Suchergebnisse

Odabrana tema jednako je aktualna koliko i značajna, jer se odnosi na sektor koji je nositelj velikog broja zaposlenih koji spadaju u kategoriju deficitarnih zanimanja. Istraživanje se temelji ne samo na povijesnoj i komparativnoj metodi, nego i na teorijskim metodama kao što su metoda analize i sinteze te induktivna i deduktivna metoda. Temeljni cilj koji se želi postići izradom rada je nastojati objasniti i povezati, kroz upravljački aspekt, na koji način je poslovima osiguranja izvoza Hrvatska banka za obnovu i razvitak (HBOR) doprinijela oporavku hrvatske brodogradnje. Analizom položaja upravljačke ekonomike brodogradnje u sklopu nacionalne ekonomije, otkrivaju se modeli kojima država utječe na oporavak brodogradnje: financijska potpora, restrukturiranje, privatizacija i osiguranje izvoza. Osiguranje izvoza ima velik utjecaj na oporavak domaće brodogradnje uzme li se u obzir prisutnost visokog stupnja rizika u izvozu. Temeljni cilj osiguranja izvoza je povećanje konkurentnosti hrvatskih brodogradilišta u inozemstvu. ; The topic of the paper is of a high importance and interest for Croatia since it covers the sector which provides many jobs in professions with a shortage of workers. Besides historical and comparative methods, theoretical methods such as analysis, synthesis, induction and deduction were also used in this research. The main objective was to describe and explain the way the Export Credit Insurance division of Croatian Bank for Reconstruction and Development (HBOR) has contributed to the Croatian shipbuilding industry's recovery through managerial aspect. Analysis of the shipbuilding managerial economics in the scope of national economy reveals different models of government influence on recovery of the industry: financial support, restructuring, privatization, and export credit insurance. Considering a high degree of risk present in export, export credit insurance has a major impact on the domestic shipbuilding recovery. The main goal of export credit insurance is to increase the competitiveness of Croatian shipyards abroad.

Kvalitetna komunikacija eksternih revizora s upravljačkim strukturama od iznimne je važnosti za učinkovito poslovanje kreditnih institucija. Stoga se nameće pitanje može li se oblikovanjem modela odnosa eksternih revizora i upravljačkih struktura kreditne institucije unaprijediti rad eksterne revizije, s jedne strane te upravljačkih struktura kreditne institucije, s druge strane. Doprinos ovog istraživanja su: analiza kvalitete komuniciranja eksternih revizora s upravljačkim strukturama kreditne institucije i utjecaj kvalitete tih odnosa na učinkovitost eksterne revizije i upravljačkih struktura; analiza kvalitete komuniciranja eksternih revizora s revizijskim odborom kreditne institucije i utjecaj kvalitete tih odnosa na učinkovitost eksterne revizije i upravljačkih struktura, posebice nadzornog odbora; identifi ciranje je li neučinkovitost eksterne revizije povezana s otvaranjem stečajeva nad kreditnim institucijama i utvrđivanje pridonosi li predloženi model odnosa eksternih revizora i upravljačkih struktura kreditne institucije boljem radu eksterne revizije kao i boljem radu upravljačkih struktura kreditne institucije. U istraživanju, provedenom u Republici Hrvatskoj, sudjelovali su eksterni revizori koji obavljaju ili su obavljali reviziju godišnjih fi nancijskih izvještaja kreditnih institucija, članovi uprave i nadzornih odbora kreditnih institucija te stečajni upravitelji i stručno osoblje kreditnih institucija u stečaju. Rezultati empirijskog istraživanja potvrđuju kako testirani komunikacijski model pridonosi učinkovitijem radu eksterne revizije i upravljačkih struktura kreditne institucije. ; Quality communication of external auditors with governance structures is of paramount importance for the efficient operation of credit institutions. Therefore, the question arises as to whether the formation of a model for the relationship of external auditors and the governance structures of a credit institution can enhance the work of an external audit, on the one hand, and the governance structures of a credit institution, on the other. The contribution of this research is: an analysis of the quality of external auditors' communication with the credit institution's governance structures and the impact of the quality of these relationships on the effectiveness of external audit and governance structures; an analysis of the quality of external auditors' communication with the credit institution's audit committee and the impact of the quality of those relationships on the effectiveness of the external audit and governance structures, in particular the supervisory board; identifying whether external audit inefficiencies are related to the opening of bankruptcies of credit institutions and determining whether the proposed model of relations between the external auditors and the credit institution's governance structures contributes to the better work of the external audit and to the better functioning of the credit institution's governance structures. The survey, conducted in the Republic of Croatia, involved external auditors that are or were auditing the annual financial statements of credit institutions, members of the management and supervisory boards of credit institutions, and insolvency office holders and professional staff of credit institutions in bankruptcy. The results of the empirical study confirm that the tested communication model contributes to a more efficient operation of the credit institution's external audit and governance structures.

Svrha ovog diplomskog rada odnosno cjelokupnog istraživanja uloge interne revizije u kreditnim institucijama, jest uvidjeti važnost i odnos između zaposlenika i internih revizora u cjelokupnom procesu revidiranja. Istraživanje je potkrijepljeno anketnim upitnikom koji su poslani OTP banci, a koje je u konačnici administracija proslijedila relevantnim osobama u banci. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata može se zaključiti kako je uzorak malen. Sukladno provedenom istraživanju može se zaključiti kako još uvijek postoji nedovoljna komunikacija između zaposlenih i interne revizije u cjelini. No, usprkos na nedostatke istraživanje je pokazalo da ispitanici smatraju kako je interna revizije protekle godine donijela najveći doprinos u uspostavljanju poštivanja politika i procedura organizacije. Isto tako, istraživanje je pokazalo da se može utvrditi postojanje pozitivne, umjerene i statistički značajne povezanosti između percepcije fokusa i intenziteta rada funkcije interne revizije sa ukupnim doprinosom interne revizije u banci tijekom protekle godine. Utvrđena je i visoka razina doprinosa interne revizije procjenama procedure interne kontrole i utvrđenim nedostatcima, doprinosa interne revizije uspostavljanju poštivanja politika i procedura organizacije, doprinosa interne revizije procjeni rizika za organizaciju, slijedom čega je utvrđena visoka razina doprinosa interne revizije u banci tijekom protekle godine ; The purpose of this study, or rather the overall study of the role of internal audit in credit institutions, is to understand the importance and relationship between employees and internal auditors in the overall audit process. The survey was supported by a questionnaire sent to OTP Bank, which was eventually forwarded by the administration to the relevant persons at the bank. Based on the results obtained, it can be concluded that the sample is small. According to the research, it can be concluded that there is still insufficient communication between employees and internal audit as a whole. But despite the ...

Svrha ovog diplomskog rada odnosno cjelokupnog istraživanja uloge interne revizije u kreditnim institucijama, jest uvidjeti važnost i odnos između zaposlenika i internih revizora u cjelokupnom procesu revidiranja. Istraživanje je potkrijepljeno anketnim upitnikom koji su poslani OTP banci, a koje je u konačnici administracija proslijedila relevantnim osobama u banci. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata može se zaključiti kako je uzorak malen. Sukladno provedenom istraživanju može se zaključiti kako još uvijek postoji nedovoljna komunikacija između zaposlenih i interne revizije u cjelini. No, usprkos na nedostatke istraživanje je pokazalo da ispitanici smatraju kako je interna revizije protekle godine donijela najveći doprinos u uspostavljanju poštivanja politika i procedura organizacije. Isto tako, istraživanje je pokazalo da se može utvrditi postojanje pozitivne, umjerene i statistički značajne povezanosti između percepcije fokusa i intenziteta rada funkcije interne revizije sa ukupnim doprinosom interne revizije u banci tijekom protekle godine. Utvrđena je i visoka razina doprinosa interne revizije procjenama procedure interne kontrole i utvrđenim nedostatcima, doprinosa interne revizije uspostavljanju poštivanja politika i procedura organizacije, doprinosa interne revizije procjeni rizika za organizaciju, slijedom čega je utvrđena visoka razina doprinosa interne revizije u banci tijekom protekle godine ; The purpose of this study, or rather the overall study of the role of internal audit in credit institutions, is to understand the importance and relationship between employees and internal auditors in the overall audit process. The survey was supported by a questionnaire sent to OTP Bank, which was eventually forwarded by the administration to the relevant persons at the bank. Based on the results obtained, it can be concluded that the sample is small. According to the research, it can be concluded that there is still insufficient communication between employees and internal audit as a whole. But despite the ...

Uspostava nadnacionalnih autoriteta regulacije banaka izravno je pridonijela boljem razumijevanju ponašanja i utjecaja bankovnog sektora na ekonomske tokove u cjelini. Institucionalna povezanost nacionalnih regulatornih tijela u kontekstu globalizacijskih odnosa pridonosi željenoj standardizaciji podataka koji su temelj za svaku validnu ekonomsku analizu. Napose, tržišna disciplina kao uporište suvremene regulacije reducira prostor neprozirnosti bankovne tvrtke, dok s druge strane dostupnost relevantnih baza podataka širi horizonte modelskog pristupa analize bankovnog sektora. Dominacija istog sektora kao izvora eksternog financiranja na zajedničkom europskom tržištu ishodište je traženja rješenja izlaska iz stagnacijskih pritisaka na gospodarska kretanja. Dinamičnost kauzalnih ekonomskih odnosa nameće potrebu sve veće pouzdanosti u izvore podataka, stoga reprezentativnost uzorka ne samo da usmjerava pojedino istraživanje već i determinira spoznajni proces. Analiza javno dostupnih podataka bankovnih tvrtki suvremenim ekonometrijskim alatima svakako je velik iskorak u pokušaju uspostave jasnog i transparentnog metodološkog okvira monitoringa reaktivnog djelovanja bankarskog sektora na nužnu promjenu regulatornih uvjeta u funkciji postkriznog pokretanja kreditnog ciklusa. Model empirijske analize usklađivanja bankarskog sektora s novim kapitalnim zahtjevima ovim će se radom testirati na uzorku od 35 bankovnih grupacija koje posluju na području EU-a za razdoblje od 2000. do 2016. godine, odabranih po veličini aktive. Analizom panel modela izvršen je odabir dinamičkog panela generaliziranom metodom momenata (engl. Generalized Method of Moments – GMM) jednim korakom. Rezultati istraživanja dali su dokaze da najava povećanja regulatornog kapitala utječe na rast ukupnih bankovnih aktiva odnosno dolazi do značajnog porasta udjela bezrizičnih aktiva u imovini banaka, dok s druge strane dolazi do kreditne kontrakcije koja olakšava zadovoljenje regulatornih zahtjeva. Konačno, upravljačke strukture preko neto kamatne marže kao instrumenta kreditno-depozitne politike, realociraju vlastita i tuđa sredstva u funkciji očuvanja likvidnosti i solventnosti banke u cjelini. ; The establishment of supranational banks regulatory authorities has directly contributed to a better understanding of the behaviour and impact of the banking sector on economic flows comprehensively. Institutional linkage of national regulatory bodies in the context of globalization relations contributes to the desired standardization of data, which are the basis for every valid economic analysis. The market discipline as the backbone of modern regulation reduces especially the banking firm opacity area, while on the other hand the availability of relevant databases expands the horizons of the model approach to banking sector analysis. The dominance of the same sector as a source of external financing on a common European market is the starting point in seeking solutions of emersion from stagnant pressures on economic trends. The dynamism of causative economic relationships imposes the need for ever greater reliability in data sources, hence the representativeness of the sample not only directs an individual research but also determines the cognitive process itself. The analysis of publicly available banking firm data using modern econometric tools is certainly a significant step forward in the attempt to establish a clear and transparent methodological framework for monitoring the reactive activity of the banking sector to the necessary change of regulatory terms in the function of post-crisis launch of the credit cycle. The empirical analysis of the banking sector alignment with new capital requirements will be tested in this paper on a sample of 35 banking groups operating in the EU area for the period from 2000 to 2016, selected by size of assets. The selection of the dynamic panel was performed through panel modelling analysis using Generalized Method of Moments (GMM). The research results have provided evidence that the announcement of the increase in regulatory capital affects the growth of total banking assets, namely there is a significant increase in the share of non-risky assets in bank assets, while on the other hand there is a credit contraction that facilitates the regulatory requirements compliance. Finally, the management structures over the net interest margin as a credit and deposit policy instrument reallocate their own and other resources in the function of preserving the liquidity and solvency of the bank in general.

Razina ekonomske slobode svake se godine mjeri putem jedinstvene svjetske metodologije. Na taj je način kanadski Fraser Institute razvio sustavni pristup javnim politikama koje utječu na opseg javne potrošnje i državne imovine, visinu glavnih poreza, inflaciju, slobodnu trgovinu, na regulaciju poslovanja, tržišta rada i kredita te ostala mjerena područja. Takav policy okvir može biti koristan za dizajniranje strukturnih prilagodbi kojima se poduzetnike može osloboditi od prekomjernog utjecaja i troška države. Također, smanjivanjem i ograničavanjem uloge države ekonomske slobode doprinose poboljšanju institucionalnog okvira za slobodno tržište. U konačnici, ekonomske slobode usko su vezane uz geopolitiku. ; The level of economic freedom is measured each year through a unique world methodology. This way, Canadian Fraser Institute has developed a systematic approach to public policies which affect the scope of public expenditure and state assets, level of major taxes, inflation, free trade, business regulation, labor and credit market and other measured areas. Such policy framework can be useful for designing structural adjustments by which enterprises could be freed from excessive involvement and cost of government. Moreover, by reducing and limiting the role of government economic freedom contributes the institutional framework for free market. Finally, economic freedom is closely related to geopolitics.

The paper is analysing the influence of international institutions on social policy creation in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008. The first section gives an overview of the relevant literature, followed by a presentation of socio – economic factors that led to international credit agreement, reform agenda and actual implementation of social protection reforms. Through the analysis of proclaimed social protection objectives and their implementation by local institutions in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, an assessment of the achieved results is done in the light of realised savings and better targeting of social transfers. The paper sheds some light on inconsistent policy of both international institutions and government actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, despite the proclaimed reform objectives, the system of social protection based on status rights which is fiscally unsustainable, and poorly targeted towards the poor still remains largely unchanged. ; Rad se bavi analizom utjecaja međunarodnih institucija na socijalnu politiku u Bosni i Hercegovini od početka ekonomske krize 2008. godine. U prvom se dijelu rada daje pregled relevantne literature, zatim se prezentiraju socio-ekonomski čimbenici koji su doveli do sklapanja međunarodnog kreditnog aranžmana, reformski ciljevi i način implementacije reformi sustava socijalne zaštite. Kroz analizu proklamiranih ciljeva reforme socijalne zaštite te njihovu implementaciju od strane lokalnih institucija u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine analiziraju se stvarni učinci s aspekta ostvarenih ušteda i bolje ciljanosti socijalnih transfera. Rad ukazuje na nedosljednost politike kako međunarodnih institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini tako i vladinih aktera. Unatoč proklamiranim ciljevima reforme, sustav socijalne zaštite temeljen na statusnim pravima fiskalno je neodrživ te loše ciljan prema siromašnima, ali i dalje ostaje nepromijenjen.

Rad smjera pokazati značaj i relevantnost poststrukturalnog pogleda na ekonomiju kako trasiranjem sada već općih konceptualnih mjesta tog pristupa tako i prakticiranjem te teorijske pozicije u konkretnoj analizi zaduženosti financijskog sustava. Kratkotrajna i lokalizirana, ali značajna tradicija poststrukturalnog problematiziranja kategorije ekonomije ovdje se prezentira preko tri ključne discipline – governmentality studies, ekonomske sociologije i međunarodne političke ekonomije. Nakon opisa dometa i ograničenja tih disciplina ulazimo u drugi dio rada gdje analiziramo aparaturu standardifikacije i validacije kreditnog rizika kod banaka, točnije Basel kapitalne uvjete i prakse sekuritizacije. Pružanjem genealogije tih tehnika interpretiramo domenu financija kao diskurzivni prostor (re)artikuliran preko skupa normaliziranih mehanizama i praksi koji zajednički tvore racionalnost vladanja. Na taj način ukazujemo na važnost performativnih, simboličkih, relacijskih, decentriranih i kontingentnih momenata u kritičkom poimanju (financijske) ekonomije, odnosno pokazujemo da kritika ekonomije ne mora nužno biti organizirana i provedena kroz matricu kapital – klasa – ideologija. ; This paper aims to demonstrate the significance and relevance of the poststructural gaze towards the economy by both tracing the conceptual commonplaces of this approach as well as practicing this theoretical position in the concrete analysis of indebtedness of the financial system. A brief and localized, but nonetheless significant tradition of the poststructural problematizing of the category of economy is here presented through three key disciplines: governmentality studies, economic sociology and international political economy. After portraying the contributions and limitations of those disciplines, the second part of the paper analyzes the apparatus of standardification and validification of credit risk within banks, namely the Basel Capital Accord and practices of securitisation. By offering a genealogy of those techniques, we interpret finance as a discursive space (re)articulated through an aggregate of normalized mechanisms and practices which collectively form a rationality of governance. In this way, we point out the importance of performative, symbolic, relational, decentered and contingent moments in the critical conception of (financial) economy, as well as show that the critique of economy does not necessarily have to be organized and conducted through the capital – class – ideology matrix.

Rad prikazuje okolnosti u kojima se prikupljala stručna literatu­ra na Odjelu "Muzej ninskih starina" u Ninu. Proces prikupljanja kronološki je podijeljen u dvije faze. Prva faza obrađuje period od 60-ih godina 20. stoljeća do 1996., a zbog manjkavih arhivskih podataka velikim dijelom počiva na pretpostavkama. Drugu fazu, tj. period od 1997. do 2019., karakterizira evidentiranje knjižnične građe (stručne literature) po određenim pravilima i način njezina pristizanja u Nin. Nadalje, u radu je istaknut doprinos stručnog muzejskog osoblja, posebno kustosa, u prikupljanju stručne lite­rature potrebne za stručni te znanstveno-istraživački rad i njezino pohranjivanje. Prikazan je i postupak selekcije zatečene knjižnič­ne građe (monografije, periodika, separati i deplijani) u Ninu kao preduvjet tehničkoj i stručnoj obradi, u želji da postane i javno dostupna 2019. Sadržajna analiza provedena je na cjelokupnom knjižničnom fondu. S obzirom na potrebe stručnog osoblja Mu­zeja za stručnom literaturom, prikazana je zastupljenost arheolo­gije i drugih srodnih područja (povijest, povijest umjetnosti i sl.). Sadržajna struktura novoformirane knjižnične zbirke na Odjelu "Muzej ninskih starina" svojevrstan je dokaz o dobro provođenoj nabavnoj politici u nekoliko prethodnih desetljeća, za koju su za­služni kustosi, tj. djelatnici Odjela "Muzej ninskih starina" u Ninu. ; The paper presents circumstances in which professional litera­ture at the Department of the Musum of Nin Antiquities in Nin was collected. The process of collecting was chronologically divided into two phases. The first phase deals with the period from the 1960s to 1996. It is largely based on assumptions due to deficient archival informations. The second phase (from 1997 to 2019) is characterized by recording library materials (profes­sional literature) in accordance with certain rules and manner of its acquisition for the Nin museum. Further on the contribution of the museum staff, in particular the curators, was emphasized in the paper, in collecting and storing the professional literature necessary for professional and scientific-research work. The pro­cedure of selecting existing library materials (monographs, pe­riodicals, offprints, leaflets) was also presented as a prerequisite for technical and professional processing, with an aim of making it publicly available in 2019. Content analysis was performed on the entire library holdings. Considering the needs of the profes­sional staff of the museum for professional literature, number of works dealing with archaeology and other related fields (history, art history etc.) was determined. Content structure of the newly formed library collection at the Department of the Museum of Nin Antiquities is a kind of evidence of well conducted procure­ment policy in previous decades for which all credit goes to the curators, in other words staff of the Department of the Museum of Nin Antiquities in Nin.

U svibnju 1841. godine otvorena je pri Židovskoj općini u Zagrebu prva škola, Bildungsschule, i prvi učitelj bio je Karl Saphir. U Varaždinu je tada već postojala škola sa 65 učenika. Troškovi škole namirivali su se školarinom i dobrovoljnim prilozima, a siromašni đaci bili su oslobođeni plaćanja. U listopadu 1855, nakon kraće stanke, otvorena je u Židovskoj općini Trivialschule sa tri razreda. Podučavani su njemački jezik i hebrejski predmeti. Jezik u nastavi u školama Hrvatske bio je odraz političkih prilika. Dok se u pučkim školama dozvoljavao "zemaljski pučki jezik", u gimnazijama se učilo na stranim jezicima. Tako je 1848. u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji nastavni jezik latinski s obveznim mađarskim. 1849/50 uveden je "ilirski jezik" s obveznim njemačkim. Poslije je njemački jezik proširen i na nastavu povijesti, prirodopisa, matematike i fizike. Ilirski jezik je službeni do 1854, a poslije se uvodi hrvatski, ali samo za učenje hrvatskog jezika i vjeronauka. U Rijeci je u školama neko vrijeme ilirski i talijanski jezik, a od 1854/55 njemački. ; The first Jewish schools in Croatia were founded in Varaždin and Zagreb, and later in Osijek. At first, they were under the control of the Catholic Church as were other Croatian schools. In 1851/52 there were four Jewish schools with 131 pupils and in 1853/54 the number of pupils amounted to 277. The first Jewish school was established in Zagreb in 1841 and in 1889 it was moved to a new Community building containing four classrooms. The first director was Rabbi Dr Hosea Jakobi. Besides the obligatory curriculum, pupils learnt the Bible, holiday customs and the Hebrew language. For pupils at other elementary schools in Zagreb religious education was conducted several times a week and secondary school pupils went to the Jewish community once a week to attend classes. Great attention was paid to the education of children and the young: support and scholarships were given; boarding schools, centres and canteens were founded. There were many youths and student's societies, for example, The Jewish Society for Supporting Poor Students, Judea, Esperanza (the Sephardim), Literary section and Credit cooperative "EZRA" and other organizations. In 1929/1920 the Jewish communities in Croatia numbered over 500 elementary pupils, over 1,000 secondary school pupils and more than 250 students at the University of Zagreb, mainly studying law and medicine (girls made up a quarter of this number). In the centres of Jewish communities secondary schools were attended by pupils from neighbouring villages and meals were organized for them (Tage esen) in Jewish families. Teachers from Jewish communities went to surrounding villages and organized religious education. Many libraries and cultural, music and other activities were organized for children and youth in the communities. ; Tekst je objavljen u knjizi "Židovi u Hrvatskoj - židovske zajednice", Zagreb, 2004, str. 141-145 (the text was published in the book "Jews in Croatia - Jewish Communities", Zagreb, 2004, pp. 141-145).

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAU prošlome dvobroju pisali smo na temu "Treba li osuvremeniti Nacionalnu šumarsku politiku i strategiju?" očekujući odgovore na postavljena pitanja. Nismo ih još dobili, a nema niti najave o široj stručnoj raspravi, osim što čujemo kuloarske pohvale kako je to prava tema za raspravu. Znači i dalje ćemo probleme u struci rješavati nesveobuhvatno nego po nametnutoj nam potrebi "iz rukava". Napomenuli smo, kako sigurno ima još pitanja i nismo trebali dugo čekati argumente za pitanje iz naslova. Naime, ovih dana čitamo u Poslovnom dnevniku, kako drvoprerađivači traže od Trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o. smanjenje cijenu sirovine za 15 % i produženi rok plaćanja na prvotno 90 dana, a prema zadnjoj informaciji čak na 120 dana te kako će Hrvatske šume d.o.o. ovih dana "vagati" rezanje cijena. Ta potreba tumači se padom cijena drvoprerađivačkih proizvoda na tržištu za 20 % i narudžbi za 25 % pa se od Države traže kompenzacijske mjere. Najviše su kaže se pogođeni proizvođači peleta i paletiziranog ogrjevnog drva, dakle proizvoda s malom dodanom vrijednošću. O tim proizvodima (kao i o parketu proizvodu iz tzv. "dorade" te finalnim proizvodima) smo više puta pisali, ističući kako je sirovina posebice za pelete ponajprije otpad finalne prerade drva, dakle suho, a ne mokro drvo čije sušenje na potrebnu vlažnost bitno podiže troškove proizvodnje. Oni su upravo kompenzirani do sada, moglo bi se reći brutalno "jeftinom sirovinom", a sada se traži i njeno smanjenje i produženje roka plaćanja. Ako je to 90 dana onda je to obrtaj kapitala 4 (za 120 dana to je okruglo 3 - dakle katastrofalno) i tu nema osiguranja postojećeg stanja a kamo li razvoja, no jeli to važno kada sve to plaća šuma! Naravno, zagovornici netržišnog poslovanja iz Drvnog sektora sugeriraju u odnosnom tekstu, kako Vlada "nakon ozbiljnih intervencija u brodogradnju i kroz konsolidaciju strateških tvrtki, ima priliku usvojiti hitne sektorske mjere kroz poslovanje Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o." Uz prethodno spomenuto smanjenje cijena od 15 % i produženje roka plaćanja na 120 dana, od 7 predloženih mjera Vladi, interesantna je ona, značajna sastavnica tržišnog poslovanja o ukidanju maloprodaje u Hrvatskim šumama d.o.o. – znači uklanjanje konkurencije. Komparirajući prodajne cijene glavnih drvnih sortimenata s tržištima u okruženju (Austrija, Italija, Mađarska, BiH i Srbija) s onima po kojima Hrvatske šume d.o.o. prodaju drvne sortimente našim drvoprerađivačima, dolazimo do brojke od oko 500 mil. kuna godišnje, kojim Država već potiče drvoprerađivače. Koliko i kako pak drvoprerađivači pripomažu Hrvatskim šumama d.o.o. kod rješavanja pitanja zaliha drvne sirovine, to je posebno pitanje? Kada im treba sirovina, vrši se pritisak na dobavljača da im se ona osigura bez obzira na vremenske uvjete i nastanak šteta na šumskom tlu. Kada ima viška drvne zalihe to nije njihov problem, bez obzira na potpisane ugovore! O nenaplaćenim potraživanjima Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. od kupaca nećemo ovom prilikom. Isto tako predstečajne nagodbe nećemo niti spominjati, kao i tumačenja odgovornih kako su tim mjerama spašavali radna mjesta u preradi drva, a ne pogodovali velikim dužnicima. Država daje potporu, ali "upravljačka ekipa" koja je dovele firmu u to stanje ostaje i dalje na njenom čelu! Što reći nakon svega ovoga nego upitati se, kako to politika zagovorom netržišnog poslovanja u šumarstvu štiti šumu kao nacionalno bogatstvo naroda, a pripomaže razvoju primarne, a posebice finalne prerade drva? Evo im rezultata! Uredništvo ; EDITORIALIn the last double issue we raised the question whether the National Forestry Policy and Strategy should be modernised. While still waiting for some answers, we have only heard that the topic deserves a wide specialist discussion. This means that such issues will continue to be treated individually when they occur, instead of being solved on a global level. We hinted that there certainly were some more questions, and we did not wait long for the reaction; in the Business Diary (Poslovni dnevnik) we have read that the wood processors require from the trading company "Hrvatske šume" a 15% decrease in timber prices and prolonged payment terms of the former 90 days, or, according to the latest information 120 days. The demand accounts for 20% price decrease in wood products on the market and 25% decrease in orders, which calls for compensation measures from the Government. It is said that the most affected are the manufacturers of pellets and pellet-formed fuelwood - the products with low added value. We wrote about these products (as well as about parquet and final products) on several occasions, pointing at the fact that pellets are primarily the waste material from final wood processing, the dry wood, while the moist wood requires price-raising drying to achieve a required degree of moisture. So far they have been compensated by the brutally "cheap raw material"; now both price reduction and payment terms are required. If it is 90 days it means a turnover of 4 (for 120 days it rounds up to 3 - which is a catastrophe). There would be no insurance of the existing situation, not to mention the development. Indeed, does it matter anything at all when forests are here to pay the bill?! The advocates of non-market business from the wood sector suggest that the Government after serious interventions in ship building and through the consolidation of strategic firms has the opportunity to accept urgent sector measures through the business of the Croatian Forests Ltd. With the mentioned price decrease of 15% and the payment prolongation of 120 days, of the seven measures proposed to the Government a significant component of the market business operation is the interesting one - the elimination of the retail sale in Croatian Forests Ltd., which means the elimination of the competition. Compared to the selling prices of the main wood assortments on the markets in the region (Austria, Italy, Hungary, Bosnia & Herzegovina and Serbia), the prices at which Croatian Forests Ltd. is selling their wood assortments to our wood manufacturers amount to round 500 million hrk a year, by which money have the wood manufacturers already been encouraged. Another question is how the wood manufacturer helps Croatian Forests Ltd. with solving the issues of raw wood stock. When they need raw material they exert pressure upon suppliers without considering weather conditions and the damage upon the forest soil; When there is stock surplus, it is not their problem in spite of the signed contracts! To the unpaid credits and debits to Croatian Forests we shall refer on another occasion. We shall not even mention the pre-bankruptcy settlements as well as the explanations of the responsible parties saying that these measures are saving the jobs in wood processing instead of doing favour to the big debtors. A firm with significant rent status as to raw material asked for Government intervention. They received encouragement but the whole "management team" that brought the firm to this situation stayed in charge! What can be said after all this but wonder what kind of policy which supports non-market business in forestry protects the forest as national wealth while encouraging the development of both primary and final wood processing? The answer is in the results! Editorial Board

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANaslov uvodnika potaknut je građanskom inicijativom koja se u posljednje vrijeme širi Hrvatskom. Iako na facebook grupi, koja poziva na "tri zajednička dana uživanja u sadnji diljem Države" pod motom "Zasadi drvo, ne budi panj", prevladava entuzijazam i želja za jačanjem svijesti hrvatskih građana o očuvanju i zaštiti prirode, postoje i radikalniji osvrti na šumarsku struku i na trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume, poput pitanja zašto se ne organiziraju javni radovi pošumljavanja? Tvrdi se da je to zato jer im je sječa prioritetnija od sadnje. Podmeće se teza: "Ne smiju oni posjeći više nego što mi možemo zasaditi!" Uzori akciji su velike sadnje u nekim zemljama poput Indije i Etiopije. Također poticaj akciji su i katastrofalni požari u plućima svijeta, Amazonskoj prašumi. Pohvalna je dobra volja i želja za ozelenjivanjem, ali ne mogu se uspoređivati zemlje u kojima vladaju drukčiji klimatski i stanišni uvjeti pa nakon sječe ili uništavanja šume požarima dolazi do deforestacije, nestaje tlo i šuma se ne obnavlja. U Republici Hrvatskoj je upravo obrnuto, na djelu je reforestacija, tj. šuma se širi na napuštene poljoprivredne i druge površine, tako da je danas gotovo pola države pod šumom, ali u različitim starosnim kategorijama. Ova akcija je samo odraz zabrinutosti običnog čovjeka, ali i određene neargumentirane histerije koja je pokrenuta protiv šumara u Hrvatskoj.S obzirom na sve učestalije i nekorektne napade na šumarsku struku, što je prevršilo svaku mjeru, potiče nas da se mi kao struka oglasimo. Možemo smireno, stručno i argumentirano, a možemo i bezobrazno kao što se nas napada. Ponajprije, za laike koji to žele čuti, kažemo da je sječa uzgojni zahvat. Šuma ili stablo ima nazovimo ga početak, rast kroz razne uzgojne faze do optimuma, a potom slijedi faza "odumiranja". Zadaća šumarske struke je prebroditi tu zadnju fazu upravo sječom starih stabala, polučiti korist društvu njihovom preradom, ali osiguravši prethodno u jednodobnim sastojinama u godini dobrog uroda sjemena prirodno pomlađivanje. Svakako prije bilo kakvog negativnog stava glede sječe, treba prići vrlo blizu površini gdje je do "jučer" bila npr. stara hrastova šuma te provjeriti da li i što sada raste na toj površini. U prebornoj pak šumi, npr. bukve i jele, prebiru se sječom stara dozrela stabla i ona koja smetaju podmlatku koji treba svijetla da bi ih zamijenio. Samo tamo gdje u potpunosti nije uspjelo prirodno naplođivanje, pa tako i na opožarenim površinama, ide se na pošumljavanje sjemenom ili tzv. "školovanim" sadnicama. Održati šumu vječnom, načelo je potrajnog gospodarenja, čime se ponosi hrvatska znanost i praksa, a što joj i šumarski svijet priznaje. Što rade Hrvatske šume d.o.o. pitaju se pojedini prosvjednici? Zadaća Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. kao trgovačkog društva u državnom vlasništvu, kojima je Država povjerila gospodarenje, je obavljati poslove sukladno Osnovama gospodarenja, što znači ne stihijski nego po Zakonu o šumama, sukladno šumarskoj politici i strategiji. Osnove gospodarenja za svaku gospodarsku jedinicu propisuju desetgodišnje aktivnosti, provjerava ih stručno povjerenstvo, a Rješenjem ih odobrava resorni ministar. U njih je ugrađeno i niz propisa i popisa koje propisuje Ministarstvo zaštite okoliša. Znači ništa se ne radi amaterski – sve počiva na znanstvenim i stručnim saznanjima u šumarskoj praksi stečenoj kroz preko 250 godina organiziranog šumarstva. Klimatske promjene, ledolomi, vjetrolomi i štetnici, čemu su posebice u zadnje vrijeme izložene šume, samo još otežavaju rad u šumarstvu i zahtijevaju još veću stručnost i znanje, a nikako amaterizam. Nije bez razloga još u pretprošlom stoljeću zaključeno da za gospodarenje šumom nije dovoljna viša, nego je potrebna visoka stručna sprema, što je kod nas ostvareno 1898. godine početkom rada Šumarske akademije (današnjeg Šumarskog fakulteta), kao četvrte visokoškolske ustanove Sveučilišta u Zagrebu.No, s prekomjernom sječom treba se boriti na dijelu privatnih šumskih parcela, ali s tom stihijom se odnosne udruge ne hvataju u koštac. U istoj rečenici pitamo se bezobrazno: tko su to "oni" koji ne smiju posjeći? Da li su to možda oni koji su pet godina studirali šumarstvo, skupljajući znanja iz botanike, više matematike, kemije, meteorologije, anatomije i fiziologije bilja, pedologije, dendrologije, dendrometrije, uzgajanja šuma, ekologije, uređivanja šuma, zaštite šuma i dr., prisegavši na promociji dipl. ing. šumarstva da će raditi po stručnim šumarskim načelima. Lekcije im pak dijele oni koji su u slobodno vrijeme malo "proguglali" i na vikend izletima uz dobru zabavu, "učvrstili" svoje znanje o šumarstvu. Njihovi stručni sufleri, a kažu da ih imaju, mogli bi konačno javno polemizirati. Očekivali bi od odnosnih udruga da nas podupru u protivljenju smanjenja naknada za općekorisne funkcije šuma (OKFŠ), iz kojih se financiraju izgradnja protupožarnih prometnica, gašenja požara, pošumljavanje opožarenih površina i razminiranje površina, no one očito pristaju da se to "gura" u parafiskalne namete. Hrvatska Vlada od Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. očekuje uplatu u državni proračun, dok čitamo, Njemačka Vlada ulaže 500 mil. EURA za sanaciju šuma, jer ih se prošle godine osušilo preko 110.000 ha.Nemamo ništa protiv toga da se ozelenjuju neke gradske površine, ali i to mora biti planski, kako izborom površina, tako i vrstom drveća, poznavajući i poštujući njihove ekološke i biološke zahtjeve. Saditi bilo što i bilo gdje, što iščitavamo iz upućenog poziva, je neodgovorno i prema prostoru, ali i prema biljci.Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe headline of the editorial was prompted by a civil initiative sweeping through Croatia in recent times. The Facebook group, which calls for "three enjoyable days of planting trees across the State" under the motto "Plant a tree, don't be a stump", is imbued with enthusiasm and a wish to raise the awareness of Croatian citizens of the need to preserve and protect the nature; however, there are also more radical views on the forestry profession and the company Croatian Forests Ltd. Among others, they ask why there are no public afforestation activities and conclude that the reason lies in the fact that cutting trees has priority over planting them. There is an undergoing statement: "They cannot fell more than we can plant!" The campaign was prompted by large-scale planting campaigns in some countries such as India and Ethiopia. Another incentive to the campaign was provided by the devastating fires taking place in the lungs of the world, the Amazonian rain forest. The will and wish to plant trees deserves full credit, but we cannot be compared with the countries with different climatic and habitat conditions, in which felling or forest fires result in deforestation, loss of forest soil and inability of forests to regenerate. The situation in the Republic of Croatia is diametrically opposite: reforestation is an ongoing process; in other words, the forest spreads into abandoned agricultural and other areas, so that currently almost half of the country is covered with forests of different age categories. This campaign reflects the concern of the ordinary person, but also contains certain ill founded hysterical reactions targeted at foresters in Croatia.In view of the ever more frequent and unfounded attacks on the forestry profession, which has gone out of hand, it is time for the profession to voice its opinion. We can do it in two ways: we can either put forward professional and well founded arguments, or retaliate in the same impertinent manner in which we are being attacked. To start with, for those who are ready to listen, let us stress that felling is a silvicultural operation. A forest or a tree has its beginning, followed by growth through different silvicultural stages until it reaches its optimum and finally the stage of "dying". The task of the forestry profession is to deal with this last stage by cutting down old trees, making profit for the society by processing these cut trees, and ensuring natural regeneration in even-aged stands in the years of good seed mast. Before any negative attitude on a felling operation is taken, it would be advisable to inspect closely the area which was until "yesterday" covered by an old oak forest and check what is being planted in this area, if anything. In a selection forest of, e.g. beech and fir, felling is applied to remove old mature trees and those trees which prevent young trees from reaching the necessary light for growth. Reforestation with seeds or with so-called "trained" seedlings is applied only in those areas in which natural seedling has not been completely successful or in areas badly affected by fires. Maintaining the forest in a perpetually stable condition is the principle of sustainable management. This principle is something that Croatian science and practice is rightly proud of and for which it receives acknowledgement from the global forestry world.What does the company Croatian Forests Ltd do, some protesters ask? The task of the company, as a state-owned company which has been entrusted by the State with caring for the forests, is to manage forests and carry out all the jobs set down in management plans, in line with the Forest Act, the forestry policy and strategy. There is no question here of chaotic and disorganized management. Management plans for every management unit prescribe the execution of ten-year activities. These plans are verified by expert committees and approved by the corresponding minister. They also contain regulations and rules set down by the Ministry of Environmental Protection. As seen from the above, nothing is done on an amateur basis - everything is firmly grounded on scientific and expert knowledge of the forestry practice, which has been acquired through 250 and more years of organized forestry. Climate change, damage caused by ice and wind, as well as pests, to which forests have been particularly exposed in recent times, make work in forestry even more difficult and require even more expertise and knowledge - certainly not amateurism. This is the reason that as far back as the 18th century it was realized that management of forests required not just a college degree but academic education. In Croatia, this was put to practice in1898, when the Forestry Academy (the present day Faculty of Forestry) was opened as the fourth institution of higher education within the University of Zagreb.A battle against excessive felling should be fought in parts of privately owned forest areas, yet the above groups fail to grapple with this problem. Allow us to be impertinent enough to ask: who are "they" who are not allowed to perform felling operations? Perhaps those who have studied forestry for five years, acquired knowledge of botany, higher mathematics, chemistry, meteorology, plant anatomy and physiology, pedology, dendrology, dendrometrics, silviculture, ecology, forest planning, forest protection and other fields, and who have, when receiving their degrees of graduate engineers of forestry, pledged to adhere to expert forestry principles in their work? Such professionals are then lectured by those who have "googled" something about forestry and who have gained their knowledge of forestry at weekend outings in forests. We would welcome with open arms their expert advisors, which they claim there are many, to finally come out and engage in public debates. We would expect from these groups to support us in opposing the move to cut down on non-market forest function fees, which are used to finance the construction of fire breaks, fire suppression, reforestation of burnt areas and demining areas. Obviously, they prefer these fees to be "pushed" into parafiscal levies. While the Croatian government expects from the company Croatian Forests Ltd to pay into the state budget, the German government invests 500 million euro into the recovery of forests, since over 110,000 ha of forests dried only last year.We have nothing against making city areas green, but this should be carried out in a planned manner, both as regards the choice of areas and the choice of tree species, taking into account their ecological and biological requirements. Planting anything and anywhere, as seen from the initiative, is irresponsible both for the area and for the plant.Editorial Board

Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito "baskijskim" smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još "prozor mogućnosti", koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im "prozor mogućnosti" za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju. ; In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization ("devolution") as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, "proto-states" of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as "subversive institutions" towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco's dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques' grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no "autonomic" institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton's problem), a "new governance" with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce' s theory of "subversive institutions", which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been "defined", the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new "nations-in-the-making", took advantage of the situation ("window of opportunity") and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a "segment-state", in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal ("subversive") institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner's "language of high culture" (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as "only Basques", 21% as "more Basque than Spanish", 35% "equally Basque and Spanish", 3% "more Spanish" and 3% "only Spanish". As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a "Basque direction" of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for "regional languages" to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by "dictate", as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel "only Basques", 5% "more Basques", 24% "equally Basques and French", 16% "more French and 36% "only French". In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no "Basque direction" or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites' building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a "Basque direction", e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more "Basque direction" of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi's Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a "Basque direction". In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes' directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi's Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a "free association"(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish "carte blanche" for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the "velvet divorce" of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a "new Ibarretxe Plan" leading to a "velvet divorce" and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a "window of opportunity" (Bunce, 1999). But if the "window" opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak "velvet divorce", an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a "Basque direction" and an intensive "basquization" within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French "new governance", initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the "subversive institutions". They have become increasingly "Basque" and have taken a "Basque direction". However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any "Basque direction". The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a "window of opportunity" to grow.