as sight and hearing, we have of course a range of other senses. For example, animals have a strong sense of smell. It is well known that people, along with verbal methods of communicating information, like language and speaking, also have other means of transmitting information - non-verbal, such as tone of voice, intonation, look, gestures, body language, facial expressions etc., that gives us the opportunity to receive additional information from each other. The lie detector works by using this principle: due to detecting non-verbal signals, it distinguishes the level of the accuracy of information that is transmitted. It is assumed, that about 30% of information, that we receive from the environment, comes through words, vision, hearing, touches etc. This is the information that we are aware of in our consciousness, so we could consciously (logically) use it to be guided by. And approximately 70% of everyday information about the reality around us we receive non-verbally, and this information in the majority of cases could remain in us without any recognition. It is the situation when we've already known something, and we even have already started to respond to it via our body, but we still don't know logically and consciously that we know it. We can observe the responses of our own body without understanding what are the reasons for such responses. We can recognize this unconscious information through certain pictures, associations, dreams, or with the help of psychoanalysis. Psychoanalysis is a great tool that can help to recognize the information from the unconscious mind, so that it can be logically processed further on, in other words, a person then receives the opportunity to indicate the real problems and to make right decisions. But let us return to the tale where the hare and the wolf stay in one room and don't see each other, and, maybe, don't hear, though - feel. These feelings (in other words - non-verbal information that the hare receives) activate a certain response in the hare's body. And it reacts properly and adequately to the situation, for instance, the body starts to produce adrenaline and runs the response "fight or flight". So the hare starts to behave accordingly and we could see the following symptoms: the hare is running around his cage, fussing, having some tremor and an increased heart rate, etc. And now let us imagine this tale in some cartoon. The hare stays in its house, and the wolf wanders about this house. But the hare doesn't see the wolf. Though the body of the hare gives some appropriate responses. And then that cartoon hare goes to a cartoon doctor and asks that doctor to give it some pill from its tremor and the increased heart rate. And in general asks to treat in some way this incomprehensible, confusing, totally unreasonable severe anxiety. If we try to replace the situation from this fairy-tale to a life story, we could see that it fits well to the script of interdependent relationships, where there are a couple "a victim and an aggressor", and where such common for our traditional families' occurrences as a domestic family violence, psychological and physical abuse take place. Only in 2019 a law was passed that follows the European norms and gives a legislative definition of such concepts as psychological domestic abuse, sexual abuse, physical abuse, bullying, that criminalizes all of these occurrences, establishes the punishment and directly points to people that could be a potential abuser. Among them are: a husband towards his wife, parents towards their children, a wife towards her husband, a superior towards a subordinate, a teacher towards his or her students, children towards each other etc. When it comes to recognition of something as unacceptable, it seems more easy to put to that category such occurrences as physical and sexual abuse, as we could see here some obvious events. For example, beating or sexual harassment. Our society is ready to respond to these incidents in more or less adequate way, and to recognize them as a crime. But it is harder to deal with the recognition of psychological abuse as an offence. Psychological abuse in our families is common. Psychological abuse occurs through such situations, when one person, while using different psychological manipulations, such as violation of psychological borders, imposition of feeling of guilty or shame, etc., force another person to give up his or her needs and desires, and so in such a way make this person live another's life. Such actions have an extremely negative effect on the mental health of these people, just as much as physical abuse. It can destroy a person from the inside, ruin self-esteem and a feeling of self-worth, create the situation of absolute dependence such victim from an abuser, including financial dependence etc. It often happens that psychological abuse takes place against the backdrop of demonstrations of care and love. So you've got this story about the wolf and the hare, that are right next to each other, and the shield between two of them is a repression - a psychological defense mechanism, when a person turns a blind eye to such offences, that take place in his or her own life and towards him or her. And this person considers this as normal, doesn't realize, doesn't have a resource to realize, that it is a crime. Most importantly - doesn't feel anything, as a repression takes place. But a body responds in a right way - from a certain point of the existence of such a toxic situation the response "fight or flight" is launched in a body at full, in other words - the fear and anxiety with the associated symptoms. The third allegorical tale I called "Defective suit", which I read in the book of Clarissa Pinkola Estés with the name "Running With the Wolves". "Once one man came to a tailor and started to try on a suit. When he was standing in front of a mirror, he saw that the costume had uneven edges. - Don't worry, - said the tailor. - If you hold the short edge of the suit by your left hand - nobody notices it. But then the man saw that a lapel of a jacket folded up a little bit. - It's nothing. You only need to turn your head and to nail it by your chin. The customer obeyed, but when he put on trousers, he saw that they were pulling. - All right, so just hold your trousers like this by your right hand - and everything will be fine, - the tailor comforts him. The client agreed with him and took the suit. The next day he put on his new suit and went for a walk, while doing everything exactly in the way that the tailor told him to. He waddled in a park, while holding the lapel by his chin, and holding the short edge of the suit by his left hand, and holding his trousers by his right hand. Two old men, who were playing checkers, left the game and started to watch him. - Oh, God! - said one of them. - Look at that poor cripple. - Oh, yes - the limp - is a disaster. But I'm wondering, where did he get such a nice suit?" Clarissa wrote: "The commentary of the second old man reflects the common response of the society to a woman, who built a great reputation for herself, but turned into a cripple, while trying to save it. "Yes, she is a cripple, but look how great her life is and how lovely she looks." When the "skin" that we put on ourselves towards society is small, we become cripples, but try to hide it. While fading away, we try to waddle perky, so everyone could see that we are doing really well, everything is great, everything is fine". As for me, this tale is also about the process of forming a symptom in a situation when one person tries very hard to match to another one, whether it is a husband, a wife or parents. It's about a situation when such a person always tries to support the other one, while giving up his or her own needs and causing oneself harm in such a way by feeling a tension every day, that becomes an inner normality. And so this person doesn't give oneself a possibility to relax, to be herself (or himself), to be spontaneous, free. As a result, in this situation the person, who was supported, looks perfect from the outside, but those who tried to match, arises some visible defect, like a limp - a symptom. And so this person lives like a cripple, under everyday stress and tension, trying to handle it, while sacrificing herself (or himself) and trying to maintain this situation, so not to lose the general picture of a beautiful family and to avoid shame. The tailor, who made this defective suit and tells how to wear the suit properly, in order to keep things going as they are going, often is a mother who raised a problematic child and then tells another person how to deal with her child in the right way. It is the situation when a mother-in-law tells her daughter-in-law how to treat her son properly. In other words, how to support him, when to keep silent, to handle, how to fit in, so that her problematic son and this relationship in general looks perfect. Or vice versa, when a mother-in-law tells her son-in-law how to support her problematic daughter, how to fit in etc. When, for example, a woman acts like this in her marriage and with her husband, with these excessive efforts to fit in - then after a while everybody will talk like: "Look at this lovely man: he lives with his sick wife, and their family seems perfect!". But when such a woman becomes brave enough to relax and to just let the whole thing go, everybody will see that the relationship in her marriage isn't perfect, and it is the other one who has problems. Each time when someone tries excessively to match up to another one, while turning oneself in some kind of a cripple, - he or she, on the one hand, supports the comfort of that person, to whom he or she tries to match up, and on the other hand - such a situation always arises in that person such conditions as a continuous tension, anxiety, fear to act spontaneously. A symptom - is like a visible defect, that shows itself through the body (and may look like some kind of injury). It is the result of a hidden inner prison. As a result of evolution, a pain tells us about a problem that is needed to be solved. When we repress our pain we can't see our needs and our problems at full. And then a body starts to talk to us via a symptom. Psychotherapy aims for providing a movement from a symptom to a resumption of sensitivity to feelings, a resumption of the ability to feel your psychological pain, so you can realize your own toxic story. In this perspective another fairy-tale looks interesting to analyze - it is Andersen's fairytale "Princess and the Pea". In the tale a prince wanted to find a princess to marry. There was one requirement for women candidates, so the prince could select her among commoner - high level of sensitivity, as the real princess would feel a pea through the mountain of mattresses, and so she could have the ability to feel discomfort, to be in a good contact with her body, to tell about her discomfort without such feeling as shame and guilt, and to refuse that discomfort, so to have the readiness to solve her problems and to demand from others the respect for her needs. It is common for our culture that the expression "a princess on a pea" very often uses for a negative meaning. So people who are in good contact with their body and who can demand comfort for themselves are often called capricious. At the same time the heroes who are ready to suffer and to tolerate their pain, who are able to repress (stop to feel) their pain represents a good example to be followed in our society. So, we may see the next algorithm in cases of various anxiety disorders: the existence of some toxic situation that brings some danger to a person. And we need not to be confused: a danger exists not for a body, but for a personality. A toxic live situation as well as having a panic attack is not a threat for the health of a body (that is what medical examinations show), and vice versa - it's like every day intensive sport training, that could be good for your health only to some degree. A toxic situation destroys a person as a personality, who longs for one self's expression; the existence of such a defense mechanism as repression - it's a life with closed eyes, in pink glasses, when there is inability (or the absence of the desire) to see its own toxic story; 3.the presence of a symptom - a healthy response of a body "fight or flight" to some toxic situation; displacement - it's replacement of the attention from the situation to a symptom, when a person starts to see and search for the problem in some other place, not where it really is. A symptom takes as some spare, pathological reaction that we need to get rid of. The readiness to fight the symptom arises, and that is the goal of such methods of therapy as pharmacological therapy, CBT and many others; the absence of adequate actions that are directed towards the change of a toxic situation itself. The absence of the readiness to show aggression when it comes to protect its space. All of it is a mechanism of formation of primary anxiety and preparation for launch of secondary anxiety. A complete anxiety disorder is the interaction between a primary and a secondary anxiety.
Food, water, and shelter, as fundamental components of human existence are no less critical in an aviation unit than the number of enemies shot down, as a combat force can be made or broken over necessities. During World War II, Russian pilots returned to bases where food and housing were not to be taken for granted, and free time was dictated by forces largely outside their control. The overall living conditions of Russian pilots during the war were varied, unpredictable, and improvised. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the Junior Arts/Humanities category. ; Borscht, Barracks, and Bears: How Russian Pilots Lived in WWII Sarah Clark HI 355: WW2 Colloquium Phase 3 Word Count: 3,307 December 6, 2019 Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 1 Introduction What were the living conditions of Russian pilots in WWII? Food, water, and shelter, as fundamental components of human existence are no less critical in an aviation unit than the number of enemies shot down, as a combat force can be made or broken over necessities. During World War II, Russian pilots returned to bases where food and housing were not to be taken for granted, and free time was dictated by forces largely outside their control. The overall living conditions of Russian pilots during the war were varied, unpredictable, and improvised. When the war began, pilots unused to wartime conditions had to adapt quickly to their new conditions. One pilot recalled: the sun was baking hot on the street. I walked slowly towards the airfield and came up to the dispersal area. It was like a disturbed anthill. They were repairing the old shelters. Here and there they were digging new ones. They assigned the headquarters dug-out for the use of the staff. Fyodorov and Godunov decided to use an enormous plywood container in which, at one time, an aircraft had arrived from the factory in parts…We had supper –field rations, as if we were at the front—and spent the night in the dug-out. Tired after the day's work and even more so after the previous sleepless night, everyone soon dropped off. Of course, after comfortable quarters, snow-white sheets and a soft bed, it is not cosy to sleep on a plank bed; but aircrew get used to anything.1 Food Sources Throughout the war, sources of food varied, but the three most common were rations, villagers, and American Lend-Lease food. Rations were the primary source of food for Russian pilots. The military had its own rationing system, separate from and prioritized above the civilian system.2 At first, most foods were produced and distributed by state associated farms and collectives. Throughout the war, more and more initiative was given to peasants to make food production a private enterprise to increase production and reduce the burden on state-owned 1 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 5. 2 Ganson, "Food Supply," 78. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 2 sources.3 Typical rations for the Russian armed forces consisted of a simple breakfast of porridge known as kasha, a type of soup called borscht for lunch, and bread with pickles or cucumbers for dinner, and for aviators 100 grams of vodka after combat missions.4 In general, variety and items such as meat, fat, and fresh fruits and vegetables were hard to come by. Throughout the war, Russians both were allocated and received fewer daily calories than the soldiers of several other countries. In early 1941, Russian infantrymen were allocated 2,954 calories a day, which was increased to 3,450 in September.5 Members of active flying units were supposed to receive 4,712.6 Compared to other Allied nations, this basic allowance was low. For instance, the United States allocated 4,748 calories for front-line soldiers, and Britain allocated 5,300 for soldiers fighting in cold weather.7 Despite official instructions, it was common for Russians to receive less than their daily allotted calories, placing them even farther below their Allied comrades. Pilots overcame the lack of food and added variety by trading with nearby villagers if based near or in a village. There are multiple accounts of pilots and technicians going into towns to exchange unused items such as underwear or more common items such as "tobacco, cigarettes, bread, and sugar for milk, sour cream, eggs, and butter and sometimes meat."8 Exchanges could be a one-time or reoccurring transaction. For instance, while in Romania, one squadron member paid a Romanian for a daily supply of ten eggs.9 However, making deals with the locals was not always favored by senior officers, as squadron members were arrested and 3 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 126; Ganson, "Food Supply," 75-76. 4 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 319. 5 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty." 319. 6 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 127. 7 Collingham, "Out of Depression," 434; Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 319. 8 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 145, 186. 9 Mariinskiy, Airacobra, 142. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 3 imprisoned in some units.10 Yet, the prevalence of such transactions illustrates the desperation for sufficient and adequate food. Pilots not only traded with villagers and peasants, but they also took advantage of their surroundings. They scavenged through the remains of old villages, especially on the way towards Berlin in 1944 and 1945.11 One of the most common items searched for was alcohol. For instance, one fighter pilot, heading towards Berlin, recalled that "in the deserted workshops of the sugar mill the omnipresent procurement officers…found tanks of spirits."12 In other locations, where natural resources such as rivers were more abundant, pilots occasionally resorted to fishing to provide fresh meat in desperate times, when the food supplied in the mess hall was either meager or nonexistent.13 Another way variety was increased was through the introduction of American Lend- Lease items, especially in 1943 and after. For instance, dairy items from America like dried eggs and milk powder, hard to come by in Russia, supplemented protein and fat intake, and packaged meats such as Spam were a welcome respite from dried fish.14 To show this one pilot reported that "American food, it was a feast—canned meat, dried eggs, canned milk."15 While American food was only a tiny sliver of what the air forces ate during the war, it certainly provided a respite from the standard fare. 10 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 145. 11 I Remember, "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ivan-konovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 12 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 77-78. 13 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 114. 14 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 340; I Remember, "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 15 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 119. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 4 Factors that Affected Food Squadron location, when correlated with timeframe, was one of the most significant factors affecting food availability and type, including geographic location, distance relative to frontlines, and proximity to inhabited villages. Geographic location was significant because Russia is a massive country, and front lines stretched for hundreds of miles. Food supplies were inadequate to begin with, and the distribution system was incomplete and inefficient. These issues were only compounded by the rapidly advancing German forces during Operation Barbarossa.16 Not every unit received equal amounts of food, and food reserves were not in place, especially at the beginning, resulting in troops at the front and rear being shorted.17 To show the variation, one fighter pilot, who spent some time near the front lines at Smolensk, wrote "I'm still amazed that—whether advancing or retreating—we were always well supplied with food."18 Conversely, other pilots reported periodic food shortages lasting several days near front lines.19 Therefore food availability varied greatly from one unit to the next. Distance from the front impacted food supply because it affected the ability of food to reach airfields. At the beginning of the war, food shortages were common in contested areas, such as the North Caucasus and Ukraine.20 Plus, reserves were either too far away or not built up enough to sustain prolonged shortages.21 During German advances supplies were not always able to be delivered, causing aircrews to survive on what meager items they had stockpiled.22 Other 16 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 113. 17 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 115. 18 Drabkin, Barbarossa, 85. 19 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 186. 20 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 79. 21 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 115. 22 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 186; Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 79. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 5 times, aircrews were forced to pick up supplies with their aircraft because the ground vehicles were unable to reach their airfields.23 The type of action an air unit was supporting, such as a retreat or an advance, also affected their food supply. When a regiment formally moved to a new airfield in preparation for an operation, and if time allowed, the airfield would be prepped by a service battalion consisting of combat support and maintenance personnel, who stocked up supplies and prepared the housing and airfield facilities for the arrival of the unit.24 Thorough preparation resulted in efficiency and ease of movement. However, when movement to a new airfield was either hastily planned or unplanned as a result of an unexpected retreat, there was no preparation, resulting in the opposite effect: no supplies. For instance, while retreating in 1942, one pilot wrote that upon reaching the assigned base they "found nothing there—no staff, no mess hall, no fuel" because the ground support had been unable to reach the base in time to prepare it.25 However, the unit in that scenario ended up being fed by a woman from a local village, illustrating the last essential component of location: proximity to an inhabited area.26 Airfields were frequently built near villages. Consequently, instead of official housing, pilots would be billeted with the town residents. Occasionally villagers had items unavailable to military members, such as fresh vegetables from their gardens or dairy products, such as milk. 27 One last factor to consider in analyzing food supply is unit type: bombers versus fighters. Food for both types of units was dreary and monotonous with occasional highlights of canned 23 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 67. 24 Bessette, "Soviet Military Transportation Aviation," 196. 25 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 108. 26 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 108. 27 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 85, 176. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 6 American food, items gained from the locals, or the rationed chocolate and Coca-Cola.28 For instance, in 1942, one bomber pilot reported eating brown bread, a lot of cereal, and in the fall-potatoes, while another bomber pilot reported eating a breakfast of gruel, bread, butter, and tea the following year.29 Fighter pilots reported similar types of food including soup, tea, and bread.30 Overall, food was more affected by location, type of action, and timeframe than type of unit because units across all aircraft types experienced times of relative abundance and shortage, based on locational and situational factors. Housing Housing was also based on location and situation. The spectrum ranged from sleeping in and under aircraft using tarps and covers as blankets to large houses in nearby villages, and later even villas. Pilots were usually billeted separately from the enlisted technicians. Commonly, the technicians were kept closer to the aircraft in dugouts, huts, or trenches, so that they were quickly accessible and ready for action, while it was more common for pilots to live outside the airfield. However, there were times when pilots and technicians lived together, such as one tail gunner who lived in the same local home as her pilot.31 Housing Situations One of the main differences in airfield accommodations was the age of the airfield. New airfields were usually less developed because they were formed during war when a base was needed during a rapid advance or unplanned retreat. Hasty quarters usually consisted of dugouts built into the ground, sometimes made by female workers from nearby cities, such as 28 I Remember, "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 29 I Remember. "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]; I Remember, "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov," https://iremember.ru /en/memoirs/airmen/ivankonovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 30 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 78. 31 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 176. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 7 Leningrad.32 Pilots also lived in trenches or around the aircraft until more permanent quarters could be made.33 Again, there were exceptions. New airfields were better prepared when movements were planned well in advance, and airfield service battalions were available to go to the airfield first and prepare it for the unit, which included billeting arrangements.34 Conversely, older airfields, many of which had been training schools or air bases before the war, already had a developed infrastructure. They had permanent quarters or at least buildings that could be readily turned into barracks. For instance, one pilot recalled living in an old school building on an airfield that had been a training school two years before the war.35 Even in 1944, when the Russians refitted three Ukrainian air bases for the Americans, they refitted an artillery barracks and school buildings for the Americans to live in.36 Also, as the Russians moved east in 1944 and 1945 they utilized barracks on former German airfields. If housing was not available on the airfield, pilots were billeted in the homes of villagers or other available buildings, within several miles of the airfield. Even within the homes there was a lot of variation. Usually the home's residents still lived there, and one of two scenarios occurred: either a couple or as many as possible pilots would be billeted there. For example, one pilot recalls that "the overcrowding was horrendous, but room was found for me. In a crooked hut…having delicately pushed the hostess to the oven in her kitchen."37 Houses could become crowded and uncomfortable when pilots, other officers, and non-maintenance personnel, were forced to live together. Alternatively, other pilots were billeted alone and given a lot of space and 32 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 91. 33 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 106. 34 Bessette, "Soviet Military Transportation Aviation," 196. 35 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 33. 36 Plokhy, Forgotten Bastards, 35. 37 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 138. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 8 relatively nice accommodations. Also, nearby villages were occasionally abandoned, resulting in pilots living in vacant homes.38 Overall, village billeting was varied. Uncontrollable Factors Another variable that should not be overlooked is the effect of the war on housing options. Barracks and dugouts were not immune to German air raids. When permanent buildings or dugouts were destroyed, pilots slept in hastily rebuilt dugouts or under the aircraft. Combat readiness also dictated how close aircrews slept to their aircraft because if a raid was expected, pilots needed to be ready to defend their airfield at a moment's notice.39 Bombings, when the signal of a German advance, also contributed to units moving from new bases and having to find new quarters altogether. Other times, the housing at a new base was inhabitable. For instance, one mechanic wrote that "all of the habitable dwellings nearby were mined by the Germans, so we had to live under the wings of our aircraft."40 Therefore, stable and safe housing was not to be taken for granted in combat conditions. Weather also played devil's advocate with housing. Mud, rain, and snow are all part of life in Russia and had devastating effects on airfield usage and quality of life inside aircrew quarters. During the rainy season, dugouts were flooded with inches to feet of water, either forcing pilots to pump the water out in colder seasons or live under the aircraft in warmer weather.41 Snow, on the other hand, made its way into primitive buildings in the form of ice. Escaping the cold was impossible. Changes in weather patterns and the beginning of colder seasons also resulted in insect and animal infestations, such as fleas, rats, and mosquitos. One rat 38 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 26. 39 Tomofeyeva-Yegorova, Black Sky Red Death, 106. 40 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 151. 41 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 110, 173. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 9 infestation was so bad a pilot remarked that "they were routinely crushed under people's feet."42 Overall, weather was just one more variable that made housing unpredictable. Commodities Not only was housing itself varied and often improvised, but commodities nowadays taken for granted were as well. Most of what the pilots had for furniture, light, and linens were makeshift. Oil drums and shell casings were used as crude lamps and stoves. Any available material was burned in those stoves, including used bomb fuse-boxes.43 Beds, tables, and any other furniture were typically cobbled together from planks, wood scraps, straw, and aircraft covers. Pillows were stuffed with everything from weeds to straw. Again, there were exceptions, especially later in the war, when air units took over German airfields or lived in residences currently or previously owned by the wealthy. For example, one pilot wrote that his unit was "billeted for a rest in some factory-owner's villa…on soft feather beds," and remarked that "the conqueror's position has its advantages."44 Overall though, pilots did not live in luxury. They made what they needed from what was available. Personal Free Time The small amount of free time in between tasking, or during rough weather, helped the pilots let loose and mentally cope with being in combat. On a personal level, people kept busy with what was available. Those who had books read them and then shared them, which led to book discussions.45 Games requiring little space, such as dominos, chess, and cards were played; although, some commands forbade cardplaying, calling it bourgeois.46 People who were musically gifted and carried their instrument, such as a guitar or accordion, around would play 42 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 116. 43 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 124. 44 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 73. 45 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 138. 46 Drabkin, Barbarossa, 42. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 10 for their fellow airmen. Some of the women would knit, embroider, or sew new pairs of silk underwear. And everyone looked forward to letters from home, especially when the Germans occupied territory where their loved ones lived. For instance, one pilot wrote that when she received the first letter from her mother, five months into the war, she "felt such relief! All these months I had worried about my family, whether they were suffering somewhere under German occupation."47 Pilots were desperate for news about the wellbeing and whereabouts of relatives and friends. Unit Free Time Beyond the personal level, units organized events amongst themselves. Some had a newsletter that members would write in and distribute amongst the unit.48 Usually those had a political overtone. Nevertheless, they were an opportunity for people to use skills other than flying, such as creative writing, journalism, and drawing. Activities such as talent shows and performances were also organized, including events such as formal readings, performance of plays or sketches, and solo acts. For example, one squadron had the only Gypsy to fly for Russia in the war, who performed dances of his culture, until he died in combat.49 Parties and dances were also held, especially in some of the female units, to celebrate successful missions with dancing and singing.50 Celebrations were an outlet for the emotion created by the stresses of combat and unpredictable living conditions. Occasionally if located near a larger city, such as Leningrad, and if tasking allowed, pilots were able to partake in urban activities, such as movies, concerts, and dance classes. At times, events were formally organized by unit commanders to increase morale and let their 47 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 81. 48 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 6. 49 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 61. 50 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 71 . Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 11 personnel get away from the humdrum of front-line duties, while other times, attending a movie or performance was not command mandated. For instance, one corps commander gave circus tickets to his officers and ordered them to go on a night when no flights were scheduled.51 While in a different squadron a group of pilots was invited to a musical premiere in Leningrad while the city was being barraged by the Germans.52 Not only did pilots seek out entertainment, but entertainment sought them out, in the form of traveling performers, artists, and mobile theaters that traveled throughout the eastern front, providing performances for units unable to go to a city or populated area. Relationships Beyond mere activities, relationships were another way to pass the time. Wedding ceremonies were a change from the more frequent funeral ceremonies. Pilots married either pilots from other commands or members of various service battalions. To illustrate the difference between a funeral and wedding, an airman wrote, "the regiment personnel celebrated a festive and memorable event. And it had nothing to do with war, blood, or death. It was quite the opposite of a funeral."53 Joyous occasions were a welcome relief from the cruel ways of combat. Relationships were unavoidable in squadrons where technicians and combat support staff were frequently female. Even in units with only female pilots, relationships were not uncommon with male members of the same or other units. There was one female pilot, for example, whose former commanding officer proposed after the war ended.54 Relationships were crucial in motivating pilots to return from every flight and survive the war, while also serving to satisfy the soft side of human existence. 51 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 157. 52 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 178. 53 Antipov & Utkin, Dragons on Bird Wings, 75. 54 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 201. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 12 However, humans were not the only ones to fulfill this need for affection, as pets were not forbidden. Often, stray dogs or cats were picked up when a unit passed by an abandoned area. They were either adopted by a whole unit or individuals, as was the case with the Gypsy and his dog, Jack.55 However, there were other scenarios, where a pet would be left behind by higher-ups who briefly visited the unit. For example, Alexander Novikov, then Air Force supreme commander, left behind a bear cub he had been given. At the squadron, the small cub ate and slept with the men, which became difficult as she grew. In the end, she was killed by outsiders, and the air unit refused to eat her.56 While an unusual scenario, it still shows the connections unit members made with animals that ended up in their possession. Focusing on caring for a pet was a needed distraction. Conclusion During World War II, the men and women in the Russian air forces lived an unpredictable life, dictated by the whims of combat. Food would be available one day and not the next. Moving from base to base increased unpredictability, as not all locations were supplied equally, especially when close to combat or advancing German forces. Air force units stretched from Leningrad to Ukraine, which strained the initially inadequate supply system. Time was not always available for building new housing, resulting in external billeting and quickly-built dugouts. Improvisation was the name of the game, as the pilots had to make do with the food, materials, and housing they could scavenge or trade for. Pilots with imagination and creativity were able to create a home away from home that at least met the bare minimum of their needs, despite limited free time to decompress and get away from combat stressors. 55 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 61. 56 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 69. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 13 Research Question: What were the living conditions of Russian pilots in WWII?Outline 1. Introduction 1.1. Research question 1.2. Idea of the variability, range of living conditions 2. Living Conditions 2.1. Food 2.1.1. Food sources 2.1.1.1. Rations 2.1.1.1.1. Calorie comparison 2.1.1.2. Local sources 2.1.1.3. American food 2.1.2. Factors affecting food 2.1.2.1. Location 2.1.2.1.1. Timeframe 2.1.2.1.2. Movement type 2.1.2.1.3. Billeting 2.1.2.2. Unit type 2.2. Housing 2.2.1. Introduction 2.2.2. Housing Situations 2.2.2.1. New Airfields 2.2.2.2. Old Airfields 2.2.2.3. Living in Villages 2.2.3. Uncontrollable Factors 2.2.3.1. Combat Conditions 2.2.3.2. Weather 2.2.4. Commodities 2.3. Free Time 2.3.1. Personal Level 2.3.1.1. Hobbies: sewing, knitting, poetry, music 2.3.1.2. Letters from home 2.3.2. Unit Level Activities 2.3.2.1. Newspapers, performances 2.3.2.2. Nearby towns 2.3.2.2.1. Leader/command initiated 2.3.3. Relationships 2.3.3.1. People 2.3.3.2. Pets 3. Conclusion Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 14 Bibliography Primary Sources Drabkin, Artem. Barbarossa and the Retreat to Moscow: Recollections of Fighter Pilots on the Eastern Front. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books LTD, 2007. I Remember. "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich." https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. I Remember. "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov." https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ivan-konovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. Kaberov, Igor. Swastika in the Gunsight: Memoirs of a Russian Fighter Pilot 1941-1945. Stroud: Sutton Publishing, 1999. Kramarenko, Sergei. The Red Air Force at War: Air Combat over the Eastern Front and Korea: A Soviet Fighter Pilot Remembers. Barnsley, England: Pen & Sword Military, 2008. Mariinskiy, Evgeniy. Red Star Airacobra: Memoirs of a Soviet Fighter Ace, 1941-45. Solihull: Helion & Company, 2006. Noggle, Anne. A Dance with Death: Soviet Airwomen in World War II. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1994. Reshetnikov, Vasiliy. Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front: 307 Missions Behind Enemy Lines. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books LTD, 2008. Timofeyeva-Yegorova, A. Red Sky, Black Death: A Soviet Woman Pilot's Memoir of the Eastern Front. Bloomington: Slavica Publishers, 2009. Scholarly Books Pennington, Reina. Wings, Women, and War: Soviet Airwomen in World War II Combat. Modern War Studies. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2001. Plokhy, Serhii. Forgotten Bastards of the Eastern Front: American Airmen Behind the Soviet Lines and the Collapse of the Grand Alliance. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2019. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 15 Scholarly Articles Bessette, John. "Soviet Military Transport Aviation" in The Soviet Air Forces edited by Paul Murphy, 188-211. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1984. Collingham, Lizzie. "The Soviet Union—Fighting on Empty" in The Taste of War, 317-346. New York: Penguin Press, 2012. Collingham, Lizzie. "The United States—Out of Depression and into Abundance" in The Taste of War, 415-466. New York: Penguin Press, 2012. Ganson, Nicholas. "Food Supply, Rationing, and Living Standards" in The Soviet Union at War, 1941-1945 edited by David Stone, 69-92. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books Ltd, 2010. Moskoff, William. "The First Priority: Feeding the Armed Forces" in The Bread of Affliction: The Food Supply in the USSR During World War II, 113-134. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Additional Sources Antipov, Vladislav, and Igor Utkin. Dragons on Bird Wings: The Combat History of the 812th Fighter Regiment. Translated by James F. Gebhardt. 1st English ed. Kitchener, ON: Aviaeology, 2006.
Ashland, Oregon is a smart little community nestled in the foothills of the Siskiyou Mountains about 20 minutes north of the California border. Home to Southern Oregon University and host to the yearly Shakespeare Festival, Ashland is one of those places both progressive and picturesque that often occupies a top spot on waiting-room magazines' "Best Small Towns" or "Best Places to Retire" lists. It's got a walkable business district with cozy fine-dining bistros, new-age book shops and old-school hotels. It's got the requisite breathtaking views—Oregon's famed firs snake up and down steep, mist-laden hills to the east and west. It's got equal parts West-Coast hippie charm and urbane artiness, but it still retains the ruddy feel of the Northwest wilderness. Less well-known is the fact that Ashland is home to the Church of the Holy Light of the Queen, the unofficial base in the United States for a growing alternative religion called Santo Daime. With origins in the Brazilian Amazon, Santo Daime would attract little attention if not for one fact: worshipers drink ayahuasca, an imported jungle brew that contains dimethyltryptamine, or DMT, a highly potent hallucinogen. DMT can cause intense dissociation—the feeling that you've left your body—and everything from excruciating horror to intense euphoria. It's often associated with the near-death experience; some scientists postulate that the human brain contains otherwise dormant amounts of the psychedelic compound, and it releases that cache when your mind thinks it's done for. Ayahuasca contains DMT and is used widely by various shamans and tribes in the Amazon, where it's known as yage, hoasca, or La Purga ("the purge"). Santo Daime's followers, the Daimestas, refer to ayahuasca as Daime Tea, and they drink it as their one and only sacrament. The DMT-packed tea is the cornerstone of their religion and all church functions. DMT is also listed by the U.S. DEA as a Schedule-I substance, the department's strictest classification. Ashland's Church of the Holy Light of the Queen was founded by Padrinho ("Godfather" in Portuguese) Jonathan Goldman, an ebullient yet laid-back former Boston acupuncturist with a working-class, midwestern Jewish upbringing and a lifelong intuition for battling the status quo. Goldman, his family and his church have been under fire from the DEA since the church formed and started hosting underground Santo Daime rituals in Ashland in 1993. Police stormed Goldman's house in a 1999 raid, and they arrested him and effectively shut down the church. He responded by filing a lawsuit against the federal government, seeking a religious freedom exemption from the Controlled Substances Act. Nine years later, Ashland's Daimestas prevailed in an Oregon district court, and they've been drinking Daime Tea with impunity since March 2009. Daime Tea is an entheogen—a substance meant purely for spiritual and psychotherapeutic purposes. The Daimestas say it's something everyone should be allowed to have. They believe it grants direct access to the divine and can lead to life-changing insights and sustained happiness. I wondered, is there any real spiritual healing going on here, or are the Daimestas just futzing around with an acute psychedelic for kicks? Just who are these people anyway, and do they believe there's a real connection between God and drugs? After learning of these strange folks, I had to take a trip to Ashland to find out the answers. *** The way Santo Daime's doctrine works is simple: the religion is open to anyone who shows interest. So one day last fall I wrote to Goldman and asked if I could come to Ashland and observe the church's members doing whatever it is they do. It was weeks before I heard back. Goldman informed me that he would be open to a story, but under one condition: I had to attend a church service, which he called a "work." And not as an observer. As a participant. He instructed me to set up an interview with someone named John Seligman, a fellow Daime expert and the chief screener of new church applicants. Seligman sent me a Goldman-penned introduction to the Daime, a blank medical waiver and a note scheduling my interview for early January. I read the airy introduction, scratched my head and called Goldman for some basic background. He said the work would involve a kind of dancing that puts participants in a trance state of "active meditation." Add in the Daime Tea, which he called a "super-powerful, altering, natural substance," and you've got a shortcut—a very intense, demanding shortcut—to profound spiritual vision. "What the Daime offers is a direct experience that is only reserved for mystics," Goldman said. That sounded alright, but I wanted some objective information on the strange psychedelic brew I was about to swallow. Not surprisingly, dredging up coherent accounts about ayahuasca isn't easy. And, as with most substances of its ilk, user experience varies wildly from person to person. Take The Yage Letters, for instance, a tortuous, fragmented tale about Burroughs' and Ginsberg's frustrating quests for the drink in South and Central America. Ginsberg wrote of a pleasant (if bizarre) first ayahuasca experience, where he peered "at a mystery" through a "big black hole of God-Nose." His next trip, however, was all vomiting and horrifying snake hallucinations. "I was frightened," he complained, "and simply lay there with wave after wave of death-fear rolling over me till I could hardly stand it." And his final summation of ayahuasca doesn't quite read like a ringing endorsement: "I am afraid of some real madness, a Changed Universe permanently changed." By the time January came around, I had decided the short version was twofold: the Daime would be very intense and demanding yet simple and beautiful. And I might puke my guts out. So I headed north through the flatlands and into the mountains on Interstate 5. The sun shone through the thickly misty sky like an incandescent silver dollar, and I wondered if I might soon be tripping with the angels, talking to God and driving back home as a mystic. *** My orientation was set for the morning of the work. It was a damp, snowy Saturday when I arrived at the church's headquarters, a nondescript, street-level office space at the end of a short commercial strip. I knocked on a door marked with a Star of David festooned with birds and circles and a glowing, double-beamed cross in the center. Seligman appeared and beckoned me in, instructing me to take off my shoes. He looked a little disheveled, sporting ragged, paint-splattered pants and a day or two of stubble on his face, with eyebrows like miniature scouring pads and a chunk of gray tufts protruding from either side of his head. Other than the strangeness of his eerie calm and a clear, steady look in his eye—qualities I later noticed were present in all the Daimestas I would meet—he struck me as a pretty benign guy. "Welcome, Alex," he said. We shook hands and sat down on folding chairs at an altar shaped like a six-pointed star. A certain degree of anonymity is important to the Daimestas, so rather than engaging me in a lot of small talk, Seligman merely closed his eyes. We sat for a few minutes in silent meditation. Then, Seligman opened his heavy-lidded eyes and in a half-whispered tone declared the room we were sitting in a "sacred space." In a slow, considered way, Seligman began by explaining the basics. This particular work would be an important one, a celebration of Three Kings Day, which sounded familiar to me from having grown up Catholic (although all I remembered was that it had something to do with Christmas). For this work, we'd be singing the entirety of a 128-song hymnbook in Portuguese and dancing for up to 12 hours. And every two hours, we'd be drinking another swig of Daime Tea. Once the work started, Seligman said, what I could expect and what would be expected of me would include the following: maintaining vibrational cohesiveness and harmony through music and dancing. holding the current. creating a bridge. allowing celestial energies to come down through the altar metaphorically and actually. and holding a sacred communion both private and communal with divine guides. What the hell was this man talking about? Seligman's soothing voice and nebulous syntax only amplified my anxiety. I was starting to feel pretty awkward. As his exposition on something about divine entities ground to a halt, I was thinking about weaseling out. Maybe I could fail the interview. "Having strangers come in—it doesn't distract from the energy, the current, at all?" I asked in a loud, abrupt voice. Seligman smiled calmly and watched me squirm. I wasn't getting away that easily. "There are no visitors," he said. "Everybody's a participant." He explained to me that all are guaranteed a protective and nurturing environment, a container to process the unpredictable and often demanding revelations brought forth by drinking Daime Tea. The container provides the proper setting, as I imagined Timothy Leary might put it, for the revelations, which may send me on a brutal ride through latent emotional traumas and truths. "Throwing up may be part of that," Seligman said. "What we allow—this container that we create—is to process it. There's an invitation. It's not expected of you, but if it comes up, we are holding space for you to move through that. We invite you to cry. We are there to help." Really? I was about to spend twelve hours in the divine container with a bunch of caterwauling strangers, feet sore, sobbing, puking, and high on DMT the whole time? "About the tea," I said, trying to maintain a tone of composure. "What if it's not working out for me and I'm having a bad time of it after the first drink? Could I skip the next go-round?" "The answer is yes," Seligman replied. "But the answer is also no." It would all be up to the divine guides. "If you feel like you're gonna die," he assured me, "sit back down, close your eyes and breathe." To stall the onset of total panic, I focused on picking out and memorizing the practical rules Seligman was laying out. If I wanted to get out of the dancing line and go sit down or vomit, I should do so only between hymns. If I wanted to go outside and "take a leak or commune with a tree," I had to let a guardian at the door know about it. I was not to cross my arms or legs at any time during the work. And I had to dress in all white. That sounded eerily cultish to me. I looked down at my unwashed, cream-colored jeans. "These alright?" I asked. Seligman scoffed and shook his head. "They're dirty. It's important that you be clean." He grabbed a pencil and drew me a map to the local paint store, where I could get a nice, crisp, brilliantly colorless pair of painter's pants—ones pleasing to the divine guides, who might otherwise be bummed if I didn't show up looking as pure as a virgin bride on her wedding day. He handed me the map and a packet with more rules, guidelines and a massive list of drugs, medications and foods to avoid. I sat down at a desk and for the second time filled out the medical waiver, a three-page affair that I had of course forgotten to bring with me. I was not taking any antidepressants. Check. Never been hospitalized for psychological problems. Check. "Is there anything else about your physical or emotional status of which we should be made aware?" I guess not. I signed my name at the bottom of the last page, indemnifying the church from any nausea, diarrhea or "mental changes" I might suffer as a result of the work, and I promised to take full personal responsibility for "whatever may occur, anticipated or unanticipated." And with that, my orientation was complete. "I'm very glad you came," Seligman said. He stuck my papers into a file and sent me out the door. *** Later that day, I met my sponsor, Maleko Dawnchild, at his ex-girlfriend's parents' house, where he was living temporarily. It was a comfortable, normal suburban two-story on an Ashland cul-de-sac. Dawnchild answered the door shirtless and in loose-fitting pajama pants. I had caught him in the middle of a stretching session. "This is gonna be a good work," he said, wide-eyed and smiling. As Dawnchild limbered up on a yoga mat in the middle of the living room, he told me about how he first discovered the Daime in Hawaii—he went there after tiring of his hard-partying life as a model in Los Angeles. Then he got up and ran to the kitchen, where he slammed a kale smoothie. He sprinted upstairs to change and descended in a snappy white suit with a gold star pinned on the lapel. We were ready for the work. Dawnchild and I drove about 10 miles outside of town and navigated a winding, unpaved path through the wilderness until we finally made it to our destination. It was Goldman's hillside property, on which he had built a salão, a round, domed building where the church's works are held. It was nestled in the woods right behind Goldman's house. Men in white suits and black ties emerged from cars with women wearing tiara-like crowns and long, white dresses with green strips of fabric that formed a "y" across their chests. They looked like girl scouts. People of all ages kept arriving, hugging each other and saying hello, until the salão was almost full, with almost 60 white-clad worshipers crammed into the building. Then all of us lined up three rows deep around an altar just like the one in Seligman's office, men on one side and women on the other. Goldman arrived to begin the service with armloads of Daime Tea in big jugs. We said a couple Hail Marys and Our Fathers. Then, just as I had every week for years when I was a Catholic schoolboy, I got in line for the sacrament. Except this time, it wasn't the communion wafer and sip of wine I was waiting for. It was Daime Tea. As I watched Daimestas who were in line in front of me walk past with empty double-shot-sized glasses and scrunched-up faces, I desperately forced thoughts of Jonestown out of my mind. It was my turn. I approached the guardian, who was holding a glass at eye level and gazing at the mahogany broth inside. He offered it to me. I took the glass, closed my eyes and gulped down the tea. It was thick and boasted major overtones of chewing tobacco, licorice, Listerine and dirt. I felt a mild wave of calm—but that was it. Everyone returned to formation around the altar, and thus began the work. We opened our hymnbooks and started to sing the hinarios, hymns written by Afro-Portuguese rubber plantation worker Raimundo Irineu Serra, who founded Santo Daime in the 1930s. The songs were about God, heartbreak and happiness. Men with shakers kept the rhythm. Everyone sang, and I mumbled and stepped on my feet in the back row until I finally picked up on it, shuffling three steps to the left, pivoting, and shuffling three steps to the right. This went on for a good hour and a half, with pauses between songs during which Goldman would incant various thanksgivings ("Viva Santo Daime!"). The whole crowd would respond with a hearty "Viva!" Then it was time to drink tea again. Seligman was distributing the stuff this time, and he looked like a new man—cleaned up, freshly shaven and impressive in his crispy whites. He handed me the glass. "You startin' to feel it yet?" he asked me, winking. I nodded and downed the bitter brew. This seemed to be the effective dose, the one that really put us "in the power," as the Daimestas say—I would just say it got us fucked up. A few people got out of the dancing line to sit down and puke into plastic bowls, while guardians stood watch and cleaned up after them. Dawnchild, my sponsor, made shooing sounds, swayed like a gymnast warming up for floor exercises and snatched invisible flies out of the air. One woman sat on the floor with a sheet over her head and began to cry, and another went outside to wail and run around in the darkness. Goldman, reminiscent of Bill Murray in one of his younger, more charismatic roles, listed from side to side and bellowed out the hymns just a bit louder than anyone else. I looked up at the streamers and tinsel that stretched from the skylight at the top of the salão to the edges of the walls, and half the ceiling began to overlap with the other. I could feel the loud resonance of the acapella hymns, and I marveled at this whole room full of people moving in unison. It was at this point that I understood the appeal of this religion: it is primal rather than modern. It follows no dogma, nor does it promote proselytizing. It's based on simplicity, rhythm and synchronicity—just add drugs and music. The tea is basically fuel to keep people focused on singing and dancing as the primary activity, but they're also allowed to remove themselves for moments of personal therapy and expression while guardians keep an eye on them to ensure their safety. I glanced at the hymnbook in my hand and noticed that we were only about a quarter of the way through it, and I had one more realization: Santo Daime requires the sort of discipline that your average recreational drug enthusiast or thrill-seeker simply wouldn't have the patience to stick with. They don't call it a "work" for nothing. *** Jonathan Goldman is proud of what he's created. "I knew we would be involved in creating a legal sanction for the Daime to operate in the U.S.," he says. "We planned it from the beginning." It's the afternoon after the work, and Goldman is at home in a state of relaxed glory. Surrounded by countless indoor plants and an exhaustive array of icons from most major world religions, he reclines on a leather couch facing a massive picture window that frames a killer view of the Siskiyou Mountains. Padrinho Goldman considers himself a representative of the Daime ("the masters of the astral," he calls it), not to mention a shaman, a healer and a master of ceremonies. He says that when he established the Church of the Holy Light of the Queen in Ashland in 1993, he had a feeling he was going to "liberate the Daime." What Goldman didn't plan was what happened in 1999, when he received a shipment of Daime Tea that had been traced by federal authorities. When the tea arrived, so did Ashland police. They held guns on his family, ransacked his house and took him to jail. Goldman fought back, hiring a team of lawyers to sue the U.S. Department of Justice under President George W. Bush. The ten-year legal battle culminated in a March 2009 ruling by U.S. District Judge Owen Panner, who found that the government had indeed overreacted, substantially burdening the church's sincere exercise of its religion, and that the Department of Justice had failed to prove that the Controlled Substances Act should apply to these harmless, if somewhat out-there, Diamestas. And almost as if to fulfill the Padrinho's prophesy, Panner gave the church a pass under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. It was an exceptionally rare exemption granted also to Native Americans for their use of peyote and more recently upheld (with some restrictions) by the U.S. Supreme Court for New Mexico's União do Vegetal (UDV), another Brazil-based, ayahuasca-sipping sect. The DEA's people aren't happy about Judge Panner's ruling, and the department is scrutinizing the church yet again. Goldman says the officials he's been dealing with don't think any district court judge has the power to grant exemptions to anyone for schedule-I substances. DEA Associate Chief Council Karen Richardson refused to comment on "ongoing litigation," but she confirmed in a letter that the department has indeed appealed Panner's decision in the Ninth Circuit Court. And a call to DEA spokesman Chris Jakim yielded little more than proof that Jakim knows how to do his job—the only information he'd offer in regards to the church specifically or ayahuasca in general was a reiteration of the DEA's party-line on schedule-I drugs. He said that DMT is not accepted for use by anyone in the medical field and that there's a high risk in the use of ayahuasca as medicine, as it's not done under professional supervision. In a way, Jakim has a point: The Diamestas aren't a bunch of doctors or psychiatrists. And for a lot of people, drinking ayahuasca is a psychotherapeutic procedure done in an attempt to heal some very serious psychic wounds. In fact, that was the context through which Goldman himself first discovered Daime Tea at the end of 1987; never a particularly spiritual man, he had been struggling for years with issues of guilt, self-hatred and repression, he says. Nothing was really working. He was miserable. His heart, he says, was a "stone peach pit." Then Goldman's psychotherapist took him and a group of former clients to Brazil. "He told me that if I went," Goldman says, "I'd have the equivalent of ten years of psychotherapy and ten years of meditation in one month by drinking this weird tea. I was like, 'Good deal. Let's go.'" Did it work? "Without Daime I'd be dead," Goldman says, "and if not dead, I'd be miserable, sick, neurotic, crazy, divorced, alone." He trails off before telling of his first psychoactive-aided healing. "We were dancing and singing all night," he says, "and I felt so sick and nauseous the whole time. Because of all this repression I had, I had so much to clean. And I was really arrogant and I was really controlling and I was slippery and I was smart so I could avoid the really deep stuff in me—and the Daime didn't allow any of that. It was the first force I met that was smarter, quicker, way more knowledgeable and way more wise than I was. So I was impressed." It is that very impressive promise of spiritual deep-cleaning that brings many to the fold. A number of Daimestas claim to have cured—or at least greatly alleviated—their addictions and neuroses by drinking Daime Tea, sometimes after only one session. And while the little medical research that's been done on ayahuasca drinkers seems to support their claims, the Daimestas at the church have no real way of knowing whether or not their inductees will benefit from the stuff or be driven mad by it; they rely largely on the honor system to drum out anyone for whom ayahuasca would be "inappropriate." "Their screenings are relatively superficial," UCLA Professor of Psychiatry Dr. Charles M. Grob says of Santo Daime. "These churches are not that thorough." In 1996, Grob studied Brazilian followers of UDV, whose adherents call ayahuasca "hoasca." In his report, "Human Psychopharmacology of Hoasca," he concludes that for members who had entered the UDV with issues ranging from alcoholism to depression, all disorders had indeed remitted without recurrence. Churchgoers were emphatic that they had undergone radical transformations of behavior and attitudes and that they were able to use ayahuasca to "eliminate their chronic anger, resentment, aggression and alienation," according to the report. But only in the proper context, and only for the right people. "With ayahuasca," Grob says, "you have a powerful means by which to achieve a transpersonal experience. But only if you do adequate screening and control conditions." Driving out to the woods to do something akin to an acid test in an attempt to overcome serious psychological troubles may be a dicey proposition. For instance, Grob says, if an ayahuasca neophyte has a latent, unknown family history of schizophrenia, he or she may have an "untoward reaction" to the DMT. That could mean anything from intense hallucinations to outright psychotic breaks. And if any aspiring Daimestas are less than forthcoming during the interview and don't disclose to Seligman that they're taking antidepressants, after quaffing the tea they may find themselves suffering from serotonin syndrome. That happens when the monoamine oxidase inhibitor (MAOI), the other active ingredient in the ayahuasca, interacts with the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) component of the depression medication. Serotonin syndrome can lead to tremors, high fever and even death. "It's a medical crisis when it occurs," Grob says. These possibilities are ostensibly what's keeping the DEA sniffing around the church. But Goldman remains confident that the church's screening process and its guardian system provide the essential safeguards to ensure that a good time is had by all. He has a feeling the Diamestas will emerge victorious against any appeals. After all, there seems to be a demand for what he's offering. "Things have changed a lot," Goldman says of the time since the ruling. "Operating freely is a big deal, and our mission is starting to grow." Last year's 12-hour Three Kings Day work had drawn only about 30 worshipers. This year, Goldman says, the number had more than doubled. As for my own spiritual experience with DMT—it was alright. I may not have gotten lasting satisfaction or fulfillment from my first time drinking Daime Tea. I didn't throw up, see snakes or have a conversation with Christ. But I certainly enjoyed myself in the moment. I also gained an understanding of how spirituality can coexist in a very simple way with what is for all intents and purposes an intoxicant, and how that sensation can be so meaningful for so many people. Unless the DEA gets its way, more curious seekers like me will continue to make the pilgrimage to Goldman's church for a completely unique spiritual experience—and the Daimestas will be shouting "Viva!" with open arms for years to come.
L'ensemble des travaux présentés, réalisés entre 1990 et 2006, trouve sa cohérence dans un parcours qui se propose d'analyser les traitements, la place et le regard réservés par la société valencienne des XVe-XVIIe siècles à deux catégories de marginaux souvent associés dans les mentalités valenciennes d'alors et désignés conjointement sous le nom d'Innocents (Ignoscents dans l'ancien dialecte valencien): les fous et les orphelins. Nous avons analysé les traitements qui leur étaient réservés, tant en ce qui concerne les réalités historiques que les représentations sociales qui en étaient offertes. Enfin, nous nous sommes intéressée aux représentations littéraires du microcosme de l'hôpital des fous.Nos travaux comprennent quatre volets : -attitudes de diverses institutions face à la marginalité ;-représentations sociales des fous et des orphelins ;-représentations de l'hôpital des fous par Lope de Vega Carpio ;-représentations allégoriques sur le même thème.I.L'assistance aux fous et aux orphelins à Valence aux XVe-XVIIe siècles : les attitudes institutionnelles face à la marginalitéA. Les institutions d'assistanceUn premier groupe de travaux a été consacré à l'étude des deux institutions qui assistaient ces marginaux : d'une part, les fous, pris en charge par l'Hôpital des Innocents, fondé en 1409 et devenu en 1512, lors de la fondation de l'Hôpital général, Maisons des fous et des folles de ce dernier ; d'autre part, les orphelins, éduqués par le Collège des orphelins Saint-Vincent-Ferrier, également fondé au début du XVe siècle.Locura y sociedad, notre premier livre, publié à Valence (Espagne) en 1994, est l'adaptation à l'espagnol de notre thèse de doctorat, soutenue à l'Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle (PARIS III) sous la direction du Professeur Augustin Redondo le 13 février 1993. Il en va de même pour les deux articles ci-dessous mentionnés. L'un est le texte de la communication que nous avons lue au Colloque qui s'est tenu à Valence en mai 1997 en Hommage à l'historien espagnol de la psychiatrie, le Dr. Vicente Peset Llorca. L'autre est le texte publié dans l'ouvrage collectif paru il y a quelques mois à Valence (2007) sur l'histoire de l'Hôpital des fous de cette ville. Conformément aux recommandations pour la constitution du dossier scientifique qui figurent sur le livret du Conseil scientifique de Paris III (Vade-mecum), nous n'avons inclus ni notre thèse, ni ces trois adaptations, qui en découlent très directement, dans la liste des travaux présentés en vue de l'obtention du diplôme d'Habilitation à Diriger des Recherches. Toutefois, les ayant utilisées pour rédiger notre document de synthèse (qui, toujours selon ces mêmes instructions, doit « retracer le parcours de recherche accompli par le candidat en y incluant par conséquent les recherches engagées dans le travail antérieur de doctorat »), nous les mentionnons également ici. Il s'agit de :Travaux réalisés dans le cadre de notre thèse et directement dérivés de cette dernière :1. LIVREHélène TROPÉ, Locura y sociedad en la Valencia de los siglos XV la XVII: los locos del Hospital de los Inocentes (1409-1512) y del Hospital General (1512-1699) [Traduit par l'auteur de : Folie et société à Valence (XVe-XVIIe siècles): les fous de l'Hôpital des Innocents (1410-1512) et de l'Hôpital général (1512-1699) (thèse de doctorat sous la direction du professeur Augustin Redondo), Paris: Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle – Paris III, 723 p.], Valencia: Diputación de Valencia, Centre d'Estudis d'História Local, 1994. 433 p.2. ArticleHélène TROPÉ, «Locura y sociedad en la Valencia de los siglos XV al XVII: los locos del Hospital de los Inocentes (1409-1512) y del Hospital General (1512-1699)», en : La locura y sus instituciones (Actas de las II Jornadas de Historia de la Psiquiatría. Homenaje al Dr. Vicente Peset Llorca, Valencia, 9 y 10 de mayo de 1997), Valencia: Diputación de Valencia, 1997, pp. 141-154.3. Participation à un OUVRAGE COLLECTIFHélène TROPÉ, Del Hospital de los Inocentes (1409-1512) a la Casa de los locos del Hospital General (1512-1699), in : Lorenzo Livianos, Conxa Císcar, Ángeles García, Carlos Heimann, Miguel Ángel Luengo, Hélène Tropé, El manicomio de Valencia del siglo XV al XX, Paterna (Valencia) : Ajuntament de Valencia, colección « Científicos valencianos », n° 8, 2006, pp. 13-117.2) Le Collège des orphelinsNous avons consacré un livre et deux articles au Collège des Orphelins Saint-Vincent-Ferrier :LIVRE Hélène TROPÉ, La formation des orphelins à Valence: le cas du Collège Impérial Saint-Vincent-Ferrier de Valence (XVe-XVIIe siècles), Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, Presses de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, Collection «Textes et documents du Centre de Recherche sur l'Espagne des XVIe et XVIIe siècles (CRES)», vol. VIII, 1998. 416 p.Article«La formation des orphelins au Collège Saint-Vincent-Ferrier de Valence aux XVIe-XVIIe siècles», in: A. REDONDO, [Études réunies et présentées par], La formation de l'enfant dans l'Espagne des XVIe-XVIIe siècles (Actes du Colloque International, Sorbonne-Collège d'Espagne, octobre 1995), Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, collection «Travaux du Centre de Recherche sur l'Espagne des XVIe et XVIIe siècles» (CRES - Directeur: Augustin REDONDO), vol. XI, 1996, pp. 215-230.Article Hélène TROPÉ, « Le mystère médiéval de saint Christophe, passeur de gué, dans la Fête-Dieu de Valence (Espagne) », in : DELPECH, François [dir.], Imaginaire des espaces aquatiques, Paris, Presses de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, Collection «Textes et documents du Centre de Recherche sur l'Espagne des XVIe et XVIIe siècles (CRES)» (à paraître).Ce livre, ainsi que le premier des deux articles mentionnés, portent sur la formation des orphelins dans ce Collège. Nous avons commencé par y retracer l'historique de cette institution, exceptionnelle par sa longévité : créée en 1410, elle existe toujours. Par son histoire et ses finalités, elle est l'homologue d'autres institutions semblables de l'Europe moderne. Fondée par des ecclésiastiques, à partir de 1593, elle devient un établissement contrôlé par trois notables de la cité et passe donc dans les faits sous contrôle de la municipalité. En 1624, elle hérite des locaux du Collège impérial destiné jusqu'en 1609 à l'éducation des enfants morisques de la ville. Après l'expulsion de ces derniers, le Collège reprend, avec les biens de cet établissement, ses armes impériales. Le Collège était destiné aux enfants issus de mariages légitimes dont un ou les deux parents étaient décédés. Par contre, les enfants abandonnés, péjorativement dénommés borts (bâtards), dès lors qu'ils étaient présumés illégitimes, devaient se contenter de l'Hôpital général. Le Collège avait clairement pour mission d'intégrer les orphelins qu'il admettait dans l'espace de la cité tout en les protégeant des milieux délinquants. Il s'agissait donc de les récupérer comme main d'œuvre pour le commerce et l'artisanat, alors en pleine expansion. L'éducation religieuse, notamment l'apprentissage de la doctrine, était le moyen de les former aux valeurs dominantes. Le catéchisme était donc au fondement même de leur apprentissage. Seuls les garçons apprenaient à lire. Les filles, reçues en moins grand nombre que les garçons —sans doute parce qu'elles trouvaient à s'employer comme servantes dès leur plus jeune âge—, apprenaient seulement à prier et à réaliser des travaux ménagers. Une fois éduqués et instruits dans la doctrine, les garçons vers l'âge de 12 ans, étaient mis en apprentissage auprès des marchands et des artisans des corporations afin d'apprendre un métier. Quant aux collégiennes, elles étaient placées comme servantes auprès d'un maître. Vers l'âge de 20 ans, considéré comme adéquat pour le mariage, l'apprentissage prenait fin et le maître d'apprentissage des garçons, ou pour les filles, l'employeur, devaient leur verser un salaire, modeste, en général de 7 livres valenciennes, afin que garçons et filles puissent se faire confectionner un habit.Le second article mentionné porte sur le mystère médiéval valencien de saint Christophe qui le représente en passeur de gué. Ce mystère a été mis en scène à Valence depuis des temps très anciens, conjointement à d'autres mystères, dans le cadre de la fête du Corpus Christi. Nous avons effectué cette recherche car nous avions connaissance de la participation des orphelins du collège, au début du XVIIIe siècle, à sa représentation et nous désirions savoir s'ils y avaient participé antérieurement. Il semble que non. Néanmoins nous avons choisi de publier tout de même nos recherches sur ce mystère, qui constitue une autre manifestation théâtrale valencienne, religieuse cette fois, et offre donc un point de comparaison pour étudier l'univers du théâtre valencien examiné dans le versant littéraire de notre dossier. D'autre part, il a trait à la célébration du Corpus Christi et donc à cet aspect des fêtes célébrées dans la ville, également important dans notre dossier.B. La protection des rois et le contrôle de l'Inquisition1. Les rois d'Aragon accordent des privilèges aux fondateurs de l'Hôpital des InnocentsLe second volet de notre étude des attitudes institutionnelles vis-à-vis de ces marginaux a été consacré à l'examen des textes des privilèges accordés aux fondateurs de l'Hôpital des Innocents par les monarques aragonais. Il s'agit du texte de la communication que nous avons lue en septembre 1993 à Jaca au XVe Congrès d'Histoire de la Couronne d'Aragon.Hélène TROPÉ., «Poder real, locura y sociedad: la concepción de los locos en los privilegios fundacionales otorgados al Hospital de Inocentes de Valencia por los monarcas aragoneses (1409-1427)», in: Actas del XV Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón (Jaca, 20-25 de sept. 1993), Zaragoza: Diputación General de Aragón, Departamento de Educación y Cultura, tomo I y volumen 5°, 1996, p. 307-318.Il ressort de cette étude que la première justification donnée par les monarques à l'assistance hospitalière aux fous a trait à l'affirmation selon laquelle ces derniers sont les pauvres du Christ et qu'il convient de leur porter secours. Les assister permet ainsi au chrétien de gagner la miséricorde divine. En second lieu, leur hospitalisation est envisagée comme une mesure d'ordre public destinée à préserver la cité des troubles et des dommages que ces derniers peuvent causer. En troisième lieu, ils sont comparés aux invalides, incapables de pourvoir à leurs besoins. Le Privilège de 1427 s'élève contre la croyance selon laquelle les « insensés » expieraient leurs fautes ou celles de leurs ancêtres et affirme qu'il n'en est rien : leur folie est une manifestation de la puissance divine. 2) Les inquisiteurs du Tribunal de Valence face à la folie des accusésDans un article pour l'Hommage à Pierre Vilar rendu par l'Association des Catalanistes de France à ce très grand historien, nous avons étudié les stratégies mises en œuvre et les enquêtes diligentées par les inquisiteurs valenciens face à a folie alléguée ou présumée des accusés : Hélène TROPÉ, «Folie et Inquisition à Valence (1580-1699)», in : Hommage à Pierre Vilar / Association Française des Catalanistes, Paris: Éditions Hispaniques - AFC, 1994, p. 171-185.Nous y exposons que lorsque la réalité de la folie de l'accusé au moment des faits délictueux était avérée, elle constituait devant les tribunaux inquisitoriaux une excuse absolutoire. Dans ce cas, le procès était suspendu et il était relâché s'il avait été arrêté. Diverses enquêtes étaient donc diligentées auprès de ses proches et des témoins des faits. La folie avérée au moment du délit était très certainement prise en compte comme circonstance atténuante tout simplement parce que les inquisiteurs étaient alors convaincus que l'accusé était irresponsable et donc, qu'il n'avait pas eu l'intention de porter atteinte à la foi. En le discréditant aux yeux des tiers, la folie « annulait » aussi la dangereuse portée des propos hérétiques qu'il avait tenus. L'affaire était dès lors classée : on l'absolvait et on le renvoyait à sa famille ou, lorsqu'il n'en avait pas, on l'adressait à l'hôpital des fous. Lorsque la folie de l'accusé n'était ni évidente ni notoire et qu'il était établi qu'il avait même joui d'un certain crédit auprès de la population, une peine pouvait tout de même être appliquée dans le but de le punir et de le discréditer. Dans les cas où les accusés devenaient fous dans les prisons de l'Inquisition, les faits étaient jugés mais l'on sursoyait à l'application de la peine, on les envoyait à l'hôpital des fous afin qu'ils y soient reclus et pris en charge et l'on attendait qu'ils guérissent afin de pouvoir les punir. Le second volet de nos travaux analyse l'ensemble des efforts réalisés par les Autorités de la ville afin de réintégrer ces marginaux, symboliquement cette fois, dans le corps social en les représentant de façon rassurante à la population comme des assistés pris en charge par la ville. Nous nous sommes donc intéressée aux représentations sociales. II. Les représentations sociales des fous et des orphelins : quêtes et fêtesLes Autorités de la ville, conscientes de l'image négative que ces marginaux —les fous en particulier— pouvaient avoir dans les mentalités, ont mis en œuvre diverses stratégies afin de modifier leurs représentations. Ils ont mis en scène fous, orphelins et, plus rarement, enfants exposés, comme des figures de l'Innocence.Nous avons consacré plusieurs travaux à l'étude de ces représentations. Et d'abord un article :Hélène TROPÉ, «Les relations entre hommes et femmes dans l'univers hospitalier valencien de la folie des XV-XVIIè siècles», in: A. REDONDO, [Études réunies et présentées par], Les relations entre hommes et femmes dans l'Espagne des XVIe-XVIIe siècles, Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, collection «Travaux du Centre de Recherche sur l'Espagne des XVIe et XVIIe siècles » (CRES - Directeur Augustin REDONDO)», vol. IX, 1996, p. 105-116.Dans celui-ci, nous avons commencé par rappeler que les administrateurs avaient édicté une règle de stricte séparation des hommes et des femmes au sein de l'hôpital. Nous avons ensuite montré que tout au long de la période, cette règle a été transgressée comme le prouvent les enfants mis au monde par des folles depuis longtemps hospitalisées. Enfin, nous avons étudié les diverses mises en scène que les administrateurs de l'hôpital eux-mêmes ont effectuées des relations entre fous et folles à l'extérieur de l'établissement dans le cadre des processions festives, au XVIIe siècle en particulier. Puis, dans notre contribution à l'Hommage que le CRES a rendu au Professeur Augustin Redondo, nous avons analysé les représentations sociales des fous et des orphelins, d'abord à l'intérieur de leurs institutions d'assistance respectives, puis à l'extérieur :Hélène TROPÉ, «Fêtes et représentations des marginaux à Valence aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles», in: Écriture, pouvoir et société en Espagne aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles. Hommage du CRES au Professeur Augustin Redondo, Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, Presses de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, 2001, p. 347-363.Nous y avons notamment étudié comment chroniques, mémoires et journaux privés attestent qu'à l'occasion de diverses manifestations collectives publiques, festives ou expiatoires, les Autorités de la ville ont ainsi fait paraître en tête des processions au moins trois catégories de marginaux assistés dans les institutions évoquées, le plus souvent les fous de l'Hôpital général et les orphelins du Collège Saint-Vincent-Ferrier et, moins fréquemment, les enfants exposés de l'Hôpital général. Ces marginaux étaient chargés d'incarner des rôles, ce qui, symboliquement, permettait de les réinsérer dans le tissu social. Ils furent notamment convertis en figures de l'Innocence.Montrer sur les chars de la ville ces enfants ainsi « récupérés » et préservés de la délinquance, exhiber sous un jour drôle et plaisant les fous de l'Hôpital, grâce, finalement, à une efficace politique d'assistance municipale, ne devait pas manquer d'avoir un certain impact, sans doute voulu et même recherché, sur la population et devait constituer une sorte de publicité vivante à la louange du puissant patriciat gouvernant les affaires de la cité et qui montrait ainsi qu'il savait aussi réintégrer les marginaux dans le tissu social. Ces mises en scène des assistés contribuaient à rassurer le public et, en dernière instance, offraient l'image d'une société valencienne idéalement parfaite.Les deux volets suivants de notre dossier concernent le système de représentations littéraires suscité par l'existence de cet hôpital de Valence, et plus largement, les images littéraires de l'hôpital, notamment de fous, incurables, insensés, etc. Nous avons étudié exclusivement les images correspondant à la première des deux institutions étudiées car, à notre connaissance, aux XVe, XVIe et XVIIe siècles, ni les enfants exposés de l'Hôpital Général, ni les orphelins de Saint-Vincent-Ferrier n'ont fait l'objet de représentations littéraires. Concernant les représentations littéraires construites à partir du motif de l'hôpital, l'historicité des hôpitaux représentés permet de distinguer deux types de productions. D'une part, des œuvres où un hôpital de fous, explicitement nommé, sert de référent et de cadre à tout ou partie de l'action. C'est le cas en particulier de trois œuvres de Lope de Vega Carpio qui effectuent des variations sur ce thème.Elles font l'objet du troisième volet de notre dossier.III. L'hôpital des fous selon Lope : trois variations sur un même thèmeHélène TROPÉ, édition critique de Los locos de Valencia de LOPE DE VEGA CARPIO, Madrid, Castalia, « Clásicos castellanos » n° 275, 2003, 352 p. Hélène TROPÉ, Traduction française de Los locos de Valencia de Lope de Vega Carpio (à paraître).Hélène TROPÉ, « La representación dramática del hospital del microcosmos del Hospital de los locos en Los locos de Valencia de Lope de Vega », Anuario Lope de Vega V (1999), Prolope, Departament de Filologia Espanyola de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, pp. 167-184.Hélène TROPÉ, « Menosprecio de Aragón y exaltación de Castilla en El loco por fuerza, comedia atribuida a Lope de Vega », comunication lue dans le cadre du Colloque International organisé par l'Universitá degli Studi di Parma et l'Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle – Paris III (Parme, 2-3 mai 2002) sur El texto y su marco : La representación del espacio en el Siglo de Oro español, (à paraître dans Criticón), Après avoir réalisé l'édition critique de la comedia de Lope de Vega Los locos de Valencia, nous l'avons traduite en français. Dans ces deux livres, nous avons présenté le texte et nous l'avons très soigneusement annoté afin d'éclairer le sens de multiples allusions littéraires ou médicales qui peut échapper au lecteur contemporain. Nous nous sommes donc efforcée de rendre le texte accessible.Nous avons consacré un premier article à l'étude de la représentation dramatique de l'hôpital des fous par Lope de Vega Carpio. Nous y avons mis en regard les stylisations réalisées par cet auteur avec ce que nos études antérieures sur l'histoire de cet hôpital nous avaient appris. Nous avons conclu que la pièce Los locos de Valencia ressemble plus à l'image que les administrateurs offraient de leurs hospitalisés, lorsqu'ils les mettaient en scène sur les chars lors des grandes processions dans la ville, qu'à ce qu'a été au quotidien la Maison des fous et des folles. L'hôpital reflété dans Los locos de Valencia ne conserve qu'une ressemblance illusoire avec l'hôpital historique. Il s'agit plus en fait d'une pièce sur le théâtre construite sur la rencontre du topos érasmien de la folie universelle avec celui du Grand Théâtre du Monde. Dans l'article suivant « Menosprecio de Aragón… », nous avons étudié comment, selon la méthode de « l'argumentation casuistique » qui serait propre à Lope de Vega, ce dramaturge présenterait dans une comedia une solution opposée à celle proposée dans une autre œuvre ayant pourtant la même intrigue et comportant les mêmes personnages. C'est le cas des deux œuvres où Lope a représenté l'hôpital : Los locos de Valencia, El peregrino en su patria, ainsi que El loco por fuerza, pièce qui lui a été attribuée et dont nous pensons personnellement qu'elle est bien de lui. Il nous est apparu que la question du genre détermine les variations entre les trois pièces. Ainsi, logiquement, dans la comedia Los locos de Valencia, l'hôpital des fous devient le microcosme de la folie comique. Dans les scènes asilaires du roman byzantin, il est par contre un espace sinistre où la folie, tragique, signe l'accomplissement du destin dramatique des amants soumis à d'incessantes tribulations. Quant à El loco por fuerza, il s'agit d'un drama, mot que nous employons ici pour désigner, avec le professeur Joan Oleza, un macro-genre caractérisé par sa mission transcendante, son prosélytisme et son contenu panégyrique. Dans cette pièce, l'hôpital est tragi-comique. La question des genres présiderait donc bien à ces variations et les expliquerait.D'autre part, nous avons étudié comment cette pièce, probablement écrite par Lope de Vega entre 1597 et 1608, met en scène de très conflictuelles relations entre castillans et aragonais dans le cadre de la ville de Saragosse et de la montagne aragonaise. Nous l'avons analysée à la lumière du contexte historique des révoltes aragonaises de 1591 et avons émis l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'internement forcé du personnage principal pourrait peut-être renvoyer aux poursuites intentées par Philippe II contre son Secrétaire Antonio Pérez, accusé d'assassinat, lequel se réfugia à partir d'avril 1590 en Aragon où il provoqua deux soulèvements à Saragosse en mai et en septembre 1591. Enfin, concluant dans cet article sur l'ensemble du dossier des représentations de l'hôpital par Lope de Vega, nous avons proposé des hypothèses de lecture conjointe de El loco por fuerza et de Los locos de Valencia en rapport avec l'affaire Pérez et les Relaciones (éditions de 1594 et 1598) écrites par ce dernier. Nous avons tenté de montrer que Lope de Vega inverse radicalement les perspectives idéologiques favorables aux aragonais depuis lesquelles Pérez a écrit son texte. Dans El loco por fuerza, la Castille apparaît à travers les membres du couple d'amoureux originaires de Tolède comme une terre de vertu menacée par ce qui est montré dans la pièce comme perversion morale et politique aragonaise : exaltation de Castille et mépris d'Aragon. Le monarque qui rétablit l'ordre à la fin de l'œuvre est un parangon de justice. La pièce est orientée idéologiquement vers une exaltation de la Castille comme véritable centre de l'Empire et une condamnation des révoltes aragonaises.Si les « hôpitaux lopesques » se caractérisent par la forte illusion référentielle qu'ils génèrent en dépit de leur historicité finalement assez faible, d'autres représentations d'asiles n'autorisent plus du tout la moindre confusion du signe théâtral avec le simulacre de référent : ce sont les représentations allégoriques, objet du quatrième volet de nos travaux.IV. Les fous défilent. Représentations allégoriques de l'hôpital des fousLa tradition littéraire de « l'hôpital » paraît ancienne et elle est profuse. Dans la dernière partie de notre dossier, nous avons étudié deux de ces représentations allégoriques : la tragi-comédie de Charles Beys L'Hospital des fous (1635), modifiée en 1653 sous le titre Les illustres fous, et un texte attribué à Quevedo, mais qui serait en réalité du poète et musicien sévillan Melgarejo : La Casa de los locos de amor. Le texte d'origine est conservé dans un manuscrit du début du XVIIe siècle et a été publié, dans une version toutefois expurgée et fort édulcorée, dans l'édition des sueños de Quevedo parue à Saragosse en 1627, puis dans presque toutes les éditions successives. Dans la plupart de ces représentations allégoriques, dont nous avons offert un panorama (toutefois non exhaustif) dans notre synthèse, on observe un certain nombre d'éléments récurrents qui autorisent à considérer l'hypothèse selon laquelle ces représentations formeraient peut-être un sous-genre ou à tout le moins, une tradition : narrateur personnel en position de témoin, figures allégoriques correspondant aux membres de l'hôpital visité, défilé de fous.Le texte de la communication que nous avons lue au XIVe Congrès de l'Association Internationale des Hispanistes (New York, juillet 2001) est consacré à l'étude du procédé dans Los locos de Valencia et El peregrino en su patria de Lope de Vega :Hélène TROPÉ, « Desfiles de locos en dos obras de Lope de Vega : Los locos de Valencia y El peregrino en su patria », Actas del XIV Congreso de la Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas [Nueva York, 16-21, Julio, 2001], edición de Isaías Lerner, Robert Nival y Alejandro Alonso, Newark, Delaware, Juan de la Cuesta, col. « Hispanic Monographs », 2004, t. II, p. 555-564.Dans notre synthèse, nous avons exprimé qu'il nous semble que cette étude pourrait être étendue valablement et avec profit à d'autres représentations ; mais que l'extension du corpus conduirait probablement à un élargissement du point de vue. On serait alors probablement amené à conclure que le rire que suscite cette revue d'insensés dans les œuvres de Lope peut se transmuer en franche amertume et déboucher sur une vision désabusée du monde dans d'autres œuvres telles que La casa de los locos de amor. Lu au VIe Congrès de la Asociación internacional Siglo de Oro (AISO) à Burgos en juillet 2002, le texte de notre communication montre que cette dernière œuvre est un rêve allégorique parodique qui débouche sur une satire du mariage et de l'amour représentés comme folie. Dans la version manuscrite, La casa de los locos de amor est une censure sévère des mœurs dépravées et brosse un noir tableau de la société espagnole du temps. Paradoxalement, dans sa version expurgée et édulcorée parue avec d'autres textes de Quevedo dans les Sueños de 1627, son éloge du mariage lui aurait certainement valu d'être reniée par l'auteur des Sueños. Telles sont les conclusions qui ressortent du texte de l'article correspondant :Hélène TROPÉ, « Los 'Hospitales de locos' en la literatura española del siglo XVII: la representación alegórico-moral de la Casa de los locos de amor atribuida a Quevedo », en: Actas del VI Congreso de la Asociación internacional Siglo de Oro (AISO) [Burgos, Universidad de Burgos, 15-19 de julio de 2002], Madrid : Iberoamericana Vervuert.Enfin, dans l'article consacré à la tragi-comédie de Charles Beys L'Hospital des fous, publiée en 1635, reprise et modifiée en 1653, sous le titre Les Illustres fous, nous avons confronté l'image de la folie hospitalière, offerte respectivement par l'Italien Garzoni, l'Espagnol Lope de Vega et le Français Charles Beys, de ce même microcosme de la folie hospitalière et montré que les représentations de l'Italien et de l'Espagnol se rapprochent sur des points qui les opposent à celle du Français. L'hôpital représenté par Lope de Vega, comme celui de Garzoni, est un microcosme séparé du monde. L'hôpital de Beys, au contraire, dont les frontières s'étendent au fur et mesure de la représentation, a vocation à figurer tout l'univers et sa folie. D'autre part, dans l'hôpital des fous de l'Italien et de l'Espagnol, les frontières entre le personnel et les hospitalisés restent stables, plus hermétiques cependant chez le premier que chez le second, alors que dans l'hôpital du Français elles tendent peu à peu à s'effacer jusqu'à ce que soit révélé au spectateur que le Concierge, censé garder les fous, l'est autant qu'eux et que la pièce à la représentation de laquelle le spectateur est en train d'assister a même été écrite par lui. En conséquence, alors que ni la pièce du Phénix ni celle de Garzoni ne tendent jamais véritablement de miroir au spectateur afin qu'il s'y regarde et conclue qu'il est un fou parmi les fous mis en scène, chez le Français au contraire, le spectateur est explicitement invité à se reconnaître parmi les rôles de fous défilant devant lui. La folie est univoque et irréversible dans l'ouvrage de Garzoni. Elle l'est aussi en grande partie dans la pièce de Lope de Vega. Par contre, dans celle de Beys, elle est équivoque, ambiguë, constamment réversible et surtout elle est universelle :Hélène TROPÉ, « Variations dramatiques espagnoles et françaises sur le thème de l'hôpital des fous aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles : de Lope de Vega Carpio à Charles Beys », Bulletin Hispanique (à paraître).
Interview with Elsie Puputti of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Elsie Puputti was born in Finland, June 26, 1932. He father died when she was very young and her mother struggled to raise her and her siblings on their small farm. Memories of how poor the conditions were in Finland and what it was like during the war. Mrs Puputti's mother had been born in Fitchburg, Massachusetts and eventually was able to return with three of her daughters January 6, 1949. Arriving in New York harbor and her first memories of the U.S., how things compared to Finland. The help her aunt was to her family when they first arrived. She worked as a maid until she was married in 1951. She went to night school to learn more English. Going to church, social activities, and how she met her husband. Customs she missed from Finland and traditions she kept. How Mrs. Puputti started her store. Her children and their interests. How her life in the U.S. compares to what it would have been like in ; 1 INTERVIEWER: Mrs. Puputti, where were you born? MRS. PUPUTTI: I was born in Finland. INTERVIEWER: In what? MRS. PUPUTTI: [Unintelligible - 00:00:06]. INTERVIEWER: And when was that? MRS. PUPUTTI: 1932. INTERVIEWER: What month? MRS. PUPUTTI: June 26. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Could you briefly describe what your earlier years were like there, like what was your family like? MRS. PUPUTTI: Uh, well, we had a very small home. We were -- my father died when I was very young. I was only three years old. My mother took care of us, six of us. And everything was quite poor, I think. Very much, we didn't have very much of anything, you know? My mother was born here in Fitchburg. And after my father had died, she tried to struggle on. We had a little piece of land. And, and she wanted to -- she figured when we get a little bit older she wants to come back to Fitchburg, try to see if she can make a little better life for us here. INTERVIEWER: Did she, did you live on a farm, like? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Yeah? So she had to the farm work and all of you helped? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Small farm? MRS. PUPUTTI: Very small, yeah. INTERVIEWER: Uh, what kind of uh education did you or your brothers and sisters have? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, we all went to like a grammar school or like [unintelligible - 00:01:22] that type of a school. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. MRS. PUPUTTI: Then two years after that, that's how extensive my education.2 INTERVIEWER: Because after that you usually have to pay for your education, and a lot of people couldn't go then. So you can remember times were sort of poor or anything like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. We had sometimes very rough times. Most of the time we always had food, except right after my father died. That was the hardest time. But then after that we always managed to have food. And then we had relatives here. My aunts, they used to send us packages. In the wartime we could get clothes and things like that. To me, a lot of times we were almost better off than some of the other families [unintelligible - 00:02:12] they had bigger houses and more land. INTERVIEWER: You were happy as a child, I think? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. I can't remember being really miserable. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember any important events that happened? Like you said you were there during the war. Can you remember anything about the occupation and the revolutions? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, where we lived, we weren't really touched that much, except that I remember when we did receive lot of… what do you call [unintelligible - 00:02:43] other people that move to our…? INTERVIEWER: Refugees? MRS. PUPUTTI: Refugees. Yeah. We took care of some of them and tried to get them housing and helping like that. I was… I can't remember. I must have been about -- I don't even know how old I was, maybe 12 years old. Could be that I'm wrong with my… INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Do you remember any bombings or anything like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, we didn't have bombings in where we lived. Not even close. We saw the planes go over, but that's all. INTERVIEWER: Why did you decide to come to this country? Or your mother made the decision, right? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. I was young. I was 16, 15, 16 years old. She just wanted to come here. We were young. Three girls, my oldest sister and my 3 younger sister. And she just decided to take us with her because we weren't married or anything. She wanted to, you know, keep us together. INTERVIEWER: So she left some of the children in Finland? MRS. PUPUTTI: She left two of the older girls. My brother died in the war. That was the one of the hardest part for me. He was my only brother. He died. But there was five girls, and two of them were married, so they stayed. INTERVIEWER: So this was something that your mother had planned for quite a while, right? She had always hoped that when she figured you were older to come over here? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: How did the others feel about the choice to come over here? Did your relatives say they thought it was a good idea, or did they tell you not to? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Those days it was very hard to get here. That was 1949. Very few people got in. And I remember my mother got in the US because she was born here and she got her citizen papers back. And that was the only reason we were able to make it here. And like I said, we had waited for I think it was about two years for our papers to come through. So it is something that she -- remember, see, she was 13 years old when she left, so she remembers what it was like here. Because we were very, very excited. I was. My older sister wasn't. She had boyfriends, so I guess she wanted to stay. But I was very excited, and my younger sister was very excited. INTERVIEWER: When did you leave? Do you know what date it was? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. We came here January 6, 1949. So it took us about 11 days to… INTERVIEWER: Eleven days to -- and did you come over by boat? MRS. PUPUTTI: By boat, yeah. 4 INTERVIEWER: What was that like? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, I was very sick. INTERVIEWER: Were most of the family sick? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: Very sick. But it was very exciting because I had never been in a huge ship. INTERVIEWER: Was it a nice boat? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Were you all crowded, or…? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, we had a nice room. We had… the name of the boat was Stockholm. That's a Swedish line. It's one of those big ocean liners. There isn't too many left like that. INTERVIEWER: So aside from being sick, it was a comfortable, pleasant ride. MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yes. It was very nice. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember if it cost very much? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, I think my ticket was $120, because I remember my aunt had paid for it and, you know, here. And after I started working, that was the first thing I did was to pay my ticket. INTERVIEWER: So your relatives here in Fitchburg helped pay for all of you to come over [unintelligible - 00:06:26] because that would be difficult for your mother to raise that much money for all of you. Once you were on the way, did you have any second thoughts about coming, or were you just -- like you said, you were excited, really? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, we were very apprehensive. Very, very -- you know, looking forward and thinking about what it's gonna be like. INTERVIEWER: What place did you enter this country? Do you remember? MRS. PUPUTTI: New York. INTERVIEWER: Was it Ellis Island, or… MRS. PUPUTTI: No, not anymore.5 INTERVIEWER: Just New York harbor? MRS. PUPUTTI: Just like any other tourist. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember what the first thing was that you saw in this country? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. To me, the most striking thing was when I saw the Black people the first time. Then I see some nuns, and I had never seen that. That to me was -- you know, I keep my eye on them quite a while. Then I had picture of the city much different. I had thought it was so beautiful, but there's nothing that can describe. But then it was quite dirty, and I was disappointed, actually. But then… INTERVIEWER: The buildings were tall though. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. That was something exciting, but… INTERVIEWER: And the Statue of Liberty, things like that. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. But still, it was so different that it always stays in my mind. INTERVIEWER: So you felt a little disappointed but still happy? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, still very excited. INTERVIEWER: Was there any type of welcome for you? MRS. PUPUTTI: Nothing big. My aunt came to pick us up. We came from New York to Fitchburg in a bus. INTERVIEWER: Was that the first time you've ever been in a bus? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: No. MRS. PUPUTTI: We had buses in Finland. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Was there any kind of confusion, like did you have a communication problem finding your aunt? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: No, she was right there. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Did you speak any English at all? MRS. PUPUTTI: No.6 INTERVIEWER: Or any of your family? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. My mother did, few words. She had… INTERVIEWER: She had spoken… MRS. PUPUTTI: But she had forgotten. INTERVIEWER: Forgotten? Yeah. Did you have to go through any formalities here, or were they in Finland that you had to…? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Only that they'd check your papers. INTERVIEWER: No physicals? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: At least in Finland you probably had to. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, we had to go through all the -- we had to get the shots and everything. It was very, very strict. You had to get all kinds of papers. But here they just checked them and… INTERVIEWER: Did you notice any differences when you were traveling from New York to Fitchburg? Did you notice any differences compared to Finland? Like was the land flatter? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Actually, the roads first, that was something that I had never seen, huge roads. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: Highways. And then the scenery, everything was so much cleaner. The woods are so thick with the underbrush. Things like that. We had clean woods. I mean, you can see. INTERVIEWER: Oh yeah, clear. MRS. PUPUTTI: And then the hills, we had no flat. INTERVIEWER: How about the climate? Did you notice any difference in the temperature? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, it's… INTERVIEWER: Well, you came in January, so it was pretty… MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, it was about the same. It was cold here as well. INTERVIEWER: Did you find any differences between like the winters in Finland and how it is around here? Some people say they're more 7 unpredictable. Like in Finland, you get constant snow, whereas here you can get a blizzard. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, in Finland you never get two feet at one time. No. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: So that is different, and the air is dryer. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Did you meet any American people along the way, or mostly you were just traveling with your aunt? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. I can't remember. No. INTERVIEWER: Were you pretty much excited still, or were you disappointed at the changes in scenery? Was it still exciting? MRS. PUPUTTI: When we got here, it was very nice. Houses were so big, but not to me, because we're used to it now. But going along the Mechanic Street, and all that Elm Street, High Street apartments, there were these [unintelligible - 00:10:37] and things that look so, so different. I had never pictured nothing like that. INTERVIEWER: Were you disappointed, or you liked it? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, I think it was very unusual. Something about it, I can't put it into words, but it was exciting, somehow so different. INTERVIEWER: Did you and your mother and the other girls, did they stay with your aunt then? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, she had gotten us apartment already. We were our own family right away. INTERVIEWER: And did she get a job somewhere? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. We got jobs, all of us. My youngest sister, Lisa, went to school, but the others, we had to go to work. INTERVIEWER: What did your mother get for a job? MRS. PUPUTTI: We mostly did the housework [unintelligible - 00:11:18] but you have to do [unintelligible - 00:11:21] so did I. INTERVIEWER: Did you do housework for other people? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. INTERVIEWER: And your other sister too?8 MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. I was like a maid for [unintelligible - 00:11:30] different things until I got married and I quit. INTERVIEWER: When did you get married? MRS. PUPUTTI: Two years later, '51. I met my husband here. He had come from Finland too. INTERVIEWER: Did you ever get a chance to go back to school or to learn English in school? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, I did go to night school. That's how we [unintelligible - 00:11:50] learn to speak clearly. INTERVIEWER: Otherwise you picked it up? MRS. PUPUTTI: But then you just picked it up on the way. INTERVIEWER: I'm surprised how well the people do that I interviewed when they say they just had like a short time in night school and they just picked it up. It's hard to believe you can do so well. Did you look for a neighborhood that had mostly people of your own nationality, like Finnish people? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. That's not so much that we looked for it, just that… INTERVIEWER: They were all there. MRS. PUPUTTI: … they were right there. INTERVIEWER: Were they friendly? Were the neighbors friendly? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yes. We never had any problems with them. INTERVIEWER: Did it take much time for you to become involved in the church or social activities in this area? MRS. PUPUTTI: Not in the church. We were not immediately, because my mother is very religious and we all are. So we naturally started with the church that -- it was right in the neighborhood, too, the Messiah Lutheran Church. It's just been with us ever since. INTERVIEWER: So you got into church activities and events like that? How about social activities, like dances or picnics?9 MRS. PUPUTTI: A little bit. They used to have like a [unintelligible - 00:12:58] society. They used to have dances those days, but they don't have that much anymore, like [unintelligible - 00:13:02]. INTERVIEWER: Right. Did you use to go? MRS. PUPUTTI: It used to be a little bit [unintelligible - 00:13:08] like they had shows, we used to act and things like that. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. You took part in it? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, a little bit, but nothing too much. That was one thing that I was -- we were very, very lonesome Christian girls. Very lonesome. We missed our old friends and… INTERVIEWER: Boyfriends and things? Is that how you met your husband, through one of these? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. It was quite interesting. I had met one older gentleman here in evening classes in high school, and he used to tell me about this very interesting boy he used to know and he used to live with in Sweden. And he says if he ever gets here, I would very much like you two to meet. So when my husband came here, first time this gentleman introduced us. And actually, he brought him to my home. That's where I met him very first time, in my own home. So somehow I just end up right away. He was so different, so refreshing coming from [unintelligible - 00:14:12]. INTERVIEWER: Must have been nice he could tell you about [unintelligible - 00:14:15]. What were some of the things that you missed most about Finland, like food or any customs? Did your mother still cook Finnish food? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yeah. Yes. It's not so much that I -- I don't know if I missed anything like that so much, any of the foods or customs or anything like that, just that there's a certain kind of atmosphere, a certain kind of feeling for everybody where they have been or something long years, but not any particular thing.10 INTERVIEWER: Just miss the whole thing. Yeah. Did you keep up any customs? Did your mother practice customs? MRS. PUPUTTI: I suppose so, if you really start to think about it. Like Christmastime, we always had the kinkkus. INTERVIEWER: What's that? MRS. PUPUTTI: That's pork. Fresh pork we cook, [unintelligible - 00:15:14] fish and things like that. INTERVIEWER: You still kept that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, we still keep that up. Easter time we used to have special foods we're used to making. Not so much anymore. INTERVIEWER: How about holidays? Did you still have any? [Unintelligible - 00:15:26] maybe all the Finnish people practiced holidays? Could you ever get hold of anything like Finnish books, things like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes, we did. Let's see. Oh, I suppose [unintelligible - 00:15:43] well, I have to think of it. I can't remember. INTERVIEWER: You could still read Finnish books? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. But I can't remember how we got them, but I know there was some. INTERVIEWER: Okay. What were some of things you enjoyed most about your new life? Anything special? Any more conveniences or better pay? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, yeah. The food was so nice. That was one thing that was very good. And then the cars, you know, started coming out that we had never had a chance to drive like we did here. Well, everything was faster and a bigger scale than what I was used to. INTERVIEWER: Did you like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. Yes, it's something that we'd pursue. Let me think. What would be some other things that would be nice? INTERVIEWER: Would you have had a chance to have your own shop? How did you get involved in this?11 MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, I know I wouldn't have had the chance to have this own shop like this that I have here. Well, see, one thing though Finland's been always very up to date on fashion, and the quality is superb. My brother-in-law in Finland has a big clothing store, and we used to get these for Christmas and we used to visit them. Like in 1969, the whole family, we went over, and just to see that store. It just inspired me to think that, "Why couldn't we have something like that in Fitchburg with all the Finnish people here?" So it would really be something special for them. So I had dreamed about it, but I didn't really think that I'll ever do it. But then one time a couple years ago, after I was talking with my sister, she got so excited that, "Go ahead, do it," that I go to my brother-in-law and see what he thinks if he could give me the factories and people to send me some things, you know. It's hard for you to get started and then you still have some factories send you some things and they don't know anything about you. But he was good help with me that way that he got them to send me some things, and then that's how it started. It's two years now and they keep sending us. And it's so nice because it's so different. Everything is so well-made. People seem to like -- like I said, steady customers. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: Continual. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. I meant to ask you, did you ever have any children after you got married? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yeah. I have a daughter and a son. Daughter is 20 and my son is 18. INTERVIEWER: What do they do? MRS. PUPUTTI: She sells right here. She is going to Graham Junior College for this retailing and merchandising, and the boy is going to Worcester Tech. My husband has a small machine shop, so we have two small businesses in Fitchburg.12 INTERVIEWER: Cool. MRS. PUPUTTI: Our son is interested in that life. He wants to be engineer. INTERVIEWER: Keep in the family. MRS. PUPUTTI: It's not that we push him, but it's what he enjoys. INTERVIEWER: No, it's his choice. Were you able to understand the local newspapers and magazines and radio and things like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: First, right away when we came, there was a Finnish program on the air that time. And actually, we were interviewed. INTERVIEWER: Oh, yeah? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Because it was so unusual for new people to come, immigrants to come from Finland at that time. And there was [unintelligible - 00:19:48] the Finnish newspaper we used to read… INTERVIEWER: So you could keep up with the news? MRS. PUPUTTI: [Unintelligible - 00:19:52] anymore after you get used to the English one. And things like that. And we used to -- like in the church we could hear Finnish language all these years. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: We still have Finnish services. INTERVIEWER: So do you speak at home? MRS. PUPUTTI: Not anymore. INTERVIEWER: Do you speak it with your husband, possibly? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: No. MRS. PUPUTTI: Very seldom anymore. It's not that we don't want to. It's just INTERVIEWER: It's that you're so used to… MRS. PUPUTTI: … that we're so used to. And I remember first we wanted to learn English, so we purposely said that we're not going to speak in Finnish so we could learn it, and then it became a habit. INTERVIEWER: So the children never picked up Finnish? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, they did.13 INTERVIEWER: Oh, they did? MRS. PUPUTTI: They did. And they still understand almost all of it. And they can even speak quite a bit. INTERVIEWER: That's good. I think it's good to keep it in the family if you can. How about political preference? Do you have any, and how'd you choose? MRS. PUPUTTI: I'm strictly independent. I used to vote when I feel the man deserves it. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Okay. Did you ever take any active parts? Did you ever campaign for anybody? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, not really. INTERVIEWER: After you had lived here for a while, do you ever write back to people in Finland and tell them to come over, encourage them? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. As a matter of fact, I did. Nine years ago I got my sister's family here. I was responsible for it. It was eight people. That was one of the biggest families that had come from all time. And they were interviewed on the boat, and they was taking pictures and everything because it was unusual. Large families like that doesn't usually get up all and just leave. INTERVIEWER: Did they stay in Fitchburg? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes, they're still here. INTERVIEWER: They enjoyed it? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. The oldest boy went through air course, and he's living in Alaska now. INTERVIEWER: Oh. So they're happy that you gave them that advice? Would you ever consider going back to Finland to live? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, I don't think so. I love to go there, you know, and stay for a while. Unless when I'm really old, I don't know. INTERVIEWER: After you retire or something?14 MRS. PUPUTTI: See, we feel it's home here in Fitchburg. We have a home in Rindge Road, and we've been there for 15 years. The children were born there. It would be too hard now to… INTERVIEWER: This is where your roots are now. Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: … cut everything and… INTERVIEWER: You have gone back to Finland though? MRS. PUPUTTI: We have, yes. INTERVIEWER: How many times? MRS. PUPUTTI: Quite a few times. First time we went 1969, then I've gone twice after that. INTERVIEWER: Did you notice the changes that are happening over there? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yes. And we do have to say that Finland goes much faster than we do here in Fitchburg, much faster. INTERVIEWER: They caught up to United States standards and all. MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh yes. And the housing and everything is -- they are building much more than we are here, much more. INTERVIEWER: Do you feel that generally life has worked out better for you here than it would have in Finland? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes, I really think so. I feel maybe -- like I said, my husband and I, we took the chances on business here. I feel a lot American people, they probably wouldn't have dared to try to do what we do. But because we came here, we didn't have anything… INTERVIEWER: You couldn't lose anything. MRS. PUPUTTI: So we feel that even if we have something little bit now, we came with nothing. That's what my husband says, he came with $20, and if he leaves with $20 that's fine. INTERVIEWER: Wow. Do you feel your children have a better chance in this country than they would've in Finland? Or do you think now it's different, maybe?15 MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, they probably do. But right now over there if you're ambitious you can go almost as far over there as you can here. I feel that in our case it was better here. INTERVIEWER: Of any plans that you made when you came here, is there any you haven't achieved yet that you regret? Or have you really accomplished more than you probably ever expected? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, see, I never thought of going into business while I was at home and taking care of the children when they were smaller. So to me, this is something that I didn't even think of doing until the last minute. I think I've done better than I've really expected. INTERVIEWER: That's good. What is the most important advantage you feel that you have as a citizen of this country? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, even things are much rougher now here than they were when I first came. I remember how we used to keep the doors open, now we have to lock everything up. All that was much nicer then, but I still think that Americans have more freedom than any other country in the whole world. Even if Finland is free, but there's still some certain logical things about -- well, I suppose from Russia because they're so close. I feel that people don't appreciate that feeling; they abuse it. That makes me awful upset sometimes, you know. They should go someplace to live where, really, you can't speak that clear. Yeah, you cannot blast the president in any place. You can't really do that. INTERVIEWER: Yeah, that's true. Many times you hear people say they long for the good old days. When you think back at what the good old days was supposed to be for you, which would you rather have, the good old days or now? MRS. PUPUTTI: I think I'd rather have now. I think it's a saying, "the good old days." I can't say that I have anything in -- my life was anything so terrible that I want to take back. But I still like the present. I still feel that we're going ahead. It doesn't mean that I value the 16 money or want to be something rich or something like that so much. It's just that unless you can pay your bills and be comfortable and happy in your everyday life, that's the [unintelligible - 00:26:02]. INTERVIEWER: So you feel you've lived a good life? MRS. PUPUTTI: I think so. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Thank you./AT/jf/ah/es
Burnout, Zeitarbeit, Digital Natives - dies sind längst keine bloßen Schlagwörter mehr, sondern eine Wirklichkeit, die Führungskräfte täglich vor neue Herausforderungen stellt. Denn wenn Fachkräfte kaum zu finden sind, Teams nur auf Zeit bestehen und Mitarbeiter und Chefs stärkerem Druck denn je ausgesetzt sind, helfen die alten Rezepte nicht mehr weiter. Unternehmerin und Leadership-Expertin Maren Lehky zeigt anhand vieler Beispiele, mit welchen Strategien Sie diesen Veränderungen als Manager souverän begegnen. Dies ist das Handbuch für eine neue Generation von Führungskräften.
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Issue 16.2 of the Review for Religious, 1957. ; A.M.D.G. Review for. Reh ious MARCH 15, 1957 Psychological Screening . Richard P. Vaughan The Religious Teacher . Sister M. Aurella Background of the Supernatural Life. Da.iel J. Formation o1: Religious Priesks . Pope Plus XII Roman Documents . R. F. Smith Book Reviews (~uestions and Answers Summer Institutes VOLUME 16 NUMBER 2 REVIEW FOR RI LIGIOUS VOLUME 16 MARCH,.1957 NUMBER 2 CONTI::NTS MORAL ISSUES IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCREENING-- Richard P. Vaughan, S.J . 65 SUMMER INSTITUTES FOR RELIGIOUS .78 THE RELIGIOUS TEACHER AND VOCATIONS~ Sister M. Aurelia, O.S.F . 79 - OUR CONTRIBUTORS . '. 81 THE BACKGROUND OF THE SUPERNATURAL LIFE-- Daniel J. M. Callahan, s.J . 82 SOME BOOKS RECEIVED . 87 THE EDUCATION AND FORMATION OF RELIGIOUS PRIESTS Pope Plus XII . 88 SURVEY OF ROMAN DOCUMENTS~R. F. Smith, S.J . 102 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS--- 3. Varying Interpretations of Local Superiors . 112 4. Reappointment of Master and Assistant Master of Novices . 112. 5. Sisters Driving Cars . 113 6. Reception of Renewals of Vows . " . 113 7. Procurator General and Manner of Recurring to the Holy See 114 8. Unequal Suffrages . 116 9. Obligation of Weekly Confession . 116 10. Special Jurisdiction Not Required for Postulants . 117 11. Obligation to Receive Blessing of Extraordinary Confessor . 118 12. A Religious as Executor of the Will of Lay People . 118 BOOK REVIEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS-- Editor: Bernard A. Hausmann, West Baden College West Baden Springs, Indiana . 119 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, March, 1957. Vol. 16, No. 2. Published bi-monthly by The Queen's Work, 3115 South Grand Blvd., St. Louis 18, Mo. Edited by the Jesuit Fathers of St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, with ecclesi-astical approval. Second class mail privilege authorized at St. Louis, Mo. Editorial Board: Augustine G. Ellard, S.J.; Gerald Kelly, S.J.; "Henry "vVillmering, S.J. Liteiary Editor: Robert F. Weiss, S.J. Copyright, 1957, by The Queen's Work. Subscription price in U.S.A. and Canada: 3 dollars a year; 50 cents a copy. Printed in U.S.A. Please send all renewals and new subscriptions to: Review for Religious, 3!15 South Grand Boulevard, St. Louis 18, Missouri. Moral Issues in Psychological Screening Richard P. Vaughan, S.J. AS THE use of psychological testing for' candidates to the religious life has become more. widely known and ~ac-cepted, certain moral questions have presented themselve~ to the minds of the superiors who have considered the possio sibility of adopting some kind of a screening program. It is the aim of the present article to consider some of these questions and to offer a solution for each. Purpose of Psychological Testing Psychological testing is a means of evaluating an individ-ual's personality and ability. Its purpose is to predict the suit-ability and fitness of an individual for a position, course of studies, or state of life. When testing is applied to candidates for the religious life, the aim of the program is to determine whether the candidate has the necessary qualifications to lead the life of a religious in some particular institute, such as the Franciscans or Carmelites. These quahficattons are primarily limited to factors of personality affecting mental health. However, when there is a need to know about the intellectual capacity of an individual, psychological testing may also be used. Psychological testing, as presently used by religious for their candidates, does not offer any direct information about what one may call the internal workings of a vocation. Needless to say, it does not measure the influence of grace upon the soul. It does not in any way pretend to fathom the extent to which the soul has been moved by the Holy Spirit. Nevertheless, such testing does in a number of instances give some indication of what might be called natural motivating forces behind a desire for the religious life. In addition to the Workings of grace, the average, candidate usually has a number 65 I~ICHARD P. VAUGHAN Review for Religious of subs~idiary reasons which are instrumental in his choice of the religious state. He might be attracted by the companionship of community life or by' the opportunity to devote his life to study and teaching. Such inclinations frequently manifest themselves in a testing situation. Moreover, sometimes natural motives, which should be secondary, assume primary importance:. In these in-stances, the superior who has received a psychological evaluation of the candidate is in a better position to make a decision as to the candidate's suitability. .Finally, there are cases where the candidate may desire the religious life for purely natural reasons. An example of such a candidate would be the young woman who wishes to enter the convent because conditions at home are intolerable. Psychological testing can give indications of such motivation. It frequently "happens that the candidate is not aware of the influence of such a motive upon her final decision to enter the religious state. Through the medium 0f testing followed by interviews this influence can be brought to light, and thus the possibility of a costly mistake is lessened. The function of testing is very similar to that of the physical examination which is demanded of every candidate before he or she is accepted into the religious life. Both examinations are looking for signs of illness which will render the candidate un-suited for the religious life in a definite order or congregation. The one seeks indications of physical illness; the other, indica-tions of psychological illness. Unfortunately, the psychological aspects of the human being are not as readily discernible as the purely physical. There is much in the psychological life of an indi~vidual which lies beneath the surface and thus passes un-noticed, but .which offers definite indications of-future emotional upheaval. In some cases, the individual consciously defends against revealing this hidden "matter, lest it be detrimental to him. In other cases, the unconscious processes completely hide the matter from the individual himself. Mental fitness for the religious life often depends upon the content of this hidden 66 Ma~'ch, 1957 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCREENING matter. To uncover such material, a c6mbination of psychologi-cal testing and interviews is often needed. Although the untrained person is certainly qualified to make some evaluation of the can-didate's personality, he will usually miss most of this hidden matter which gives a deeper clue to the workings of an indi-vidual's personality. The fundamental goal of any screening program is the detection of the grossly abnormal applicant. By this latter phrase is meant the applicant who gives definite signs of debili-tating psychosis or neurosis. He is the candidate who is mentally ill, although his illness may not yet be recognizable to the untrained religious examiner. In its initial stages, mental ill-ness may easily be passed over unnoticed, unless a concerted effort is made to investigate its possible existence. A testing pro-gram that is well conducted can give some indication that suffi-cient mental .and emotional health for leading a normal re-ligious life is wanting in the candidate. Subsequent interviews by trained personnel can put a'finger on the candidate whose mental illness is serious or gives evidence of becoming serious. Such a candidate is as.unfit for the religious life as the candidate who has tuberculosis or amalignant cancer. In considering the possibility of mental illness occurring after the individual has been received into the religious li~e, it should be called .to mind that the religious life, especially in its earliest phases, is such as to be considerably more taxing on psychological strength than the average life outside the cloister or the convent. It can reasonably be presumed that the seriously disturbed person will become pro-gressively worse under the strain of religious life, since he is usually unable to benefit from the many spiritual and natural helps of this life. The Problem of Personal Data Assessing the mental health of a candidate frequently de-mands a very comprehensive and revealing evaluation of his per-sonality. As a result of this need, religious superiors sometimes 67 RICHARD P. VAUGHAN Review for Religious are in doubt as to their right to investigate such highly personal data. Typical examples of traits that'might be discovered through a psychological screening program are as follows: emotional instability, lack of self-control, paranoid-suspiciousness, and deviant sexual tendencies. It is 'obvious that were such personality charac-teristics widely known, they would seriously handicap the future of the candidate, regardless of what state of life he might eventually choose. In considering this problem it is necessary tO understand fully what are the duties" and obligations of the religious superior who has the task of accepting or rejecting candidates. Upon his deci-" sion re~ts the welfare of the Church, as Well as that of the particular order or congregation to which" he belongs. Many of the faithful look upon religious as the personifica-tions of the spirit and teaching of the Church. When they come in contact with or hear about emotionally disturbed religious, their esteem of the Church as an instrument of personal sanctity is con-siderably lessened. For in the minds .of many of these people, mental illness and sanctity are incompatible. The afflicted person would not be in his present state if he had led a holy-life. Unfor-tunafely, some go so far as. to link mental illness with sin. The psychosis or neurosis is simply the result of past wrong-doing. Although the above-mentioned opinions have no scientific basis, still their prevalence makes the. emotionally disturbed religious a source of scandal for these uninformed laymen and laywomen. A further, danger of scandal arises when the faithful have per-sonal dealings with the mentally ill religious. Psychotic a.nd neurotic symptoms frequently manifest themselves in behavior which in the normal person could only be interpreted as sinful. The outbursts of anger seen in a paranoid are but one example of such behavior. Thus, the superior has the obligation, in so far as he is able, to see that he does not admit candidates who are likely to fall prey to mental disease and thus become a source of scandal to the laity. 68 March, 1957 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCREENING If the 'candidate. is'~ulfim~ately destined for holy orders, the duty of the superior to protect the welfare of the Church is even greater, in as much as the Church relies upon the priesthood for her very life. The menially disturbed, priest c~in be a source of great scandal and actually hinder the apostolic work of the Church. Obligations of Superioks A further consideration is ~he ol~ligation a superior has to his own order or congregation and to the individual members of that order or congregation. Every supekior who receives candidates has a definite obligation to his or her institute to accept only those can-didates who will be able tolead the religious life according to the rule of the particular order or congregation the candidate ~.lans to join. It is, moreover, the duty of the superior to see that the rights of the other members of the.community are" protected. Community life is an essential part of the religious lif~ in most orders' and con-gregations. Experience" snows that the mentally ill can do'much to disrupt community life. Finally, it is the "obligation of the superior to see that only those subjects be ~icceptdd who Wil! be able to further the work of the particular order or congregation. In general, it may be said that the seribusly disturbed neurotic or psychotic contributes very little in his lifetime to the specific works of the order, and often actually hinders that wo'rk. Therefore, since the superior has the obligation to look after the welfare of his order or congregation and its members, he or she has the right to use every legitimate means to accomplish this end, A well-conducted psychological screening program would seem to be a legitimate means of' eliminating those who are incapable of leading the relig-ious life and of fostering the specific works of a given order or congregation because bf poor mental health. Thus, it seems clear that the superior has the right to inves-tigate such highly personal data' as one would obtain from a screening program, if he thinks that such information is neces-sary to determine the mental and emotional health of the candi-date. This right stems from the obligation of the superior to 69 RICHARD P. VAUGHAN Review for Religious protect the welfare of the Church and his order. To accomplish this end, it may happen that the superior will have to investigate matter pertaining to the conscience of the candidate. Ii: this investigation is thought necessary, the superior has not only the right but also the duty to ask about such matters, and the candidate has an equal duty to reveal whatever information the superior thinks necessary to arrive at a correct decision with reference to the existence of a true vocation. It should be noted that all information derived from a screening program is received in the strictest confidence. Thus, it can be revealed only to the superior who must decide upon the suitability of the candidates and, if needed, his or her consultors. Under these circumstances, the fear of any damage that might occur to the reputation o~ the candidate would seem to be minimized. I~ the candidate is rejected, in the minds of his friends and associates he could have been rejected for any o~: a dozen or more reasons. His rejection because oI: poor mental health need never be known. Refusal To Cooperate Before beg!nning a screening program, it would probably be well to inform the candidate by letter of the general aim, nature, and need of such a program. The purpose of the letter is to acquaint the candidate with some of the notions involved in screen-ing and to dispose him or her more favorably towards the pro-gram. The emphasis is placed on the personal advantage of the program for the candidate. A mistake about one's vocation is usually costly in time and money, not to mention the emo-tional upheaval that frequently results when a.religious leaves after several years in the life. Immediately preceding the administration of a series of psychological tests, the psychologist again explains the purpose and need of the program. The candidates are then urged to be frank and honest in answering the items. Most candidates 70 March, 1957 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCREENING will acquiesce in thi~ request, since by this time they realize that the program is devised imt only for the good of the order or congregation that they plan to join, but also for their own good. However, it is not beyond the realm of possibility that a candi-date will absolutely refuse to submit to the testing progr~im. This situation would then ~resent a further moral issue. Has the superior the right to reject" any candidate who refuses to take the psychological te~ts Or who gives every indication that he did not cooperate in taking the tests, thus nullifying the test results? In answering this question, it should be noted that each order or congregation with the approbation of the Holy See has the right to establish the qualifications that it desires among its members. The superior who accepts the candidates acts in the name of the. order or congregation. Thus, he has the duty to see that these qualifications are met. Among the many qualifications for any type of religious life, mental health is a primary requisite. It therefore follows that the. superior can use every legitimate means at his disposal to guarantee that only the fit and suitable candidates are accepted. Psychological screening has come to be an acceptable instrument for determining the suit-ability of candidates as far as their mental health is concerned. Hence, it follows that the superior has the right to refuse admittance to those candidates who reject the testing program or give clear evidence that they did not cooperate, since these candidates have failed to give sufficient indication that they meet one of the essential requirements of the religious life, at least as far as the superior is able to determine. In passing, it might l~e noted that those who refuse to take the test must have a reason for their refusal; and most probably this refusal is con-nected with some kind of psychological inadequacy. Omission of Items Some personality tests demand the affirmation or denial of a number of statements. A certain small percentage of these items ask the testee to affirm or deny past moral faults. When 71 RICHARD P. VAUGHAN Review for Religious the candidate is faced with such items, he is not obliged to answer them, unless such information is necessary to determine the presence or absence of a vocation. It should be noted that these items usually inquire about specific incidents and not about habits of. sin which could interfere with a vocation. The superior has the right to ask about habits of sin when this information affects his judgment as to the existence of a true vocation. How-ever, isolated incidents of moral iapses usually do not stand in the way of a vocation; hence, if the candidate omitted these items, it Would not substantially affect the purpose for which these tests are given. A ready solution to the problem might be the omission of such items from the tests. However, since a number of the personality tests used in psychological screening have been stan-dardized for a .given population and appear in a printed form, it is very difficult to omit the items. An effort'is currently being made to adapt these standardized-personality tests for the ex-clusive use of religious and their candidates and to establish stan-dards of judgment for this particular segment of the popula-tion. These new standardizations will eliminate undesirable items. In the meantime, the psychologist should choose those tests which are least likely to be affected by this difficulty; where this is not possible, he should make allowances in his interpretation of the test results for a few unanswered items. How Much Confidence in the Testing Program? A further question arises: How much confidence can a superior place in a psychological testing program for candi-dates? The superior not only has an obligation to his own par-ticular order or congregation, but he also has an equal, obligation to the candidate who feels that he has a vocation. Psychological testing for candidates has been used by a number of orders and Congregations of both religious men and women. For the most part, these various religious groups have expressed their satis-faction with the results. However, it should be borne in mind 72 Ma~'ch, 1957 PSYCHOLOGICAL ~CREENING that the whdle program is a" relatively new movement in the Church and that more time is needed before one can reach a certain judgment as to the value of such a program. The tests which are commonly used for ~andidates to the religious life have proved themselves in other areas. Some have and are being used in psychiatric .and psychologial clinics to determine path-ology. It should also be noted tha~ some of the tests used with rdligious candidates have been adapted for this specific, purpose and thus should be even more valuable when used with these populations. Nonetheless, until more data have been gathered and scientifically evaluated, it would s.eem that tl~e most prudent course of action for any superiok who is initiating a testing pro-gram would demand, a cautious and at times skeptical 'acceptance of data received from the testing program. In the beginning, some kind of an interview by trained personnel for those candi-dates who scored poorly on the tests would seem to be almost imperative. In those relatively few instances where test and in-terview results show gross deviation from the normal, rejection of the candidates would seem to be in order. In those cases where the diagnosis from the test results is in doubt, it would seem that the more prudent course in initiating the program would usually be to accept the candidate and observe the nature of hi~ progress ~during the early years of the religious life. ¯ Professional Secrecy A screening program can be administered either by a mem-ber of the religious community who has received adequate train-ing'in psychology or by a lay psychologist who has had experi-ence in clinical testing. Since there are many aspects of the religious life which a layman cannot fully understand, the pro-gram conducted by trained religious personnel is highly desir-able. Once the test results have been interpreted and necessary interviews held, all the information derived from these sources is gathered together and an evaluation of the personality of the candidate is drawn up by, the psychologist. The information 73 RICHARD P.' VAUGHAN Review for Religious contained in these reports has been obtained through the medium of~ professional confidence since the psychologist' is bound by the same type of secrecy as the physician or lawyer who obtain confideniial matter.from their clients. The.candidate, therefore~ has every right to expect that this confidence will b~ safeguarded. Hence, the psychologist can submit the information obtained through testing only to the. religious superior or som~eone ap-pointed by the superior to make the decision as, to the acceptance or rejectiori of the candidate. To reveal the results to any other member of the community or to anyone else, such as a pros-pective ~employer once the application' has been rejected, would involve a violation of professional secrecy. The superior who receives the information from the psy-chologist is not free to speak of it to other members of the com-munity, unless he thinks that he needs to" seek advice from one of his consultors before ~arrivi~ng at a decision, for he is ~bound by the same obligation of secrecy as the psychologist. More-over, if the superior can obtain the advice of the consultors without revealing the identity of the candidate, he should do so. Among certain communities, there is the practice of allowing the master of novices to read the personality evaluations 0f can-didates. Such a procedure would seem to prejudice unduly the master's opinion of the candidates before they are received into the religious life. The doubtful cases especially suffer from this practice. Furthermore, since the novice, while still a candidate, consented to take the psychological examination for the sole pur-pose of determining his suitability, it would seem morally wrong t6 reveal the contents of these tests to the magter for the added purpose of future guidance and direction, unless the novice gives his consent. Rejection of the Candidate /~ When a candidate has been refused admittance into an order or congregation because ot~ poor mental health as indicated by testing and interviews, further moral problems present them- 74 March, 1957 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCREENING selves. The first question that arise~ in such ~in event is whether the candidate should be informed of the specific reason why he has been rejected. In view of the fact that there are several possible reasons besides lack of mental health or psychological fitness that can determine the decision of a superior in accepting or rejecting a candidate, many religious communities prefer simply to inform the applicant that he or she does not appear suited for the religious life. The exact reasons for the rejection are not given; or if they are given, they are stated in such general terms that the candidate does not fully comprehend their import. Hbwever, the outcome of such a procedure sometimes results in a cdrtain amount of discontent on the part of the rejected can-didate. Often this discontent is also manifested by the religious who is sponsoring the candidate. On the other hand, it would seem that the superior has only the obligation to see that the qualifications set down in his institute are fulfilled. If the can-didate does not meet these qualifications, then, in justice to his order, he must reject the candidate; but this rejection does not necessitate his telling the applicant why he has been refused. The decision to reject a candidate poses a further problem, namely, does the superior have any obligation to advise the applicant who is mentally and emotionally disturbed to seek some type of treatment? If such an obligation does exist, it certainly is not one Of justice. Out of justice the superior is simply obliged to inform the candidate that he is not suited for the life. It may then be asked whether out of charity he should give the rejected candidate some advice as to his need of treatment and offer suggestions as to how he might obtain this treatment. If the rejected candidates are not too numerous and there are local facilities which are in a position to offer therapeutic time, it would then seem likely that the superior should out of charity offer some help in this regard. For if nothing is said, there is a great likelihood that'~the illness will become progressively worse until it reaches that state where treatment will be extremely diff'- 75 RICHARD P. ~AUGHAN . Review for Religious cult, if not impossible. Mental illness ;s much more susceptible to treatment in the young than in the old. If hn emotional dis-turbance exists which is not too deep-seated, it is not beyond the realm of possibility that the applicant can be treated and reapply for admittance after a couple of years. In.this manner, a voca-tion can be saved. All the above-mentioned~suggestions imply that the candidate will be informed of the exact nature of his illness, so that he can take some action to rid himself of the affliction. However, if the superior does not see his way clear to offer some suggestion as to possible means of alleviating the difficulty, it would-seem more prudent not to inform the candidate of his condition. Such information without any. hope of doing something about the situation can only lead toga state of frustra-tion and consequently agitate the illness of the rejected candidate. Use of Test Results After Entrance A final aspect pertains to the use of testing results after the candidate has been received into the religious ,life. In any group, of candidates entering the religious life, "there will most probably be some who have been accepted even though their psychological fitness for the life is still in doubt. A number of these doubtful cases will give some indication during their postu-lancy that they ma)) not be completely suited,for the .life. .When the decision must. be made as to Whether they should receive the habit, some superiors will include the psychological evaluation at the .time of entrance as a factor in turning their judgment one way or the other. Since the postulancy is a time of trial, in which both the order or congregation and the individual postulant are trying to determine whether a true vocation is present, it would seem that the superior, who represents the o~der, is justified in using every legitimate means at his disposal so as to arrive at a correct decision. The results of the testing program can be a very valuable aid in reaching this decision. Since the time of postulancy is relatively short, the original test results w0uld prob-ably still- apply to the postulant in doubt. However, if changes 76 March, 1957 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCREENING in personality have become conspicuous during this period, it would be wise to ~e-evaluate the individual through testing and, if necessary, through interviewing. If the postulant has been allowed to take the habit; but, at the end of .the novitiate, there is still some doubt ~asto the psychological fitness, then retesting wouldseem to be in order since the element of more than one and a half years in the religio~us life will significantly influence the personalitypattern of thee novice. This retesting will also give an indication as towhether, during the course of the novitiate, the individual has become more or less psychologically fit for the religious life. Retest results will, thus, furnish helpful supplementary material for the superior who is faced with the difficult~ decision of allowing or refusing permission to take the first vows. If the tests can be evaluated by the same psychologist who had previously conducted the testing program, the results should reveal acciirate and valu-able material. However, it should be noted that neither novices nor reli-gious with their vows can be forced to submit to psychological testing. Such a program of testing is equivalent to a manifesta-tion of conscience, which according to canon law no superior can demand of his subject. The superior, therefore, may not threaten the religious with dismissal if he refuses to take the tests. He should feel free to point out to the subject whose vocation is in dbubt the. advantages of a psychological program. He may not, however, word his advice in ~uch a fashion as to exert pressure upon the religious to submit to the testing. Moreover, the religious who has undergone the psychological investigation must either explicitly 0r implicitly give permission to the superior to obtain the results from the psychologist, It may well be that the religious insists upon dealing directly with the psychiatrist or psychologist in arriving at'a final decision as to whether he or she has a vocation to the religious life. In this case, the superior 77 I~ICHARD P. VAUGHAN ~ould ~ave no fi~t to t~e ~ghly personal data derived from t~e tests and subsequent ~nterv~e~s. Conclusion Psychological screening is a relatively .new approach to the problem of determining 'mental and emotional fitness for the re-ligious life. As in any new movement, questions and doubts are bound to arise. In the case of screening, not the least of these questions and doubts are of a moral nature. However, if the purpose of screening is fully comprehended and the basic principles of moral theology are correctly applied, satisfactory solutions can be found. In the light of these solutions, a cau-tious and prudent use of a well conducted screening program can be extremely valuable and morally justifiable in deciding whether the candidate has the requisite psychological fitness for the religious life. SUMMER INSTITUTES FOR RELIGIOUS The Institute for Religious at College Misericordia, Dallas, Penn-sylvania (a three-year summer course of twelve days in canon law and ascetical theology for sisters), will be held this year August 20-31. This is the second year in the triennial course. The course in canon law is given by the Reverend Joseph F. Gallen~ S.J., that in ascetical theology is given by the Reverend Daniel J. M. Callahan, s.J., both of Wood-stock College. The registration is restricted to higher superiors, their councilors and officials, mistresses of no~ices, and those in similar positions. Applications are to be addressed to the Rev. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J., Woodstock College, Woodstock, Maryland. The Reverend Owen M. Cloran, S.J., will direct an Institute in Canon Law for Religious Women at St. Louis University, June 10-14. During the summer session from June 18 to July 26, the religion department will include courses on the sacramental life, Sacred Scrip-ture, moral guidance of adolescent girls, and God the author of the supernatural life. Inquiries concerning the Institute or the courses should be directed to the Department of Religion, St. Louis University, St. Louis 3, Missouri. 78 The Religious Teacher and Vocal:ions Sister M. Aurelia, O.S.F. NO ASPECT of the life of a priest or of a religious brother o~ sister is so mysterious as the manner in which the individual received the call to this special form of life. Every religious vocation has a divine origin; God is its first cause. Seemingly, there are many secondary causes; but, in the last analysis, a religious vocation comes from.God Himself. God does, however, make use of various agencies and circumstances to accomplish His purpose. The home, the Church, and the school often serve indirdctly as God's instruments in the develop-ment of vocations. A good Catholic home is the nursery for religious vocations. Statistics prove that a home in which the parents are leading truly Christian lives produces more vocations to th.e priesthood or the religious life than homes where the parents are careless and indifferent Catholics. Zealous priests, by their counsel .and friendly interest, direct many chosen souls to the service of God as priests, brothers~ or sisters. Many a religious vdcation has been brought to life by a prudent director. The Catholic school, however, is predominantly the source of religious vocations. Whil~ it is true that some earnest young people who have not had the opportunity of attending a Catholic school have become good priests, brothers, or sisters, the greater number of vocations are found among young people who are the product of Catholic schools. Therefore, religious teachers play an important part in God's plan for vocations. The manner in which God calls individuals is as varied as the characters of the individuals themselves. Some are called 79 SISTER M AURELIA directly; for example, John and Andrew, the first disciples of Our Loid, were called directly by Christ when He said to them, "Come and see." Peter was brought to our Lord by his brother Andrew. Even today some souls' receive a direct call from our Lord when He says to their wavering hearts, "Come and see." Probably most calls today are indirect, coming to souls through the instrumentality of others. It may be through a kind word, a tactful suggestion,., or the personal example of a priest or a religious brother or sister. It is, then, one of the most sacred duties of the religious teacher to develop a real understanding and appreciation of the religious life, to explain its concepts and ideals, and to create in the minds of the young a willingness and an ability to assume a life of prayer and sacrifice. This means to make young people vocation-minded, to make them reflect that perhaps God has chosen them to be among His select ones. " The personality of the teacher plays an important role in this respect. Some one has aptly said, "Though we soon forget what our teachers taught us, we readily remember the teachers themselves, their personality, their whims and humors, their ideals and enthusiasm, the ~ltmosphere they created and the spirit in which they worked.~ Names, dates, details of events fade away; but the personalities of the teachers have left lasting impressions." 'The personal example of a brother or sister is more potent than words. What we are is of greater importance than what we say. Nothing we say influences as much as what we how we acl. Our pupils see us as we really ar~', not as we think we are. We cannot hide our faults and defects, for our lives are as mirrors reflecting our inner selves. Our actions will show more plainly than words that we love our way of life, that we are happy, that we are glad to serve God as religious teachers, that our whole aim in life is to save our souls by drawing others to the knowledge and love of God. Let us examine ourselves. Do our words and actions reveal th~ v~rtues expected of a good religious? Are we friendly, 80 March, 1957 RELIGIOUS VOCATIONS patient, courteous, sympathetic? Do we exhibit self-control at all times, show practical piety--not the mushy, sentimental kind, but sincere humble devotion? Have we a prudent zeal'for the honor and glory of God and the salvation of souls? Kindness, charity, and consideration for others are the most attractive virtdes in a religious teacher. A teacher who is just and square, who is honest and sincere will attract more young people to the religious life than another who speaks piously of virtue and love of God, but who may be unjust, insincere, un-sympathetic, and unforgiving. A teacher who holds a grudge or indulges in spiteful remarks will never instill a love for the religious life. Many a vocation has been nipped in the bud or given up entirely because of a sarcastic, unjust, or disagreeable teacher. Remember that a holy and happy religious is the best advertisement for his or her community.': What kind of advertisement am I for my community? Do I repel others by my brusque, sharp, and domineering manners? Am I kind and considerate in my dealings with my pupils?" with my fellow teachers? Do I always remember that I represent the meek and gentle Jesus? Our love, our enthtisiasm and devotion to our work, tour sincere appreciation of our holy vocation will act as a powerful magnet, drawing others to follow more intimately the loving Christ as a priest, brother, or sister. Good example, prayer, sacrifice, and a holy life are the best means by which we may hope to influence others and make them vocation-minded. OUR CONTRIBUTORS RICHARD P. VAUGHAN is an instructor in psychology at the University of San Francisco and clinica! psychologist for the Mc- Auley Clinic, St. Mary's Hospital, 'San Francisco. SISTER M. AURELIA is co-author of Practical Aids for Catholic Teachers and, after teaching school for fifty-four years, is now retired at the Mother House, Millvale, Pennsylvania. DANIEL J. M. CALLAHAN, pro-fessor of dogmatic theology for thirty years, is now engaged in coun-selling and retreat work for priests and religious at Woodstock College, Woodstock, Maryland. R. F. SMITH is a member of the faculty of St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas. 81 The Background :he. ¯ Superna!:ural Lit:e Daniel J. M. Callahan, S.J. m~mO STRIVE for the perfection of the supernatural life is mandatory for us as religious. ~ Obviously then, our asceti-cism must be founded on the truths of faith, and a thorough appreciation of them will be the strongest incentive to the cor-rection of our faults and to the practice of virtue. In con. sequence,, a clear understanding of the supernatural is of primary importance first for our personal sanctity and then for the success of our apostolate, which is, like that of St. Paul, "To announce among the Gentiles the good tidings of the unfathomable riches of Christ, and to enlighten all men as to what is the dispensation of the mystery which has been hidden from eternity in God, who created all things" (Eph. 3:8-9). The present paper aims at the exposition of the background oi: the supernaturalas it appears in divine revelation. Though grafted on the natural, the supernatural life abso-lutely transcends the natural, but the better we comprehend the latter, the more readily shall we apprehend the fo~mer. What then is the implication of a state of nature and of a.completely natural life? Though such a condition never existed for human beings, God could have established 'it and been satisfied with it. It would mean that we w.ould be made up of body and soul, of matter and spirit, together with all the capabi!ities requisite for the discharge of human activity and for the attainment of the purpose of our creation. We would have our present composite nature resulting from the components just mentigned, a human personali~ty equipped for the functions of vegetative, sentient, .rational life and requiring due subordination and coordination to our intellect and will for the perfection of the whole. For a composite entity could subsist and evolve only on the supposi-tion of harmonizing its constituents and bringing them under 82 THE SUPERNATURAL LIFE the confrol of the highest of them. Lack of such subordination would cause life to languish, to disintegrate, and ultimately to cease. In consequence, even a purely natural life would involve struggle because of the two levels in our nature, each of which would be drawn to its own gratification, the merely pleasurable and the morally good. There could be a conflict of passion against will, an experience that could be arduous and distressing, although these unruly impulses would not be irresistible. The free will could and should restrain them through inhibition, modera~ tion, and the stimulation of opposing urges to good. In like manner, through self-love and pride, the free will could rebel against the Creator recognized as Supreme Lord, and sin. Man could arrive at the basic principles of mori~l conduct and realize his obligation to shape his life in harmony with them. He would thus be in possession of natural religion, embracing a body of truths .to be accepted, o~ duties to be fulfilled, and the cor-responding sanctions, full natural happiness or proportionate punishment in a future life, for the observance or violation of such fundamental duties. The creation of the universe, and of man in particular, was utterly gratuitous, the outcome of ineffable love. It was ef-fected, not that God might acquire something hitherto wanting, but in order to share the divine treasures with His creatures. Such is the way of true love: it purposes, not the enrichment of the lover, but that of the beloved. Infinite in every manner, God cannot increase His possessions, but He can and does apportion them among His creatures. To this love we all owe our origin; and, having lavished on man all that is inherent to his nature, the Almighty might have been content with His majestic universe and prescribed for us that we employ our native powers for the acquirement of our perfection and ulti-mate destiny, which would consist in a knowledge and love of God derived from the world around us and in a proportionate 83 DANIEL J. M. CALLAHAN Review fo~" Religious happiness here and in the world to come. The creature man could lay claim to nothing more: But God was motivated by love, and true love never says enough, for its measure is to love Without measure. God could and would do for man something more wonderful. Leaving intact his human nature, God engrafted on it another nature, a reality absolutely transcending the re-quirements and exigencies of his nature, a finite participation in the divine nature, constituting him His child and ordaining him to partake of His life through grace here and through the light of glory in the world to come. In a very summary style, such is the content of the revealed truth of our elevation to the super-natural order. A brief clarification may be desirable. God has made known to us the eternal generation of His divine Son, who while differing in person from the Father, shares in one and the same nature with Him. The Second Person is the natural Son of God, consubstantial with the Father, and with the latter the divine principle from which proceeds the Holy Spirit. This is the adorable mystery of the H01y Trinity. Analogically, in a finite manner, at the moment of man's creation God adopted him, extending to him the divine filiation. Rema!ning a creature, man was elevated to the dignity of son of God, enabled to live on a level exceeding all man's natural powers, and to enjoy forever the immediate vision of God in heaven. We are in the presence of a divine marvel, conferred on our first parents, and sincerely proffered to their offspring. Thrbugh the most disinterested and inexpressible goodness and love, G~d implanted in their souls what, not inappropriately we trust, may be termed a supernatural organism, closely paralleling their natural organism and admirably fitting them i~or their adopted life. This included sanctifying grace, corresponding to the human soul, the infused virtues and gifts of the Holy Spirit, analogous to human faculties, and actual grace to supplement God's natural cooperation in created activities. In virtue of habitual grace we 84 March, 1957 THE SUPERNATURAL LIFE share, in a finite degree, in the divine nature; we are God's'chil-dren and heirs of heaven. The infused virtues and gifts of the Holy Spirit perfect our faculties, and actual grace sets the organ-ism in action, enabling us to perform supernatural, meritorious deeds that confer on us a title to the vision of God and life e~ernal with Him. In addition to this supernatural organism the Creator bestowed on our first parents the prerogative of integrity, a preternatural gift excelling their natural constituents and implying the absence of concupiscence and the control of the passions, which, with-out rendering them impeccable, greatly facilitated the practice of virtue. By nature, too, man is incident to sickness and death, but a specific disposition of divine providence gave assur-ance to him of the immortality of his body. Finally, in order to ready Adam for his role as head of humanity, he was granted infused knowledge of the truths needful for the discharge of his unique responsibility. Such privileges implemented human nature with moral rectitude, adjusted it to the life of gr.ace, and, with the exception of infused knowledge, were not a pdrsonal endowment, but a family patrimony to be transmitted to us, conditioned on Adam's fidelity to God. To enable"them to .merit heaven, our first parents~ retained their freedom, the power of turning from real good to that which is btit apparent good. A divine precept was imposed on them. Satan tempted them to disobedience and because of pride and sensuality they succumbed. With the knowledge of God's liberality to them, His inalienable rights to their compliance, the gravity of the mandate, and the severity of the sanction, their willfulness implied a negation of the Creator's dominion and wisdom, and was a grievous sin. What were the consequences? God might have put them to death immediately, b'ut His goodness and mercy are in the fore. He forebore, and though they had forfeited sanctifying grace God condescended to retain in them the virtues of faith and hope. 85 DANIEL J. M. CALLAHAN Review for Religious Through actual grace He induced them to repent, forgave the .sin, and gave them the assurance of a redeemer who would vanquish the evil spirit and reinstate fallen humanity. Nor was their nature impaired, and though weaker in comparison with the energy it enjoyed through the prerogative of integrity, there~ is no conclusive evidence that it was more feeble than it would have been in a purely natural order. In lieu of inheriting their original patrimony, because of the sin of our first parents, we enter the world destitute of sanctifying grace, the infused virtues, the gifts of the Holy Spirit, integrity and immunity from sickness and death. Our situation is similar to that of a child born after the loss of the father's wealth through fault or financial failure: we have suffered a mo-mentous deprivation, but no injustice. The resultant struggle against our lower nature may be arduous and protracted, .but God will never be wanting with His grace and we can achieve victory. Having vividly depicted this inner conflict, St. Paul poses the question: "Unhappy man that I am, who will deliver me from the body of this death?" And he replies at once: "The grace of God through Jesus Christ." Salvation is attainable only through the grace merited ~or us by Christ. Impelled by purest love and measureless kindness, through the mystery of the Incarnation the Second Divine Person became one of us that through our incorporation in Him we may be one with Him. Through a life of obedience and self-abnegation, of adequate and even super-abundant reparation, our Blessed Lord compensated the divine majesty outraged by sin, rendered to God perfect praise, glory, service, and thus reinstated us in the supernatural life. Such is the Catholic dogma of the redemption, operative through the foreseen merits of Jesus from the Fall and effective for all time. Through the infusion of sanctifying grace original sir/ is remitted, and our natural faculties are properly orientated 86 March, 1957 THE SUPERNATURAL LIFE a.nd fortified by means of the infused virtues, .~the,gift~. of the Holy Spirit and actual graces. Christ established the Church,in which and through which He perpetuates His religion, a~suring to God perfect worship, and to us divine truth, wise guidance, and transcendent sanctity. The universal Mediator, the magnetic Ideal for all, through His transforming, divinizirig grace, remedies ~he disasters of sin, and through His sacraments and constant inspirations enables us to approximate the blessed statue of integ-rity forfeited through sin, thus restoring peace, s.ecurity, unioii here, and effortless beatitude in the life beyond. In conclusion, it may be well to assess our practical appr~ci.a-tion of the supernatural and of our superhuman dignity as chil-dren 6f God, brothers and sisters of Jesus. As religious we have superior advantages and we are circumscribed with every safe-guard. Profound faith, constant vigilance tempered with con-fidence, recollection, prayer, self-abnegation are the most appro-priate expression of our gratitude and the efficient means of expanding our new life in Christ, SOME BOOKS RECEIVED [Only books sent directly to the Book Review Editor, West Biaden College, West Baden Springs, Indiana, are included in our Reviews and Announcements. The following books were sent to St. Marys.] Nature: The Mirror of God. Report of the Thirty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the Franciscan Educational Conference, St. Anthony" on-the-Hudson, Rensselaer, N. Y., Aug. 16-19, 1955. By the Fran-ciscan Educational Conference, D.C. $3.50 (paper ~over). Hacia el origen del hombre. Pontificia, Comillas (Santender). The Bible and the Liturgy. Capuchin College, Washington 17, By V. Anderez, S.J. Universidad 120 pesetas (paper cover). By .Jean Danielou, S.J. University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame, Indiana. $5.25. The New Ritual: Liturgy and Social O~der. Proceedings of the National Liturgical Week, Worcester, Mass., 1955. By the Liturgical Conference, Elsberry, Mo. $2.00 plus 8c postage (paper cover). The Family Rosary Novena. By Leo M. Shea, O.P., and William Sylvester. Catholic Art Services, Inc., 500 South 4th St. Minneapolis, Minn." $1.00 (paper cover). 87 The I:: lucat:ion and Format:ion ot:: Religious Priest:s Pope Pius XII [EDITORS' No'i~E: This apostolic constitution was issued May 31, 1956, under the title Sedes Sa~ientiae. It states the general principles which are to govern the formation of religious destined for the priesthood. Many of these principles, we think, will be of interest to all religious. The original Latin text appeared in the ilcta/l~ostolicae Sedis, 1956, pp. 354-65.] sEAT OF WISDOM, Mother of God Who is the Lord of all k~owledge, and Queen of the Apostlesmsuch is the Most Blessed Virgin Mary, to whose honor We dedicated an entire holy year. With special reason, then, is she considered the Mother and Teacher of all those who embrace a state devoted to. the acquiring of perfection and at the same time st'~ivd to carry on the apostolic warfare of Christ the Highpriest. The pursuit of so excellent a vocation--religious, and at the same kime priestly and apostolic--urgently demands for its effective realization the leadership and assistance of her who has been appointed the~ Mediatrix of all graces pertaining to sancti-fication and who is rightly called the Mother and Queen of the Catholic priesthood and apostolate. We earnestly implore her favor, therefore, that just as she has procured for Us light from above in framing these regulations, so she may by her. protection assist those whose duty it will be to put them into effect. In the gracious kindness of God's providence it has hap-pened that, throughout the centuries, Christ the Redeeemer has breathed into souls of His predilection in an interior and, as it were, mysti~ conversation that invitation once offered in His living voice to the young man who asked Him about eternal life: "Come, follow Me" (Mt. 19:21). Some of those who by the grace of" God heard that call and like the holy apostles pro-claimed, "We have left everything and followed Thee" (Mt. 88 RELIGIOUS FORMATION 19:27), were also made by our Lord "fishers of men" (Mt. 4:19) and "laborers" chosen by Him to be sent "into His vinyard" (Mt. 9:38). This double vocation occurs today just as in former times, since the union of the states of religious perfection with the priestly dignity and apostolic ministry has become daily more frequent and intimate. For, generally speaking, the monks of antiquity wer.e not priests. The few among them who were forced almost of necessity tb accept the prie.sth.ood in order to convert men to Christianity were somewhat drawn away from their own Rule. In later times the mendicants, although imbued~ with an admirable apostolic zeal, were not all required by their Rule to be priests. Even the holy Father of Assisi himself was not a priest. The canons regular on the contrary, and especially the clerks regular, by a special divine vocation received and exer-cised sacred orders. Finally, innumerable congregations and so-cieties of common life imitated them as clerical institutes. To these are added in our own day (fo~ ~God always provides for the needs of each age) some secular clerical institutes. Besides, at the present time, even in the older orders of the Latin Church which are not formally lay orders, all the mem-bers, with the'exception of those who ard called coadjutors or conversi, are destined for the priesthood, which is, in fact, a strict requirement for those who govern these orders. Consequently, in our time the Church has the benefit of a great host of ministers who devote themselves both to the acquisi-tion of. perfection by the practice of the evangelical counsels and to the fulfillment of the priestly office. This multitude of men constitutes what is called the religious clergy, side by side with those who are called the secular or diocesan clergy. Both are vigorous and flourish in the spirit of fraternal emulation and fruitfully assist one ariother under one and ihe same supreme authority of the Roman Pontiff, with due respect, of course, to the power of the bishops. 89 P~us XII Review for Religious In'order to attain properly 'and surely their double end, it ~must be evident to all that the religious clergy need wise norms by which to guide and promote their education and formation, whether it be religious or clerical and apostolic. Hitherto this need has been satisfied chiefly by the stitutions and' statutes ~of each group by which the training of the young men and their course of studies are regulated; and, of course, prescriptions and regulations of the Holy. See are' not completely lacking. Still, a set of general, coordinated, and more complete, norms which would be supported by the apostolic authority and which would be universally obseived has long been desired in order that this important work, which is of the highes.t moment for the good of souls, may be placed on a sedure foundation .and with continuous and fitting effort~ may be fruit-fully developed and perfected. So excellent a work requires the constant vigilance of the Apostolic~ See itself. Indeed, the diocesan seminaries, which are institutions for the common good in the Church, are under the active care and perpetual control of the Sacred Congregation of Seminaries and Universities. By the same token schools which are recognized and sanctioned by the Church as proper to those who are tending to perfection are likewise institutions for the common good and are subject to the authority of the Sacred Congregation for Religious. It was for these many reasons that, by Our apostolic author-ity, we ratified in 1944 within the Sacred Congregation for Religious, "the erection and establishment of a special committee or commission of qualified men who are to investigate all the questions and matters in any way" pertaining to the religious and clerical education of aspirants, novices, and junior members of any religious order or.society of men living the common .life without vows and also their instruction in letters, the sciences, 'and the ministry" (AAS 36 (1944), 213). 90 March, 1957 RELIGIOUS FORMATION This committee was ~made up of experienced men from different religious bodies and different nations. When the gen-eral congress of the states of perfection was called in 1950, all the existing documents which were relevant had been examined, details of information had been gathered from all parts of the world in accordance with the circular letters sent to all general superiors, and an immense file had been accumulated. After-wards, using various appropriate proposals suggested during the congress, the commission reconsidered and revised the schemata already prepared and finally submitted them for Our approval. Now, therefore, We are issuing a number of statutes, with a preamble containing certain fundamental principles and norms concerning the education and formation--religious as well as priestly and apostolic--of candidates. These principles and norms are to be kept in mind at all times by everyone concerned. II. In the "first place, We wish it to be clear to all th~it the foundation of this entire life, which is called the divine vocation, whether it be religious or priestly and apostolic, consists of two essential elements, one divine and the other ecclesiastical. In regard to the first, the vocation from God to enter the religious or priestly state is so necessary that, without it, the very founda-tion on which the whole edifice rests must be said to be wanting. If God does not call a candidate, His .grace does not move 'nor help him. Indeed, a true vocation to any state must be regarded as, in a measure, divine, in the sense that God Hims.elf is the principal author of all states and all dispositions and. gifts, whether natural or st~pernatural. Bu~ this is especially true of a religious and priestly vocation which is resplendent with so sublime a title and which abounds with so many natural and supernatural endowments that it cannot but "descend from the Father of lights from whom every best and perfect gift comes" (James 1:17). 91 PIUS XII Review for Religious The second element of oa religious and sacerdotal vocation, as the~ Roman Catechism teaches, is this: "Those are said to be called by God who are called by the lawful ministers of the Church." This by no means contradicts the things We have said about the divine vocation; rather it is most closely associated with them. The divine vocation to the religious and clerical itate means that one is destined to lead publicly'a life of self-sanctifiCation and to exercise a hierarchical ministry in the Church which is a visible and hierarchical society. Consequently, this vocation must be authoritatively approved, accepted, and controlled by the hier-archical superiors to .whom the government of the Church has been divinely committed. All who are charged with the task of bringing to light and testing such vocations must be alert to these truths. They must never in any way force a person to embrace the priestly or religious state, nor may they persuade or accept anyone who does not clearly show the true signs of a divine vocation. Similarly, no one must be urged to the clerical ministry who indicates that he has received from God a vocation only to the religious life. Moreover, those who have° been given the gift of a religious vocation must not be pressed or drawn into the secular, clergy. Finally, let no one be turned from the priestly state who is known by definite signs to be divinely called to it. Evidently, then, those who aspire to do service as clerics in the state of perfection and for whom these norms are estab-lished must have at the same time all those qualities which are required to constitute a multiple vocatibn of this kind, religious as well as sacerdotal and apostolic. Consequently, all the gifts and qualities which are considered n~c'essary for the fulfillment 6f divine offices so sublime ought to be found in them. III. Moreover, the ~eeds of the divine vocation and the qualities required for it, even when present, obviously need education and 92 March, 1957 RELIGIOUS FORMATION formation to develop and mature. Nothing is immediately perfect at birth, but attains perfection by degrees. In regulating this development all the circumstances both of the person who has been divinely called and of place and time must be taken into account in order that the desirdd end may be effectively reached. The education and formation of the junior members, therefore, should be thoroughly sound, enlightened, solid, and complete. It should be wisely and courageously adapted to present-day needs whether internal or external. It ought to be assiduously developed and watchfully tested with regard to the perfection both. of the religious and of the priestly and apos-tolic life. We know from experience that only proven and well-chosen teachers can do'.all this. These men.mult not only be eminent in learning, prudence, and the discernment of spikits and well-equipped by their varied experience of men and affairs and by their other human gifts; but they must also be filled with the Holy Spirit and that sanctity which will make them an example of virtue before the eyes of the young men. In the whold matter of education, certainly, men are more atkracted by virtue and a good life than by words. In the accomplishment o~ this important task, ~:he first rule for the educator should be that which our Lord proclaimed in the Gospel: '!I am the good shepherd, the good shepherd gives his life for his sheep , . . I am the good shepherd, and I 'know Mine. and Mine know Me" (Jn. 10:11, 12, 14). St. Bernard expressed the same rule in these words: "Learn that you must be mothers of your subjects and not lords: strive rather to be loved than to be feared'~ (Sermon 23, On the Canticles). The Council of Trent likewise frequently exhorts that ecclesiastical superiors "must first be admonished to remember that they are shepherds and not tyrants and that they must so rule their subjects as not to domineer over them but to :love them as sons and younger brothers. They ought to endeavor by exhortation and admonition 93 PIUS XII Review for Religious to deter them from what is unlawful lest they be compelled to administer due punishment after faults have been committed. Yet if, through human frailty, their subjects have done wrong, t.hey must observe the precept of-the Apostle, and reprove, entreat, rebuke them in all kindness and patience. Benevolence towards those who need correction is certainly more efficacious than severity, exhortation is better than threats, and charity accomplishes more than force. If on account of the gravity of the offense, there is need of the rod, then rigor must be tem-pered with gentleness, justice with mercy, severity with clemency. Thus, without harshness, the discipline so salutary and necessary for public order may be maintained; those corrected may amend their ways; or, if they are unwilling to repent, others may be deterred from wrongdoing by the wholesome example of their punishment" (C.I.C.c. 2214, § 2; Conc. Trid. sess. XIII de ref. cap. 1). :~ Moreover, let all those who in any way are charged with the instruction of candidates remember that this kind of education and formation demands an organic progression in which all suitable resources and methods are used according to circum-stances. The whole ~nan must be considered under every aspect of his vocation so that he may be molded in every part into "a perfect man in Christ Jesus" (Col. 1:28). As to the means and techniques of training, manifestly those based on nature itself and those which are supplied by the human research of our day, if they are good, are not to be despised. In fact, they should be highly esteemed and wisely used. Nevertheless, no error could be worse, in the formation of such select subjects, than to rely solely or too much on natural means of this kind, and to esteem of less importance or to neglect in any waylthe instruments and resources of the supernatural order. Indeed, to attain religious and clerical perfection and an abundance of apostolic fruit, the supernatural means, such as the sacraments, prayer, mortification, and others of this kind ~ire not merely neces-sary but primary and altogether essential. 94 March, 1957 RELIGIOUS FORMATION While keeping this proper order of procedures and means, however, nothing should be neglected that conduces in any way to the perfection of body and mind, to the: cultivation .of all the natural virtues and to the vigorous formation of the whole man. Thus, the supernatural formation, whether religious or priestly,' will adhere to a very solid foundation of natural goodness and cultivated humanity. Surely, the way to Christ becomes easier and more secure for men, io the extent that there appears in the person of the priest "the goodness and kindness of God our Savior" (Tit. 3:4). Although the human and natural formation of.the religious clergy is to be highly esteemed by all, there must be no doubt that supernatural sanctification of the soul holds the first place in the total course of training. For if the admonition of the Apostle pertains to every-Christian: "This is the will of God, your sanctification" (I Thess. 4:3), how much more does it apply to a man who has not on!y been enriched by the priegt-hood but who has p-ublicly professed his intention of striving for evangelical perfection itself? Indeed, by his office he becomes an instrument for the sanctification of others. Upon his own sanctity, therefore, depend in no small measure the salvation of souls and the spread,of the kingdomof God. Let everyone, then, in those states devoted to the acquisition of evangelical perfection remember and frequently consider be-fore God that they do not sufficiently fulfill the duties of their profession if they avoid grave sins or, with God's help, even venial sins. It is not sufficient to carry out only materially the precepts of superiors nor even to observe the vows or the obligations by which one is bound in conscience. It is not sufficient, finally, to obey one's own constitutions, according, to which, as the Church commands in her sacred canons, "each and every religious, superior as well as subject, is bound to order his life . . . and thus tend to the perfection of his state" (C.I.C. c. 95.3). All this they must do with full spirit and a burning 95 Review fo~¯ Religious love, not just from necessity, but also "for conscience's sake" (Rom. 13:5). Assuredly, if they are to ascend the heights of sanctity and to show themselves living fountains of Christian charity to all, they must be on fire with unbounded love towards God and neighbor and be adorned with every virtue. IV. When provision has been made for the sanctification of ,the soul, care must also be given to the most exact intellectual and pastoral education of the religious clergy. In view of its importance and aware of Our supreme duty, We desire to set forth and to recommend somewhat more fully the principles concerning this education. Both solid instruction, 'which is complete in every respect, and intellectual formation are most necessary for such religious. This need is clearly and fully deduced from the threefold dignity, religious, priestly, and apostolic, which they assume in the Church of God. The principal duty of religious men is to seek God alone and, adhering to Him, to contemplate divine things and transmit them to others. ' They must remember, however, that they can in no wise rightly and fruitfully fulfill this holy duty and attain to sublime union with Christ, if they lack that copious, profound, and ever more perfect knowledge of God and His mysteries which is derived from sacred learning. It is the priestly dignity of one who is distinguished as an ambassador of the Lord of all knowledge that causes him with special appropriateness to be called "the salt of the earth" and "the lightof .the world" (Mt. 5:13i 14). This dignity demands a full and solid training especially in ecclesiastical subjects, those, namely, which can nourish and strengthen the spiritual life of the priest himself and keep him free from every error and unsound novelty. This learning, besides, will make him a faith-ful "steward of God's mysteries" (I Cor. 4:1, 2) and a perfect 96 March, 1957 RELIGIOUS FORMATION" man of God, "fully equipped for every good deed" (II Tim. 3:17). Each member of the states of perfection fulfills his apostolic office in the Church according to his own vocation--by pious sermons to the people, the Christian education of boys and young men, the administration of the sacraments and especially penance, missions to unbelievers, the direction of souls in the spiritual life, or by his very manner of daily living with the people. Such works, however, will not be able to bring forth rich and long-lasting fruit~ unless the ,religious themselves have thoroughly learned the sacred teaching and deeply penetrated it by continual study. In order to achieve this solid and complete intellectual education and formation, in accordance with the natural progress of the .young men and the orderly distribution of studies, the superiors should diligently see to it that, with respect to the knowledge of letters and other subjects, religious students "be at least equal to the lay students who are following the same courses. If this is secured, the minds of the students will b'e more exactly developed anda selection can be made mbre easily at the proper time" (Plus XII, iVlenti noslrae, 23 Sept. 1950). Likewise, the young men will have been prepared for a more profound understanding of their ecclesiastical studies and equip-ped with suitable aids. Only qualified and carefully selected teachers should in-struct in the fields of philosophy and theology, and everything enjoined by the sacred canons and the prescriptions of Our predecessors as well as Our own must be religiously observed: Due reverence for and absolute fidelity to the ecclesiastical magis-terium especially should be professed always and everywhere and should be instilled into the minds and hearts of the "students. They should learn that prudence and caution must always ac-company the diligent and commendable investigation of' new questions which arise with the progress of the times. The method; 97 P~us XII Review fo~" Religious teachings, and principles of the Angelic Doctor are to be retained and universally followed in the philosophic and theological edu-cation of the students. With Aquinas as guide and teacher, all ought to teach theology according tO a method at once positive and what is called scholastic. In the light of the authentic magisterium, the sources of divir~e tevelati, ot~ 'should be accurately scrutinized' with the help of all suitable aids. Then let the treasures of truth thus obtained be clearly developed and effectively defended. Since the dep'osit of revelation his been entrusted solely 'to the magisterium of the Church' for authentic interpretation, it must be faithfully ex-plained not in a merely human way, by private jhdgment, but according to the sense and mind of the Church. Let the teachers of Christian philosophy and theology know, therefore, that they do not teach in their own right and name but only in the name and by the authority of the Church and hence under her watch-ful direction. From her they have received the canonical mission to exercise their ministry. Wherefore, while due liberty of opin-ion is preserved in matters which are still disputed "they must remember well that the faculty to teach has not been given them in order that they may communicate to the students their own conjectures and opinions of their subject, but that they may im-part to them the approved doctrines of the Church (St. Pius X, Motu proprio Doctoris Angelici, 29 June, 1914). Moreover, let all, both teachers and students, keep in mind that ecclesiastical studies do not aim merely at intellectual train-ing but strive for an integral, solid formation, whether religious or priestly and apostolic. Hence, they are not to be directed simply to the passing of examinations but to the impressing of a form, so tospeak, on the minds of the students, a form which will never" slip away, and from which, when the occasion arises, the student can always draw light and strength for his own needs and the needs of others (Cf. Plus XII, Address to Students, 24 June, 1939). 98 March, 1957 RELIGIOUS FORMATION To this end, intellectual instruction must first of all be closely joined with zeal for prayer and the contemplation of divine things. It must be so complete that no part of the pre-scribed subjects is omitted. It must be coherent and in every respect so compact and sound that all the subjects harmonize and form one solid and properly ordered system. It must also be wisely adapted to refuting the errors and meeting the needs of our day. It should include modern findings and at the same time be very much in harmony with venerable tradition. Finally, it should be effectively directed to carrying out fruitfully pastoral duties of all kinds. As a result, future priests who are so in-structed will be able to set forth and defend sound doctrine easily and accurately in sermons and catechetical instructions to learned and unlearned "alike, to administer the sacraments pro-perly, to promote actively the good of souls, and to be useful to all in word and deed. Assuredly, all that We have thus far said about the spiritual and intellectual formation of students especially tends towards and is clearly necessary for the molding of truly apostolic men. In fact, if due sanctity, and learning are wanting in a priest, obviously everything is wanting. Nevertheless, in order to satisfy Our most serious duty, we must add here that, besides sanctity and adequate knowledge, the priest certainly needs a careful and thorough pastoral preparation to fulfill his apostolic min-istry properly. In this way true skill and readiness in under-taking the multiple works of the~ Christian apostolate will be pro-duced and developed. It is clear that, if diligent preparation in theory, in technique, and in the skill acquired by long practice is an ordinary pre-requisite for the exercise of any art, then the formation required for that which is deservedly called the art of arts must be equally diligent or rather more exacting and profound. 99 PIus XII Review fo~" Religious This pastoral formation of the students is to begin as they enter upon the course of studies; it is to be gradually perfected in the course of time; and the final consummation is to be achieved, when the theological course is completed, through a special period of probation. According to its special end, each institute ought to strive, in the first place, ,that those who are to. be the future ministers and apostles of Christ should be solidly and deeply imbued with and practiced in the apostolic spirit and virtues, according to the mind of Chriit Himself. They' should have an ardent and most ptire desire to promote the glory of God; an active and burning love for the Church, both in protecting her rights and in preserving and spreading her doctrine; an inflamed zeal for the salvation of souls; a supernatural prudence in word and deed united with evangel-ical simplicity; a humble abnegation of self and complete submis-sion to superiors; a firm confidence in God and an acute aware-ness of their own duties; manly ingenuity in undertaking works and constancy in pursuing them once begun; a great soul pre-pared to do and suffer anythingf even the hardest; finally a Christian amiability and human kindness which will draw all men. There is, besides, another end to be sought in imparting pastoral training, According to the level of progress in studies, the students should be instructed in all those subjects Which are especially conducive to forming in. every way the "good soldier of Christ Jesus" (II Tim. 2:3) and to equipping him with proper apostolic weapons. Hence, in addition to the philo-sophic and theological studies, which, should also be suitably ordered to pastoral activity, as We have said, it is very necessary that instruction be given to the future shepherds of the Lord's flock in psychology ,,and pedagogy, in didactic and catechetical methods, and in other social and pastoral matters, under experi-enced teachers and accor~ling to the norms of this Aposto!ic. See. This training should correspond to modern advances in these subjects and make the young men fit and ready for the mani-fold needs of the preserit-day apostolate. 100 March, 1957 RELIGIOUS FORMATION In order that this doctrinal education and formation in apostolic matters may be confirmed by use and practice it should be accompanied by exercises which are wisely adapted to the level of development and prudently regulated. We desire that these exercises be carried on, perfected, and continually strength-ened, after the promotion to the priesthood, in a special pro-bation under experienced men who will direct by their teaching, advice, and example while at .the same time the sacred studies are continued without interruption. Now that We have stated these general principles by which the work of education of the teachers and students are to be molded and directed, We decree and declare, after mature and thorough deliberation, with certain knowledge and with the fullness of. apostolic authority, that the general norms under each heading of serious import are~ to be observed by all to whom they pertain. We also grant to the Sacred Congregation for Religious the power to implement under Our authority .and by means of ordinances,, instructions, declarations, interpreta-tions, and other such documents the General Statutes already approved by Us. The same Sacred Congregation is authorized to take all the steps that will tend to the faithful observance of this constitution, the statutes, and their ordinances. Everything to the contrary notwithstanding, even though worthy of special mention. Given at Rome, from St. Peter's, the thirty-first day of the month of May, feast of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Queen of the World, in the year of Our L~rd one thousand nine hundred and fifty-six, the eighteenth of Our pontificate. PIUS XII POPE 101 Survey oJ: Roman Document:s THE PRESENT ARTICLE will survey the principal Roman documents which appeared in the ~!cla/l/~osto!;cae Se~/is (AAS) during the period June 1, 1956, to September 30, 1956, inclusive. It should be noted that in the course of the article all page references to AAS, unless otherwise noted, are to the 1956 AAS (volume 48). During the four month period of this survey, only one document was published in AAS that directly referred to religious life. This document was an instruction of the Sacred Congrega-tion of Religious, issued on March 25, 1956 (AAS, pp. 512- 526). The instruction deals with.the cloister of those religious women who in strict canonical .terminology are called nuns. Henceforth, the document states, all nuns, even those who, by temporary exception, pronounce only simple vows, must accept and retain either major or minor papal cloister if they wish to retain the name and canonical status of nuns. Since Father Gallen in the January, 1957, issue of I~EVlI~W FOI~ RELIGIOUS (pp. 36-56) has adequately covered the detailed legislation on major and minor cloister that is contained in the instruction, there is no need to include a summary of the document in the present article. The Church and the Life of Worship Since religious by vow and by name have a special relation' to that virtue of religion which is concerned with the worship due the Divine Majesty, it is fitting that the next documents to be considered should be those which deal with public or pri-vate worship and with the Church in which the life of worship should be exercised. 102 ROMAN DOCUMENTS On September 2, 1956 (AAS, pp. 622-627), the Holy Father delivered a radio message to the city of Cologne, Germany, where German Catholics had gathered to attend the Eighty-seventh Congress. of German Catholics. Taking as his own the general theme of the Congress "A sign to the nations," the Pontiff proceeded to outline three ways in which the Church today is clearly and truly a sign to the nations of the world. The first way in which the Church is such a sign derives from the consid-eration that, ~although erroneous ideologies of the last century have attempted to introduce themselves into the Church, still she has always kept safe and intact all the dogmatic truths confided to her by her divine Founder, Christ our Lord. The Church's social teaching, both" in the past and in the present, is the second reason why the Church today continues tO be a sign to the nations. The third reason why today's Church continues to fulfill the prophecy of Isaias is to be found in the persecutions which the Church has undergone in recent years, for these persecutions show clearly that the Mystical Body which is the Church i~ even now participating in the wounds of Christ her Spouse. The public worship of the Church is in some way touched upon by the Holy Father in two documents from the period surveyed in this article. The first of these documents gives the text of the radio address delivered by Pius XII on May 6, 1956 (AAS, pp. 475-480), to the Fifteenth National Eucharistic Con-gress of Italy. The speech, though brief, gives a moving descrip-tion of the need that the modern world, splintered and divided by hatreds, has for the Eucharist which is the sacrament of unity and the bond of charity. The second document which is concerned with the life of worship also concerns the sacrament of the Eucharist, being a message sent on June 25, 1956 (AAS, p.p. 578-579), by the Holy Father to the. Sixteentl~ National Eucharistic Congress of France. The Vicar of Christ has only piaise for the priests and 103 Review for Religious faithful of France because of their desire for a living celebration of the liturgy of the Church; but he also reminds them that to this must be joined an intelligent and fervent devotion to Christ present in the tabernacles of their churches. In the life of the priest especially, continues the Pontiff, nothing can replace long and quiet prayer before the Blessed Sacrament. During the four months surveyed in this article the Holy Father has also contributed to the private worship and devotions of Catholics by personally composing and publishing three prayers enriched with partial indulgences (AAS, pp. 592-59J; 641-642). The first prayer is a prayer to be said l~y priests for the sanc-tification of priests. The second prayer is for the same inten-tion but to be recited, by the faithful. The third prayer is one composed in honor of our Lady, the Mother of Orphans. A partial indulgence of a thousand days is granted each time any of these prayers is recited; as is clear fi'om the nature of the first prayer, the indulgence attached to it can be gained only by priests. Medicine and Morality On May 8, 1956 (AAS, pp. 454-459), the Holy. Father addressed a group of coronary specialists. The body of the Pope's allocution consisted of a remarkable survey of the'history of recent heart research and manifests a surprising grasp of contemporary problems and difficulties in the treatment of heart diseases. The introductory and concluding "paragraphs of the allocution are also noteworthy for the Christian conception of care for the sick which they suppose and imply. At the beginning of his allocution the Holy Father recalls that bodily pain affects the entire man even to the deepest recesses of his moral being; for it compels a man to. reconsider his pur-pose in life, his attitude .towards God and neighbor, and the meaning of his existence on thik earth. Hence medical science, if it wishes to be truly humane, should also treat the entire man. It is here, continues the Pontiff, that medicine 'experiences its 104 March, 1957 ROMAN DOCUMENTS own weakness, for it has .neither the authority nor the power to enter the realm of the human conscience. Medical science then must seek elsewhere that further aid which will extend and com-plete the work of medicine itself. At the conclusion of this same allocution Plus XII has oc-casion to mention the necessity of stressing the prevention of heart disease by the observance of those laws of hygiene which are dictated by the very structure and functioning of the human body.~ These laws of hygiene, he adds, should occasion the re-membrance of a higher disciplinemthat of the human spirit-- which consists in large part in a humble submission to the world as God has created it and to human society with the laws that govern it. Moreover, the recognition of God's sovereignty and of His merciful interventions in the history of mankind will lead to the acceptance" of pain and even of death; death, indeed, will lead man to the presence of God and it is this ultimate conclu-sion of the drama of human life that enables the sick to accept pain and that gives to those who care for the sick a real understanding and an efficacious program of aid. A few days after the preceding address, the Holy Father spoke to another group of medical men, this time eye specialists (AAS, pp. 459-467). The main topic of the allocution centered around the moral issues involved in the transplantation of a cornea "from a dead human body to a living person. Before considering this matter, however, the Holy Father took time to clarify certain other points which deserve mention here. The first point is concerned with the morality of hetero-grafts, that is, with the transfer of tissue or organs from animals to men. The morality of such transplants, says the Pope, must be determined by considering what tissue or organ is involved in the transfer. To transfer animal sex glands to a human body is immoral while the transfer of an animal cornea to a human eye causes no moral difficulty, providing the transfer is bio-logically possible and warranted. 105 R. ~F. SMITH Review for Religious The Pontiff then considers an argument sometimes used to justify the removal of the organs required in transplantations from one human person to another. The .argument, remarks the Holy Father, states that just as in the case of a single human being it is permissible in cases of necessity to sacrifice a particular organ for the good of that individual's organism considered as a whole, io also it should be equally permissible to sacrifice a member or an organ of an individual for the sake of that other organism or totality, "humanity," which is present in the person of a suffering patient. Pius XII, however, is quick to point out that this argument neglects the essential difference that exists between a physical organism and a moral one.1 In the physical organism of an indi-vidual human being, the members or-parts are so absorbed into that organism that they possess no independent existence and have no end other than that of the total organism. On the con-trary, in a moral organism such as humanity individual human beings are but ~unctional parts of that organism, which, there-fore, can make demands of them only on the level o~ action. As far as physical existence is concerned, individual human beings are in no way dependent on each other or on humanity. Humanity then has no right to make demands on individuals in the realm of physical existence. Hence, concludes the Holy Father, "humanity" can not demand the excision of an organ of an individual human, being, for such a demand moves principally in the realm of physical existence. The Vicar of Christ turns now to a consideration of the main theme of the allocution: the morality of the transfer of a cornea from a dead human body to the eye of a living person. Morally speaking, states the Holy Father, there is no objection 1The matter of physical and moral organisms has been considered by the Holy Father previously. Not all theologians have agreed in the interpretation of the Pope's teaching; for an introduction to the entire question, see Gerald Kel|y, S.J,, ~'Pope Pius XII and the Principle of Totality," T/~eological Studies, 16 (1955) 373-96, and "The Morality olc Mutilation: Towards a Revision of the Treatise," Theological Studie~, 17 (1956) 322-44. 106 March, 2957 ROMAN DOCUMENTS to such operations considered in themselves. On the one hand, such operations correct a defect in the patient; on the other hand, such operations do not violate any property riglits of the dead body, for a corpse is not the subject of rights. This last statement does not mean, he continues, that there are no obligations whatsoever with regard to the corpses of human beings. On the contrary, it is morally erroneous to regard a human corpse as on exactly the same level as the dead body of an animal. There remains in a human corpse, something of the dignity that belonged to it as an essential part of a human person; it was made to the "image and likeness of God"; to it in a cer-tain sense can be applied the words of the Apostle (I Cor. 6: 19) : "Know you not that your members are the temples of the Holy Ghost, who is in you?"; and finally this dead body is destined for resurrection and eternal life. None of this, adds the Holy Father, prevents the use of human corpses for legitimate medical study and research. The removal of the cornea from a human corpse, the Roman Pontiff goes on to say, can become illicit if it involves a violation of the. rights and feelings of the parties who are re-sponsible for the body. Neither would it be equitable that only the bodies of poor patients in public clinics and hospitals should be destined for such medical and surgical use. The Pope concludes by pointing out that public authority must likewise show respect and ~onsideratidn for human corpses. Moreover, the rights of the next of kin should be honored by public authority, though in cases where there is suspicion of death from criminal cause or where danger to public health is involved it may be necessary to give human corpses into the charge of public authority. Membdrs of the Second World Congress on Fertility and Sterility were addressed by the Holy Father on May 19, 1956 (AAS, pp. 467-474). His Holiness points out that the work of the Congress with regard to the causes and cure of involuntary 107 R. F. SMITH Review for Religious conjugal sterility is most important. Such sterility, he says, is a matter not only of social and economic concern, but it also in-volves s1~ritual and ethical values. It is eminently human that man and wife should see in their child a full and complete expres-sion of their mutual love and surrender. For this reason invol-untary sterility can be a serious danger to the stabil!ty of their union. Moreover, marriage unites two persons in a common march to.wards an ideal: the achievement of those transcendent values which the Christian revelation proposes in all their gran-deur. The married couple pursue this ideal by. consecrating themselves to the attainment of the primary end of marriage, the generation and education .oi: children. Fatherhood and motherhood, then, constitute the end to which all other aspects of n~arried life are subordinate. As the Church has always taught, the common, external life of man and wife, their personal enrichment eve~ intellectually and spiritually, and the spiritual profundities of their married love have all been placed by the Creator at the service of posterity. The Church, moreover, has steadfastly avoided the mentality which separates in the act of generation the biological activity from the personal relationship of the married couple. On the contrary, the biological conditions of generation must be placed in the unity of the human act of conjugal union which involves organic functions, sensible emotions, and the animating spiritual and disinterested love. These difl:erent aspects, says the Holy Father, may never be separated to the point of positively excluding either the pro. creative intention or the conjugal relationship. The relation-ship which unites the parents to their child°is rooted, it is true, on the organic level; but its deepest roots are to be found in the deliberate choice of the parents whose will to give themselves to each other finds its true flowering in the being which they bring into .the world. Only such a consecration could guarantee that the education of the children would be carefully, courageously, 108 March, 1957 ROMAN DOCUMENTS and patiently provided for. Human fecundity, then, over and beyond the physical level, reveals essential moral aspects which it is necessary to consider even when treating that fecundity from a medical viewpoint. These moral aspects, the .Holy Father warns, must always be kept in view when methods of artificial insemination are con-sidered. Indeed, if by artificial insemination is meant fecunda-tion that is achieved entirely apart from that human act that is naturally the cause of human conception, then such artificial insemination must be completely avoided. Such insemination exceeds the limits of the marriage contract which gives the couple the right to exercise their sexual powers only through the natural accomplishment of the marriage act. Nor can such artificial fecundation be justified by reason of the intended offspring; for the matrimonial contract is not concerned with such intended off-spring, but with the natural acts which are destined for the engendering of new life. Moreover, the Holy Father's audience was reminded, any method of procuring human semen by direct, voluntary, and solitary exercise of the procreative faculty is like-wise forbidden; such actions, being of their very nature illicit, may never be permitted in any circumstances. The Vicar of Christ concludes his a11ocution with words that will have special meaning for all religious. He recalls to his listeners' minds a fecundity far higher than that of natural human fecundity. This higher fecundiCy is that of lives entirely consecrated to God and to neighbor; this fecundity involves the entire renouncement of family life, not indeed from a fear of life and its struggles, but from a realization of the destiny of man and of that universal love which no carnal affection is able to ¯ restrict. This, says the Holy Father, is the most sublime and the most enviable fecundity possible to a human being, for it transcends the bio.logical level to enter that of the spirit. As a conclusion to this sect.ion, it may be noted that on June 3, 1956 (AAS, pp. 498-499), the Holy Father gave a short 109 R. F. SMITH Review for Religious address on the nature and purpose of Canon Law in the life of the Church. Finally, the decisions of the Rota for the year 1955 may be found in AAS, pages 375-436. Miscellaneous Topics Several Roman documents between June 1 and September 30 were concerned with the saints of the Church. In two radio addresses, one to Rouen, France, the other to Loyola, Spain, the Holy Father gave clear proof that his oratorical powers are unabated. In the address to Rouen, the Pope, after giving a remarkable analysis of the Christian ideas and spirituality that shine forth in the very structure of cathedrals like that of Rouen, delivered an inspiring panegyric of St. Joan of Arc, praising her fidelity to her vocation, her consecration to an ideal, and the generosity of her total sacrifice. In the address to Loyola, the Holy Father (AAS, pp. 617-622) gave a spiritual profile of St. Ignatius Loyola, saying that the saint was characterized by the purest love of God which flowed over into an unconditional service of Christ manifested by intense love of the Church, the Spouse of Christ, and by total obedience to the Roman Pontiff, the Vicar of Christ on earth. The Sacred Congregation of Rites published several docu-ments dealing with one or other phase of the process that leads to the canonization of saints. On May 22, ~956, the Congrega-tion ?fficially acknowledged the two miracles necessary for the beatification of Pope Innocent XI (AAS, pp. 531-533). The same congregation also approved on February 19, 1956, and May 22, 1956 (AAS, pp. 584-586; 634-637), the introductioa of the causes of the following servants of God; Joseph Mary Cassant (1879-1903); Theodora Guerin (1798-1856); and Vic-toria Rasoamana?ivo ( 1848-1894). Next to be noted are documents that pertain to the intel-lectual life of the Church. By, an apostolic letter dated June 5, 1956 (AAS, pp. 493-496), the Holy Father established new 110 March, 1957 ROMAN DOCUMENTS statutes for the Pontifical Roman Academy of Theology; the most important change is that the Academy besides its forty constitutive members may now have corresponding members throughout the world, the number of which is not limited. The Sacred Congregation of Seminaries and Universities (AAS~ 589- 590; 637-638) gave to the Institute of Social' Sciences of the Gregorian Univ~ersity, Rome, and to the similar institute of the Angelicum, also in Rome, the perpetual r!ght~ to grant academic degrees. The same Congregation, (AAS, pp. 638-639) gave the theological fa~.ulty of the Marianum the perpetual right to grant academic degrees up to and including the doctorate in sacred theology. One epistle and three addresses of the Holy Father deserve at least a passing word. On June 29, 1956 (AAS, pp. 549-554), His Holiness sent an apostolic epistle to Cardinals Mindszenty, Stepinac, and Wyszynski. This poignant epistle encourages the three cardinals and the faithful entrusted to them to show cour-age in the face of their difficulties and to exercise their zeal by letting the light of Christ shine before men. On May 6, 1956 ('AAS, pp. 449-453), Pius XII addressed the members ot: the Swiss guard on the occasion of the four hundred and fiftieth anniversary of their being founded; the Pope took the occasion to praise their loyalty to the Holy See. On June 3, 1956 (AAS, pp. 499-503), the Pontiff addressed an audience composed of women, engaged in domestic service "in Rome, urging them to rejoice in the silent martyrdom of their daily life and to take a holy pride in their life of service and obedience, since their obedience is not to men but to God who commands in all legitimate authority. On July 1, 1956 (AAS, pp. 573-577), the Vicar of Christ spoke to Italian members of the third order of St. Francis, reminding them .that they should be a school of genuine Franciscan spiritua.lity with a Franciscan doctrine of God, a Franciscan way of contemplating Christ, and a Franciscan way of imitating Christ. 111 QUESTIONS AND .ANSWERS Review for Religious Finally, it should be noted that on June 27; 1956 (AAS, p. 508), the Holy Office placed on the Index of Forbidden Books the two following titles by Simone de Beauvoir: Le deux-ieme sexe (2 vol.) and Les manJarins. (Both works have been translated into English under the titles: The Second Sex and The Mandarins.) This concludes the present survey of Roman documents which appeared in AAS between June 1, 1956, and September 30, 1956. The following article will summarize the documents which have appeared in the remaining iisues of the 1956 AAS. ( ues!: ons and Answers [The following answers are given by Father Joseph F. Gallen, S.J., professor of canon law at Woodstock College, Woodstock, Maryland.] --3-- What can be done to avoid the highly varying practices and in-terpretations of local superiors? It is not reasonable to expect all local superiors to be perfectly the same in these matters. The higher superior can avoid excessive variation by his directions, especially on the occasion of.the canonical visitation, and by organizing regular meetings of local superiors. Such meetings can produce many other profitable effects, for example, the assistance of inexperienced superiors, the imparting of new ideas, energy, and vitality, and the avoidance of the perpetuation of the same problems. Our constitutions state simply: ~The master of novices and his assistant are appointed for three years.'~ May they be reappointed repeatedl)~ and without limit? Both may be reappointed immediately and without any limit in the number of reappointments, since the constitutions do not forbid their immediate and indefinite reappointment. 112 March, 1957 QUESTIONS AND fl~NSWERS --5m May sisters drive cars? Canon law does not forbid sisters to drive cars. His Holiness, Pope Pius XII, has given the answer with regard to the constitutions: "The constitutions also, taken in both their letter and spirit, facilitate and procure for the sister everything that she needs and should do in ourday to be a good teacher and educator. That is evident in the purely mechanical aspect. For example, today in several countries sistdrs also, ih a becoming manner, ride bicycles when this is demanded by their work. In the beginning this was something completely new, but it was not contrary to the Rule." (REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, Janu-ary, 1955, 10.) If riding a bicycle, a common method of transporta-tion in Europe, is not incompatible with the constitutions, neither is driving a car. It is presumed that the sister is a competent driver and that, her headdress permits unrestricted lateral vision. A sister driver would often avoid waste of time by the community, prevent externs from learning private community matters, and would likewise exclude what is now a quite frequent imposition on seculars. Do renewals of temporary vows have to be received? Reception is the act by which the legitimate superior according to the constitutions, either personally or through a delegate, accepts the religious profession in the name of the Church and of the particular institute. In virtue of c. 572, §~ 1, 6°, reception is required for the validity of any religious profession, solemn or simple, whether the simple profession is first temporary, a renewal, prolongation, or final perpetual. A juridical renewal is a new profession of vows that have already expired or are soon to expire. It is to be most carefully distinguished from a mere devotional renewal, whose purpose is merely to renew one's fidelity and fervor in the observance of the vows. The confusing of the two can cause an invalid profession, especially by the lack ~f legitimate reception. A juridical renewal is a new religious profession and demands all the requisites of a religious profession. If the first profession was made for a year on August 15, 1956, it is evident that the renewal On August 15, 1957, is just as much a religious profession as the first profession. Therefore, juridical renewals must be legitimately received; if not so received, they are clearly invalid. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, May 1949, 131-32. 113 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Review fo~ Religious I am a secretary general. Will. you please explain the office of procurator general and the approved manner of recurring to the Holy See? Individual religious men and women have the right of' uncensored correspondenc.e with the Holy See (c.611) and may therefore write dffectly and in the vernacular to the Roman congregations, tribunals, and offices to communicate information, accusations, and petitions. This right follows also from the immediate jurisdiction of the Roman Pontiff over all the faithful (c. 218) a~d. from the fact that he is the supreme superior of all religious (c. 499, § 1). The counsel of prudence previously given in the REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS iS also ap-plicable here: "Religious should be instructed not to be quick to write to the Holy See, the cardinal protector, the apostolic delegate, or the local ordinary, or his delegate. Such letters demand a serious matter that cannot be resolved by recourse to one's owfi religious superiors. External authorities and dignitaries should not be annoyed by needless and extraneous correspondence; and domestic grievances, especially if purely personal or subjective, are to be confined by the family walls." (March, 1956, 100-101.) Matters appertaining to the forum of conscience and especially to the sacramental forum are sent directly to the Sacred Penitentiary; if forwarded through a procurator general or other agent, they should be enclosed in a sealed envelope. The preceding principle in practice will apply almost solely t,o priests. Outside of the cases given above, the manner of recurring to the Holy See is as follows: 1. In pontifical institutes of men. Every pontifical institute of men, whether clerical or lay, is obliged to ha've a procurator general (c. 517), who handles the affairs of his own institute, its provinces, houses, and individual members with the Holy See. The procurator general is obliged to reside in Rome; but when the institute i~ small and has little business with the Holy See, the Sacred Congregation of Religious will permit the procurator to reside elsewhere or that the affairs be fiandled by the procurator of another institute or by another agent,, even secular, residing in Rome. 2. Monasteries of nuns subject to regulars. The business of these monasteries with the Holy See is ordinarily handled by the procurator general of the same order of men. This is also done with sufficient frequency by monasteries that are not in fact subject to regulars and 114 March, 1957 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS sometimes also by third orders of men and women, e. g., by Fran-ciscan congregations of brothers or sisters. 3. Other religious institutes, e. g., diocesan congregations of men and pontifical or diocesan congregations of women. These generally recur to the Holy See through their local ordinary. Such petitions will practically always be first submitted to the superior general, and the particular ordinary will therefore be of the diocese of the resi-dence of the superior, general. Occasionally petitions are forwarded through the local ordinary of a pro'vincial or of a particular house. Pontifical institutes may recur through their cardinal protector. All of these institutes are also permitted to recur through an approved agent in Rome or through an ecclesiastic in Rome known to the Roman Curia. It is not completely unknown for a religious institute of women having a house in Rome to expedite at least some of its affairs with the Holy See through one of its own sisters. Furthermore, religious superioresses may send petitions directly and in the ver-nacular to the Holy See when this is required by secrecy or other circumstances of the particular case. The preferred language in communications to the Holy See is Latin, but Italian or French may be employed. Other languages, especially German, English, Spanish, and Portuguese, are tolerated; but their use, unless the communication is brief and of little im-portance, can readily cause delay. The communication should state the facts of the case and the petition briefly and clearly. All reasons for the petition are to be given with equal clarity and brevity. The same principle is to be followed in a petition to a local ordinary or a diocesan chancery. The reply of the Holy See is called a rescript. It will ordinarily b~ in Latin. A lay institute should secure an accurate and complete translation and should also strive to obtain at least a copy of the original. Questions may later arise as to the wording or sense of the rescript, and it is always unsatisfactory in such circumstances to work with anything but the original. It is evident that both the original and the translation should be carefull~ preserved in the files of a higher superior. The manner of designation of the procurator general is left to the constitutions. He is more frequently elected in the general chapter, but in some institutes he is appointed by the superior general. If the procurator general is given a determined duration of office by the constitutions, .he may not be licitly removed before the expiration 115 ~UESTIONS AND ~NSWE~S Review for Religious of that time without consulting the Holy See. If he is removable at any time, such consultation is not prescribed. The precedence and ex officio membership of the procurator general in the general chapter. depend on the particular constitutions. Is it permissible to give more suffrages to some deceased religious? The prescribed suffrages must be equal for all professed and novices, whether the professed are of solemn or simple vows, per-. petual or temporary (cc. 567, § 1; 578, 1°). Postulants are not included in the prescribed suffrages unless this is expressly stated in the constitutions. Such a statement is not found in the constitutions of lay institutes. The higher superior may command or exhort the members of the institute to give some suffrages to a deceased postu-lant. Canon law forbids that less suffrages be given to a professed of temporary vows or a novice precisely because one is such a pro-fessed or a novice. The wording of the canons does not forbid the giving of less suffrages to a lay brother than to a priest or teaching brother, to a lay sister than to a choir sister. However, this is opposed . to the spirit of the canons and is not likely to be approved by the Holy See. It is also not" found in the practice of the Holy See in th~ approval of constitutions. Neither the letter nor the spirit of the canons forbids the granting of greater suffrages to present or past superiors, and this is often found in constitutions of lay institutes approved by the Holy See. Additional suffrages are frequently given in the whole institute to the superior general, but in some constitutions only when he dies in office. This is also true of the general officials, but rarely when they die out of office. The same norm is also verified in the case of a provincial in his own province, particularly if he dies in office. This norm is extended only very infrequently to provincial officials, and only most rarely when they die out of office. A local superior is very frequently given added suffrages in his own house, but very rarely when he dies out of office. --9-- What is the obligation df religious to go to confession weekly? Can. 595, § 1, 3° reads: "Superiors must take care that all religious approach the sacrament of penance at least o~ce a week." I16 March, 1957 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS The canon places no obligation on religious to confess at least once a week. The obligation of the canon extends on!y to superiors, who must make it possible for their subjects to confess at least once a week and exercise prudent vigilance that they do so. The canon also gives superiors the right of inquiring wheth'er their subj~ects so fre-quent the sacrament of penance, and the subjects are Obliged to answer truthfully. The superior has the right likewise of inquiring whether the subject, goes to the designated confessors but may not inquire about either the fact of approach to or the person of the occasional confessor. It is evident that this right of vigilance and inquiry is to be used prudently in such a delicate matter. When the constitutions merely repeat the code in this matter, there is no obligation of weekly confession even from the constitutions. However, the code presupposes that such an obligation exists at least from custom. 'Almost universally the constitutions oblige religious to confess at least once a week. Since the constitutions and customs do not oblige under sin, the omission of the weekly confession will not be a sin in itself and a reasonable cause will justify its omission. The omission of confession for a pr01onged period of time, except in special cases (e.g., scrupulosity), is not in accord with the supposition of the canon or the sanctity of the religious state. Is special jurisdiction postu.lants? required for the confessions of female The necess.ity of special jurisdiction extends only to professed religious women and novices, not to postulants, who are absolved in virtue of the same jurisdiction as secular women (c. 876, § 1). Furthermore, the canons on the confessors of religious women (520- 527) apply to all religious women, professed or novices, of all religious institutes, whether orders or congregations, as also to all societies of women living in common without public vows. They do not apply to postulants. There are no special laws in the code on the confes-sions of postulants. In practice the postulants go to the confessors of the novices. A confessor of a group of professed religious women or novices and postulants must possess special jurisdict!on for religious women and the usual jurisdiction for the confessions of women. 117 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Why are religious obliged to go to the extraordinary confessor at least to receive his blessing? Religious are not obliged to go to confession to the extraordinary but they are obliged to go to him at least to receive his blessing. This obligation extends to professed religious women and novices (cc. 521, § 1; 566, § 1) and to novices in any institute of men, (c. 566, § 2, 4°) but not to professed religious men (c. 528) nor to any postulants. The obligation of receiving at least the blessing of the extraordinary is imposed lest any who should go to him be deterred from doing so by human respect. May a religious be the executor of the will of a parent? In virtue of c. 592, all professed religious, clerical or lay, men or women, are held to the obligations imposed on clerics in cc. 124-142, except when the nature of the matter or the context manifests that the particular canon applies only to clerics. Can. 679, § .1, applies exactly the same principle to the members of societies living in com-mon without public vows. Novices and postulants, unless they have already received first tonsure, are not subject to these obligations. Can. 139, § 3, forbids clerics, without the permission of their own ordinary, to undertake the administration of property that belongs to lay persons. Therefore, clerics and consequently professed religious also are forbidden to be guardians of orphans or widows or to be the administrators of executors of wills of lay people. To do so, religious must have the permission of their higher superior if their institute is clerical and exempt, or of the local ordinary in the case of all other religious. 118 ook Reviews [Material for this department should be sent to Book Review Editor, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, West Baden College, West. Baden Springs, Indiana.] THE TWO-EDGED SWORD. An interpretation of the Old Testa. ment. By John L. McKenzie, S.J. Pp. 317. The Bruce Publishing Company, Milwaukee 1. 1956. $4.50. We agree absolutely with. the opening words of the Catholic Biblical Quarterly review of The Two-Edged Sword: "This is. a suprendely important book.". Reading The Two-Edged .Sword is an experience ,which no priest nor religious should deny himself. In recent' years study of the Bible has become an exact science, one in which linguistic, archaeological, and historical discoveries in the Near East have illuminated nearly every portion of the Old Testa-ment. This modern acquaintance with the past has led to intensely specialized work on the Bible, work that is usually highly technical. And it has been said that this. vast new area of study has been scien-tifically profitable but spiritually barren. The latter charge cannot be made by anyone who reads The Two-Edged Sword. It is true that isolated problems and individual sections of the Old Testament do not lack plentiful technical discussions. Yet the scholar '~lone is able to assemble the dissected parts. While such dismantling is necessary, the Old Testament is a literary whole and should be er~countered as such. Father McKenzie arranges for just such an encounter in presenting the significance of the Old Testament viewed in the light of the new learning. Few authors in any language have ventured so comprehensive an interpretation of the Old Testa-merit. Both simple and profound, The Two-Edged Sword is the work of an artist with literary, linguistic, scientific, and, above all, deep psychological and spiritual insight, generated, no doubt, by years.of contact with God's word. Father McKenzie's method is orderly with-out being cramped or overly schematic. Beginning with the concept of sacred books, the author points out the significance of the fact that God could and 'did speak to man. Such revelation, in its con-crete historical setting, formed the Hebrew idea of Yahweh,. of the history and origin of the world, of man, and of the nations. The 119 Book REVIEWS Review for Religious hope of the future, the mystery of iniquity, life, death, prayermthese are some of the topics of the one scientifically conceived and artistically developed whole. And this whole is concluded with a chapter pointing out that while the Old Te.stament is significant in itself, it is vital in understanding the New Testament and its central figure, the In-carnate Word. Father McKenzie has written The Two-Edged Sword for the general reader, the man to whom God speaks through the inspired authors and who needs a guide through Hebrew thought patterns, Hebrew beliefs, and Hebrew history. Since God "wrote through the ancient Hebrew," the author suggests, "the more we know of their habits of mind and speech, the better we shall apprehend the full meaning of the word of God." And the word of God, today, yester-day, and tomorrow, cannot be neglected without peril. The Two-Edged Sword is a positive contribution to solid devotion, devotion based on the word of God in all its implications. The book is as modern as the recent Suez crisis, the problems of Hungarian revolt and Red terror. The reader will find nothing of the fustian and antiquated, but will sense an approach which is modern and which is anchored to the world of the past ~in which men' felt they could reach out and touch God." The author shows a deep reverence for the Bible, a reverence which the reader himself will experience because Father 'McKenzie articulates in precise and delicate language his own feelings. While the book is devotional, modern, and reverently done, Father McKenzie skillfully turns science to the cause of spiritual significance without in any way demeaning science. Father McKenzie's style, the reader will observe, is characterized by economy, elegance, and exactness--qualities which seem to flow from his intense personal experience of life as seen in the light of the Old Testament, from years of careful study, and from the discipline of scholarly writi'ng. There is a large enlightenment, a broadness of outlook present on every page of The Two-Edged Sword. For these reasons, The Two-Edged Sword, the only work of its kind in English, meets the test of a great book: it yields new insights with each reading. The only. satisfying and logical reaction to a supremely important work is to read it.--P. JOSEPH CAHILL, S.J. 120 1957 BOOK REVIEWS STEPHEN T. BADIN, PRIEST IN THE WILDERNESS. By J. Herman Schauinger. Pp. 317. The Bruce Publishing Company, Milwaukee 1. -1956. $7.50. Historian Schauinger, whose two previous volumes were note-worthy for their diligent, constructive scholarship, has performed a ¯ genuine service for American Catholics in the work here under con-sideration. His well-documented study of the forthright Badin is a distinct step toward the proper appreciation of a character already held in high esteem though not as thoroughly understood as he deserves. A certain amount of studious (if not studied) controversy sur-rounds Father Badin, as is always the case with strong, virile char-acters. It is the happy task of the author to champion the priestly pioneer by bringing to light the very sources of misunderstanding. Badin emerges from the investigation convincingly unscathed, a man of gigantic but not overdrawn proportions facing very real problems. In a word, Badin is depicted as truly worthy of the honor that was 'his, both as the first priest ordained in the United States and as a venerated missionary still marvelously active in his declining years. Tracing the early development of American Catholicism through the eyes of the sacerdotal frontiersman, the writer enables his audience keenly to perceive numerous pastoral problems and the way in which the missionary must face them. Native ingenuity, a priestly educa-tion continued through life under tremendous handicaps, advice from far distant theologians--all play a part in the picture. The connec-tion between such problems and controversy surrounding Badin is obvious enough to the student of American history. But the religious reader cannot avoid the reflection that Badin could not have faced the challenge so well and for so l~ng a time unless he drew down tremendous graces by a sincerely zealous life and by continual prayer. If Badin faced problems, social, moral, canonical, and civil in character, he also faced the prejudice, intolerance, and bigotry of the incredibly misinformed and the violently emotional irreligionists of his day. H~ faced this latter group quite' positively by making the Catholic position clear in sermons, in conversation, in letters, and in the press. He sustained, moreover, those disagreements which unfortunately arise between people who are. trying to work for a common cause when the proper course of action is not clear. And the import of 121 BOOK REVIEWS Review for Religious the present .volume is that he faced such conflicts reasonably, if firmly. There is no wonder that some little traces of misunderstanding still surround him in death. It is, however, a praiseworthy thing that his modern apologist has seen fit to put these elements into proper perspective. It must be noted, nonetheless, that historical research regarding Badin, so remarkably and painstakingly furthered by the. au.thor, has not completely solved certain mysteries. Among these are the reason for Badin's sojourn in Europe and an ad.equate explanation of his temporary life as a Dominican novice. The author's conjectures on these two points seem possibly to go beyond the bounds of scholarly limitations superbly maintained in the work as a whole. The book will unquestionably repay the careful study of the serious historian as well as the more cursory reading of the mature religious. Its narrative for the most part flows smoothly and its message is pertinent not only as satisfying an historial need but also as an incentive to the apostolic spirit of the discerning reader. --MATTHEW E. CREIGHTON, S.J. CONTEMPORARY CHURCH ART. Text by Anton Henze and Theodor Filthaut. Translated from the German by Cecily Hastings. Edited with a preface by Maurice Lavanoux. 64 pages of text, 125 full page photographs of American and European churches, statues, vestments, etc. Sheed and Ward, New York. 1956. $7.50. "Art reflects the thinking of the times," so the age-old adage aptly describes the historical development and progress of man's theoretical and practical application toward intellectual and structural beauty, form, and function. But there are two trends stemming from this adage that indicate different directions of analysis. The one considers the general crass materialism of today's thought materialized in the plain, low, sprawling, accent-on-the-materials-used type of art and architecture; the second is a sincere and earnest effort to unite and utilize man's noblest religious aspirations in an entirely new approach (as opposed to historicism), seeking worshipful entrance and devotional proximity via the liturgy to the altar of God: Introibo ad altare Dei. It is this "renewal of the creative manifestations of our time for the greater glory of God" that typifies Contemporary Church Art and recommends itself warmly to the layman as well as the priest, religious, artist, and teacher in the matter of church art. 122 March, 1~57 ~00K ANNOUI~CEMENT~ In "The Potentialities 6f Modern Church Art and Its Position in History" and "Church Art and the Liturgy" (two essays comprising the major part of the text), the authors, Anton Henze and Theodor Filthaut respectively, elaborate this theme. They define the nature and purpose of church art, sketch its history, analyze its anomalies in present times, and discuss the relationship between society and the Church and its imagery in the twentieth century. Using as their points of reference the ll~lediator Dei of Pope Pius XII and the Instructio de arte sacra of the Supreme Congregation of the Holy Office, the authors set out intelligently by positive instruction to check and correct the sterile sway of pure design and sentimental trash ("the enemy of faith") and encourage action to work for a renewal of "that artistic climate which must be a prelude to a sane outlook in matters of religious art." Particularly recommended are the brilliant, lucid plates which make up the greater part of the book, though it is a shade ~hy this side of fulfillment in that there are no plates in color. But there is an element of freshness in the variety of the selections of type and top-ography, including an ample representation .of American examples that is almost electrifying. These pictures truly speak a thousand words, at once removing stubborn obstacles of ignorance and prejudice and creating an eager desire for a v.igorous renewal of the creative manifestations of our time--"to make that renewal possible for the greater glory of God." Contemporary Church Art discloses the locus of contemporary church art.--l'~o\\',-~.RD .l.X'IAND