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本文以清代宮廷演劇制度的完善與興替、宮廷大戲《昭代簫韶》的創作與演出為中心,探討其中帝王性情、意識形態的投射與帝國形象的建構;試圖對宮廷演劇繁盛與變遷的原因、《昭代簫韶》文本與演出的意涵、宮廷與民間演劇的交流與影響等問題,作出新的解釋。 ; 現有研究強調清朝帝后喜好戲曲娛樂、宮廷舞臺壯麗輝煌,以及晚清宮廷演劇變革等等。本文認為,清代宮廷演劇實有更多豐富的內涵有待更深入的研討。帝后的倡導及參與,自是推動清代宮廷演劇繁盛的重要原因,但在滿足帝后娛樂的同時,宮廷演劇也用於朝廷儀典;戲曲教化與國家儀式的功能相互結合。 ; 清代宮廷演劇,在元明清雜劇傳奇及亂彈之外,還有適應現實需要而奉旨編演的大戲與節戲。宮廷大戲,規模龐大,情節複雜,排場繁縟,在中國戲曲史上十分獨特。創作於乾嘉之際的《昭代簫韶》,取材於明代演義小說《北宋志傳》,鋪寫楊家將輔宋抗遼事。通過特定情節與人物穿戴,《昭代簫韶》參與了清代正統華夷的論述,並含有重評歷史與訓諭臣民的深意。此部大戲將褒忠誅奸的昇仙入地與軍陣鬥法的神道描寫,與觀劇現場的君臣秩序相結合,形成舞臺上、下戲曲與現實的呼應,道德教化寓意明顯。 ; 本文對清代宮廷演劇制度變遷與宮廷大戲《昭代簫韶》演出史的考察,還特別關注戲曲在宮廷與民間的流動與影響。尤其是外學伶人進入與退出宮廷,使得宮廷伶人的規模與組成發生改變,這不僅影響到大戲的演出形式與藝術呈現,也使得宮廷演劇處於對外開放與吸收融合的狀態。清代戲劇便在宮廷、文人與民間三方面,均臻繁盛。 ; Theatrical performance played an important role in the Qing court culture. This thesis discusses the evolution and change of the court theatre institution throughout the Qing Dynasty. In the contexts of court entertainment, political activities and cultural policy, the creation and performance history of the grand theatre piece, Zhaodai xiaoshao, or The Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age, from the Qianlong-Jiaqing to the Guangxu period serve as an adequate example. In this case study, we can explore the nature of the Qing emperors and Empress Dowager Cixi, state ideology and the construction of the Empire's image. ; Most existing research in Qing court drama and theatre focuses on the Qing emperors' great passion for theatre, the three-tiered grand stage in the imperial palace and the wealth of props and costumes, as well as the repertoire change in the late Qing, especially the formation and development of Jingju or Peking Opera. This thesis arguesthat given its rich contents and relevant contexts, the Qing court theatre deserves far more research both in breadth and in depth. The participation of the imperial power undoubtedly promoted court theatre. Theatrical performances at court became not only private entertainment for the imperial family; they also appeared in state ceremonies with special ritual significance. In addition, the grand plays like the 240-scened Glorious Music of a ...

本文以明人對宦官態度轉變及其相應行動爲中心,著重從政治文化互動的角度,探討在明代君權專制強化而滋生發達宦官政治情況之下,士大夫如何因應這一政治結構和政治生態的變化,調整思維與行動的方式,施展和落實儒家的政治理想與目標的過程、言行表現及其意義。 ; 本文認爲明代中後期的士大夫在對待宦官態度與問題上,出現重要的轉變與調適,他們趨向於呼籲改變與宦官對立的關係,普遍強調宦官具備與常"人"一致的天性與善端,主張以引導和"教化"的方式令其從善。這一思維轉向的要義,是中晚明的士大夫在承認宦官官僚政治和認識宦官顯著角色及地位的基礎上,思考通過"改造"宦官進而改善政治。 ; 中晚明時期這股思維轉向更重要地表現為以"化宦"為中心内容的行動與實踐。對宦官讀書之所--内書堂重振的共識與努力以及撰作宦官教化用書,即是這一實踐的直接落實。中晚明人士在内書堂教育和撰作宦官教化書籍中,均重視以歷史和本朝歷史上的宦官善惡實例來強化宦官道德理想教育,感召和鼓勵其去惡向善、忠君愛國以及輔養君德。這是他們借"化宦"來"格君"的努力,是他們施展上層經世理想的表現和重要内容。 ; 在晚明集中出現的衆多宦官教化用書中,萬曆初王畿所作"化宦"書《中鑒錄》是一本對宦官有實際影響和感召力的著作。這與書中揚棄傳統偏見,尊重並同情宦官歷史,鼓勵他們具有常"人"的良知等情形密切關係。與之相反的個案則是張世則撰作的《貂璫史鑒》,以受到宦官排斥告終。其"成敗"視乎它們有否契合中晚明以來宦官在知識文化增廣之餘主體和自我意識提高的趨向。 ; 綜核本文討論所得,主要有以下三點認識。第一,明代士人與宦官的關係複雜多樣,不能以對抗與勾結的二元結構予以簡單處理。中晚明時期不斷出現的"化宦"思想和實踐顯示,士大夫傾向於覺得他們與宦官處於同一政治文化之中,並且有意強化已趨"一體"的向路。第二,在政治現實不利和政治空間有限的情況下,明代士大夫能務實而敏銳地利用"化宦"來"格君",可見他們不曾放棄得君行道的理想,熱情未減。這是政治與文化之間高度呼應、交互影響與滲透的應有真義和全貌。第三,儒家核心價值系統中的原則為後人改造世界提供精神和經典的來源。中晚明人士思考宦官具有"人"的面向與價值並將他們納入"有教無類"之中,顯示儒家價值系統只有回到現實政治與社會生活中並積極地予以回應,摸爬滾打中,才能得到充實和實踐。這是儒學實踐性的特點和要求。 ; This dissertation studies the attitudes and actions of scholar-officials to the eunuchs in the Ming dynasty. From the perspective of political and cultural interaction, it explores how scholar-officials coped with changes in the political structures and political ecologies in which eunuch politics became a major issue of government. It examines scholar-officials' thinking and action in dealing with the eunuchs while attempting to implement their political ideal when monarchical despotism reigned in Ming times. ; The study finds that there are important changes in scholar-officials' attitudes in mid and late Ming times. Instead of discrimination against eunuchs they tended to see eunuchs as their equal as human beings. They believed that eunuchs have similar human nature and humaneness as theirs, and advocated making them good imperial servants by moral and civil education. They adopted an approach that government improvement can be achieved by "transforming the eunuchs through a Confucian-based education and recognizing the eunuch's ...

After World War II, an international military court sentenced 20 Nazi doctors and 3 collaborators with crimes against the humanity at the Nuremberg Trials. For the past 70 years after Nuremberg Trials, the restoration to pre-Nazi's ethical standard has been progressed. The eugenicist theories and the policies of racial hygiene were the fundamental axes of the Nazi euthanasia programs without paying attention to the basic ethics of the medicine. German psychiatry that it enjoyed an extraordinary international reputation, played a capital rôle in these programs and the mental patients supposed the main group of risk for these practices during the Nazi era. In this overview, we deal with, the historical perspective of the euthanasia programs of the mental patients, and the procedures for its execution, and the use of the mental patients as investigation tools. Direct consequence of the mentioned penal process gave birth to the Nuremberg Code, which has been considered as the fi rst international code of ethics for the medical experiments with human subjects. During the last 70 years, it has advanced substantially in the restoration of ethical codes and norms to protect patients in particular in the fi eld of psychiatry and psychopharmacology, and its culmination of advancement has been in the 1996 Declaration of Madrid.

魏晉是中國古代史上最為複雜的時代之一,它的複雜不僅表現在政治上,也表現在學術層面。而魏晉時代在各種因素交織下所呈現出來的複雜程度,很難憑一條線索就梳理清楚。本文著眼於魏晉時代儒者處逸、隱士通經的特殊現象,在前人研究的基礎上,通過對魏晉隱逸的關注與分析,從而引發有關魏晉學術和政治文化的討論,希望藉此能對包括玄學發展衍化在內的一些問題產生新的理解。 ; 要詮釋上述這種儒者處逸、隱士通經的歷史現象,首先要對隱逸的起源和種類加以回顧和梳理,之後再對《晉書》傳中人物的具體情況作出分析。本文認為,「人物」、「學術」、「政治」之間可以構建一種兩兩相互作用的三角關係,通過分析這種關係,可以解釋一些歷史現象。因此本文的討論,主要集中在三個層面:第一,特定時代政治環境與學術背景的人物,「儒隱」現象是發生人物身上的現象,而這種現象可以從政治與學術兩方面尋求解釋。第二,政治人物的學術,這也包括了官方對不同學術的態度。第三,學術人物的政治,根據人物學術背景的不同──在本文的討論範圍中即以儒學與玄學二者為主──其在政治上的進退出處也不一樣。而在本文看來,當中又以魏晉玄學的作用最為顯著因此本文的許多論述都與玄學有關;同時也希望通過對作為隱逸背景的玄學的討論,為我們認識玄學提供一個新的視角。本文希望強調,從許多方面來看,玄學都是儒學的一支,儘管玄學的文本並不全是當時的傳統儒家經典。玄學在學術上的重要性,主要存在於其形成初期和南朝以後;而曹魏正始以後至東晉末年的這一歷史時段內,玄學更多地在政治上發揮著作用。但是,即使在玄學最具風采的時期,朝野各類人物依然以儒學為其學術底蘊。 ; Reclusion normally refers to people living in self-imposed isolation from the world, often for religious purposes. But it seemed to be a much more complicated matter in early medieval China, especially when there was a fusion between those scholar-officials and traditional reclusions, which used to commit disengagement under a more "simple" sort of motivation. From historical documents of that period, we started to see Ruists who were not interested in becoming politicians, and recluses who would knew awfully a lot about Ruism and even governing. Both kinds of people were valued and well respected in their time not only by common people but also lords and kings. ; After being recognized as the official guide of governing in Han Dynasty (206 BCE - 220 CE), the ideology of "Ruism" (Ruxue), or otherwise known as Confucianism, has been associated with the heavenly granted authority of emperorship, under which circumstance traditional "Ruists" (or Confucian scholars)have been following a path whereas scholarships would lead to bureaucratic positions. But this ideal path changed, for a while, for at least some Ruists, when the dynasty started to crumble around the beginning of the third century. Many scholars of Ruism started to choose to become practitioners of reclusion, instead of competing to become court-commissioned scholar-officials, ...

戰爭與國家的形成、發展與變化具有密切的關係,只是戰爭對不同國家所產生的影響有著不同的程度而已。學者研究戰爭在國史上的影響時,其視線往往只停留在戰爭與近代中國發展的關係,尤其關注戰爭如何促使近代中國發展成具備現代意義的國家。然而,戰爭對古代中國同樣產生了深遠的影響。 ; 國史上有所謂「中興」,就是王朝因外族入侵或內部叛亂而導致覆亡,在文臣武將的支持下,宗室成員或成功撲滅叛亂勢力,或成功抵擋入侵勢力,從而延續了王朝的統治,南宋就屬於這一類中興王朝,宋高宗(1127-1162在位)亦被視為中興之主。宣和七年(1125),金人撕毀了與北宋簽定的合作協議,揮軍南侵,兵鋒直抵北宋國都開封。雖然宋廷成功通過議和讓金人退兵,但是,金人很快就再次南侵,並攻破開封,徽宗(1101-1125在位)、欽宗(1126-1127位)及大批宗室、士民成為金人俘虜。高宗在臣民支持下繼承皇位於應天府,開創建了南宋王朝。從高宗繼位伊始,直至紹興十二年(1142)宋金締結和約的十多年間,兩國一直處於敵對狀態,戰事不斷。如何建構一套適應戰爭形勢的國家體制,以保障新生政權得以延續,就成為高宗及其委任的宰相所必須要面對的問題。呂頤浩(1071-1139)在這段戰爭時期兩次拜相,是南宋成功擺脫危機、走向穩定的重要人物之一。 ; 本論文以戰爭與南宋的關係為框架,以呂頤浩執政期間所從事的戰時建設為研究個案,目的是分析高宗初年的宰相在面對王朝處於戰爭時,是如何從制度變革入手去從事內部建設,以及這些變革所產生的影響。本論文有兩個核心部分:第一部分是分析呂頤浩各方面的資訊,包括家世背景、仕宦經歷、性格特點、人際網絡關係,以及高宗起用他為相的幾個關鍵因素,上述的討論將有助於我們理解及解釋呂頤浩執政期間的作為;第二部分是分析呂頤浩執政期間所建構的戰時政治體制及戰時財政體制,以及這些措施對南宋得以存續所產生的效用,以及對南宋的政治發展、制度變革產生了甚麼樣的影響。 ; Wars are said to have a profound influence on a country's formation, development, and change. Previous studies of Chinese war history focused on its modern period, and, in particular, how China transformed into a modern country. However, wars have also had great impact on traditional China. ; In Chinese historiography there is a phenomenon called zhongxing 中興 (restoration). Non-Han Chinese invasions or civil wars resulted in the collapse of some empires. With the support of civil and military officials, imperial clan members suppress rebel forces, or resisted invasions from non- Han Chinese peoples, and thus continued the reign of the dynasty. The Southern Song is recognized as a period of restoration engineered by Emperor Gaozong 高宗. ; In 1125, the Jurchen emperor subverted the cooperation agreement signed with the Northern Song, and led his army towards Kaifeng, the Northern Song capital. The Song court made peace with the Jurchen army, who soon invaded Kaifeng again, and eventually destroyed this Chinese empire. Emperor Huizong 徽宗, Emperor Qinzong 欽宗, a large number of imperial clan, as well as people in the city were all captured by the Jurchen. Gaozong inherited the throne at Yingtianfu 應天府, which marked ...

武舉常科創自武曌(則天),長安二年(702)始設。歷後各朝,除元代不開武科,宋、金、明三代偶有停罷,武科相沿一千二百年,幾與文科相埒。職是之故,近世中國之造士與選士,於文科、儒學、儒經、文廟一系之外,另有武科、武學、武經、武廟一系。兩系雖各有輕重,然並駕駢行千餘載,交互制衡,以保政治之平穩暢達。 ; 入關伊始,清廷即詔令因襲前明舊制,開設文武科考。自順治二年(1645)開科鄉試,至光緒二十七年(1901)正式廢除,清代武科持續運作二百五十餘年,幾與王朝相伴始終。清代武科之主要層級同於文科,皆始於童試,繼而鄉試、會試,終於殿試。各級武考中式者,亦相應得授武生員、武舉人、武進士出身。武科各級考試,均分別外場、內場進行,以外場試武藝,內場試文藝。錄取權衡時外場重於內場,外場技藝之中,馬、步箭及開弓又重於舞刀、掇石。 ; 清代武科之制度設計及考試內容,延續中國歷代選士「文武合一」之一貫理想,然現實中卻文武殊途。清代武科之設計與運作,既體現旗民之別,八旗內部又有滿蒙與漢軍之別、京旗與駐防之別。武科之正面影響遠不及文科,然文武科考皆為常規掄才途徑,兩者所揭櫫清代政局大勢與掄才需求之變化,實際異曲同工。通過文武兩途考選,清代科考人才之宏觀佈局,呈現南方文風熾盛、北方技勇突出之特徵。武進士之初始授職,以皇宮侍衛及地方營、衛守備為主,然武科選途清初即病壅滯,實授遷轉甚難。 ; 清廷之復武科,宣稱旨在遴選「干城之才」,以為「腹心之寄」。然武科內場考試,自乾隆朝廢止《四書》,嘉慶朝盡廢論、策之試,改為默寫《武經》,日漸形同虛設。武科士子之文化素養,亦日益下降。武科外場所試技藝,係屬展示表演,而非對抗實戰。而且,自乾隆間改試鳥槍之議被禁,外場各項冷兵器技藝考核陳陳相因,與實際戰局日漸疏離。職是之故,清代中期以降,武科越益頹化為授予功名之儀式與恩榮,而非掄才要徑、晉身要途。武進士初始授職之品級,雖遠較文進士為高,然武科出身之仕途前景與政治影響遠不及文科。更有甚者,武科內、外場不僅弊情嚴重,不少武科士子更危害一方,成為地方社會亂源,大悖設科初衷。 ; 清代武科出身雖有功勳卓著、官居高位者,然究屬鳳毛麟角,且集中於清代初中期。整體而論,這套幾乎橫貫全國、縱跨全清之掄才制度,得材甚少。其對帝國整體軍事力量,亦鮮少實質促進。然武科之存續,仍有平衡文武、調劑滿漢之功用,清廷既可藉此驅策雙方、維持動態均勢,又可以之宣示恩典威權、籠絡地方。因此,清代武科雖然實效不彰,卻又相沿不輟。必至清末內憂外患之鉅變衝擊,始與文科相繼停廢。復因武科之影響遠不及文科,故廢除武科所致近代中國社會之震盪,亦不可與停廢文科同日而語。 ; Established by Empress Wu in 702, the imperial military examination system lasted, albeit having been suspended in the entire Yuan dynasty and in part of the Song, Jin and Ming dynasties occasionally, for 1200 years, which was nearly as long as the period of existence of the imperial civil examination system. In effect, the military examination system, associated with military schools, military classics and military temples, functioned as a mechanism parallel to the civil examination and its related institutions (i.e., Confucian schools, Confucian classics and Confucian temples) for cultivating and recruiting talents in late imperial China. Although the two systems exerted influence in different degrees on the Chinese empire, they co-existed and managed to keep a balance between them for more than a millennium so as to contribute to the stable and smooth governance of traditional China. ; The Manchu court, immediately after ...