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AbstractThe COVID‐19 pandemic represented one of the most significant wicked policy problems in modern history. Global policy efforts to combat the pandemic reflect a diverse set of approaches, with varying underlying goals and values driving the policy choices. This article studies the pandemic response of two small island developing states, Mauritius and Seychelles, to better understand the policy landscape in this understudied African region. Evidence from these two island nations provides important insights into the opportunities and constraints faced by island developing states. Using in‐depth qualitative interviews with policy actors and reviews of official policy documents, this article studies the policy landscape of these two small island developing states. Findings from this research offer insights for scholars and practitioners interested in the intersection of wicked problems and policy.Related ArticlesOnyango, Gedion, and Japheth Otieno Ondiek. 2022. "Open Innovation during the COVID‐19 Pandemic Policy Responses in South Africa and Kenya." Politics & Policy 50(5): 1008–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12490.Vince, Joanna. 2023. "A Creeping Crisis When an Urgent Crisis Arises: The Reprioritization of Plastic Pollution Issues during COVID‐19." Politics & Policy 51(1): 26–40. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12512.Kinyondo, Abel, and Riccardo Pelizzo. 2013. "Strengthening Legislatures: Some Lessons from the Pacific Region." Politics & Policy 41(3): 420–46. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12020.

The use of geographic information systems (GISs) in local, regional and state governments is increasing, now at a rapid rate, with regard to conventional applications. However, the requirements of emergency management are not usually included within the design and original phases of GIS's acquisition. The author believes that it is both necessary and technically possible to define emergency‐related applications into specifications. With regard to 'creeping crises', this is a matter of urgency, so that hazard index analysis should be conducted at the onset of systems' design. The role of a range of existing and future space technologies is also considered in the context of enhancing existing GISs, especially with regard to remote sensing applications.

AbstractThis article highlights the factors that shape the public's early engagement with preventative health policies in the United States and in France. Our analysis explores the role that ideology and cultural worldviews play in shaping individuals' engagement with COVID‐19 early preventative measures such as mask wearing, stay‐at‐home orders, and vaccine intentions. We find that conservative ideology has an indirect effect on engagement in preventative behaviors through conspiracy theory beliefs in both countries. In addition, building on literature that links cultural worldviews and a wide array of public policies (vaccination campaigns, environmental measures), we find that individuals who have more individualistic and hierarchic worldviews are also less likely to engage in preventative behaviors or plan to get vaccinated. Understanding the public response to early preventative measures is essential to preparing for future health crises, as long‐term health responses such as vaccinations may take months or years to be deployed.Related ArticlesRichey, Sean. 2017. "A Birther and a Truther: The Influence of the Authoritarian Personality on Conspiracy Beliefs." Politics & Policy 45(3): 465–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12206.Tyner, Katie, and Farida Jalalzai. 2022. "Women Prime Ministers and COVID‐19: Within‐Case Examinations of New Zealand and Iceland." Politics & Policy 50(6): 1076–95. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12511.Vince, Joanna. 2022. "A Creeping Crisis When an Urgent Crisis Arises: The Reprioritization of Plastic Pollution Issues during COVID‐19." Politics & Policy 51(1): 26–40. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12512.

The Euro-Atlantic relations after the end of the Cold war have been strongly influenced by the impact of three interrelated crises: the existential crisis of NATO, the world economic and financial crisis, and the crisis in the Russia-West relations. The end of bipolarity has changed the threat environment and revealed how different alliance members formulate their threat perception and foreign policy interests. Europe stopped to be the US foreign policy priority. The US pivot to Asia has raised European concerns about American commitments to collective defense. The removal of the threat of a global conflict resulted in the EU initiatives aimed at promoting integration in the field of common security and defense policy (CSDP). Even though the US has officially welcomed a stronger European pillar in NATO, it has become concerned about new approaches that could divide transatlantic partnership and take resources away from military cooperation. At the same time the unilateralist preferences of the Bush administration generated deep political divisions between the United States and the European Union. The world economic and financial crisis contributed to a dangerous gulf between American and European defense spending. The US has complained about the tendency of the alliance's European members to skimp on defense spending and take advantage of America's security shield to free ride. In the absence of a clear external threat NATO tried to draft new missions, which were found in NATO's expansion to the post-Communist space and Alliance's out of area operations. But these new missions could not answer the main question about NATO's post-bipolar identity. Moreover, the Kosovo operation of NATO in 1999 fueled Russia's concerns about NATO's intentions in the post-Soviet space. The creeping crisis in the Russia-West relations resulted in the Caucasus and Ukrainian conflicts that provided kind of glue to transatlantic relations but did not return them to the old pattern. There can be several representing possible futures lying ahead. But under any scenario EU will be faced with a necessity to shoulder more of the burden of their own security.

Key aspects to be addressed within this discussion are related to the discipline of crisis management, a discipline that is relatively in its infancy and therefore related terminology abounds. Whilst the comprehensive study of crises can be traced back to the 1960s and 70s - mostly in areas such as psychology, sociology and disasters (Booth, 1993), it is the Tylenol poisoning disaster in the USA of 1982 and events such as Chernobyl, Bhopal and Challenger that gave rise in Europe to the discipline of crisis management (Mitroff, 2001; Falkheimer & Heide, 2006). The subsequent developments in this discipline have led to crisis management being described as a 'heavily applied field' where managers' interest/demand for tools they could use in the face of a crisis started to grow as well (Coombs, 2000: 77) Slow-burn crises (also referred to as low-intensity or creeping crises) are often related to likely effects stemming from global warming; i.e. droughts, heavy rain falls and related floods, famine etc., or epidemics like HIV/AIDS, rabies or others whose source might be diffuse - both in terms of space and time and the full consequences of which may not be fully apparent from the outset. On the other end of the spectrum are acute crises most commonly put into the category of major emergencies. These usually have an initiating event, identifiable boundaries and a clear time span between initial recognition and declaration of an end to the crisis is limited and fairly clear (Institute of Lifelong Learning, 2006b). What this paper will examine are perspectives on conceptualizing the phenomenon of crisis and the coping mechanisms employed once a crisis occurs, or in other words once it is recognised that it is occurring. In so doing the key terms referred to in the title will be firstly looked upon. Putting 186 definitions on the table and exploring some related theories, the paper will then move to a case study of the situation surrounding wildfires in the Republic of Macedonia. As it will be shown even a dispersed situation like this can fall into the category of either slow-burn or/and an acute crisis, what implies that not only effects of seemingly remote situations should be regarded as a slow-burn crises. Rather, managerial efforts should be vastly applied to low-intensity events, the so called 'creepers' since it is these types of crises that at a first sight usually appear sudden or acute, but have actually been first a creeping crises not detected on time (Bernstein, 2011). Therefore, whilst a subtle division is sometimes made between different categories of crises, in the case of slow-burn and acute crises such divisions should be treated with caution as also a slow-burn crisis can result in an inherently acute shock if not treated on time. Consequently, albeit approaches between the two types of crises might differ in several aspects, the focus of strategy deployment should be based on an understanding that a slow-burn crisis presents a stage in the process of an acute one. For the purpose of this paper, the terms crisis and disaster are used interchangeably and approached in a context of required managerial action of a low-intensity situations. A crisis is referred to the stage where successful management may still lead to a successful outcome, and a disaster presenting an event where harmful effects already took place and damage needs to be limited (Institute of Lifelong Learning, 2006b). As strategic approach of dealing with such events is subject to this discussion, managers and/or decision makers are regarded as political officials, organisational leaders or other senior public officials that maintain executive powers, unless otherwise referred to in the text.

[Conclusion]: Five major outcomes and the way forward for the Kumul Scholar International (KSI) The following are the five major outcomes from the discussions that the participants felt were crucial for understanding the SAP as a program,its impacts in Papua New Guinea and what can be done by the KSI as the way forward. 1. Countries are developed by a core group of technocrats shielded by leadership. This enables home grown and owned reforms through this group. KSI should initiate and continue communication and dialogue with technocrats, politicians, private business, academics and graduate students both within Papua New Guinea and overseas through its activities such as KSI 2002 Conference the annual conference and a KSI alumnus organisation in Papua New Guinea. 2. Information is vital for development. Misinformation and lack of proper awareness is a recipe for disaster. KSI should establish a website to disseminate information and continue to organise and participate in public forums and conferences in Australia and Papua New Guinea. 3. Papua New Guinea's problems have been a creeping crisis— high debt to increasing debt to disaster (3 Ds). The international donor community led by the World Bank and IMF's intervention through SAPs in Papua New Guinea were reactions to requests from PNG during moments of crisis. It would be much better for Papua New Guinea to introduce such reforms voluntarily and intentionally during relatively stable periods. 4. Political economy matters as to who benefits and who loses from reforms. Thus reform is difficult, as power play is inevitable. Coalition governments are not conducive to structural reforms. National interests can be comprised through the pursuit of political interest and personal interests during the design and implementation of reform programs such as the SAP. The public's access to information is hampered by a high rate of illiteracy and poor channels of communication. Thus, greater use and abuse of power by the minority who have access to information makes transparency and accountability of reforms difficult in Papua New Guinea. 5. Appropriate and efficient institutional development. This included institutions for human resource development, property rights and contract enforcement. Human resources are important. Recent public sector reforms have shown the severity of the human resource and capacity difficulties facing the nation. While investing in human resources, institutions that define property rights and enforce contracts are needed. The PNG constitution provides the framework for development.

The article discusses the preconditions and origins of large-scale migration processes taking place in the territories of the European Union (EU) over the past decade and presents a study of the relationship between migration flows and modern hybrid wars, referring to the correlation of dissimilar warfare conditions. both military and non-military means of hybrid expansion of the Russian Federation. The description of the procedures representing the use of conventional and non-traditional means of influence of Russia, as well as its state and non-state actors, which are aimed at provoking instability, disorder of state-building processes in Ukraine and the European Union. The study is important for the regional security of Eastern European countries since on the one hand, hybrid threats from Russia are seen as fundamental to Ukraine's national security, and, on the other hand, as social tensions caused by refugee crises and related fears, which are major factors in political instability and social fragmentation around the world, and therefore the provocation of large-scale migration flows may be a new form of creeping hybrid expansion of the Russian Federation, carried out in order to achieve the latter's ambitious goals. ; В статье говорится о предпосылках и истоки масштабных миграционных процессов, происходящих на территориях государств Европейского Союза (ЕС) в течение последнего десятилетия, приведены исследования связи между миграционными потоками и современными гибридными войнами, ссылаясь на корреляцию непохожих условий ведения войны, которые отображают использование, как военных так и невоенных средств, гибридной экспансии Российской Федерации. Исследование является важным для обеспечения региональной безопасности стран Восточной Европы, поскольку с одной стороны гибридные угрозы со стороны России рассматриваются как основные для национальной безопасности Украины, а с другой стороны как социальная напряженность, вызванная кризисами беженства и связанными с ними страхами, которые являются одними из основных факторов политической нестабильности и социальной раздробленности во всем мире, а следовательно провокация возникновения масштабных миграционных потоков может быть новой формой ползучей гибридной экспансии Российской Федерации, которая проводится с целью достижения последней своих амбициозных целей. ; В статті йдеться про передумови і витоки масштабних міграційних процесів, що відбуваються на територіях держав Європейського Союзу (ЄС) впродовж останнього десятиліття та наведено дослідження зв'язку між міграційними потоками і сучасними гібридними війнами, посилаючись на кореляцію несхожих умов ведення війни, таких що відображають використання як військових так і невійськових засобів гібридної експансії Російської Федерації. Приведений опис процедур, що представляють застосування звичайних та нетрадиційних засобів впливу Росії, а також її державних і недержавних суб'єктів, які мають на меті спровокувати нестабільність, невпорядкованість державотворчих процесів в Україні та країнах Європейського Союзу.Метою даної статті є визначення передумов міграційних потоків, дослідження потенційного зв'язку між ними в Європі, а також інструментами сучасної гібридної війни в Україні і світі.Дослідження є важливим для забезпечення регіональної безпеки країн східної Європи, оскільки з однієї сторони гібридні загрози з боку Росії розглядаються як основні для національної безпеки України, а з іншої сторони як соціальна напруженість, спричинена біженськими кризами і пов'язаними з ними страхами, що є одними з основних факторів політичної нестабільності та соціальної роздробленості в усьому світі, а отже провокація виникнення масштабних міграційних потоків може бути новою формою повзучої гібридної експансії Російської Федерації, що проводиться з метою досягнення останньою своїх амбітних цілей.

The article discusses the preconditions and origins of large-scale migration processes taking place in the territories of the European Union (EU) over the past decade and presents a study of the relationship between migration flows and modern hybrid wars, referring to the correlation of dissimilar warfare conditions. both military and non-military means of hybrid expansion of the Russian Federation. The description of the procedures representing the use of conventional and non-traditional means of influence of Russia, as well as its state and non-state actors, which are aimed at provoking instability, disorder of state-building processes in Ukraine and the European Union. The study is important for the regional security of Eastern European countries since on the one hand, hybrid threats from Russia are seen as fundamental to Ukraine's national security, and, on the other hand, as social tensions caused by refugee crises and related fears, which are major factors in political instability and social fragmentation around the world, and therefore the provocation of large-scale migration flows may be a new form of creeping hybrid expansion of the Russian Federation, carried out in order to achieve the latter's ambitious goals. ; В статье говорится о предпосылках и истоки масштабных миграционных процессов, происходящих на территориях государств Европейского Союза (ЕС) в течение последнего десятилетия, приведены исследования связи между миграционными потоками и современными гибридными войнами, ссылаясь на корреляцию непохожих условий ведения войны, которые отображают использование, как военных так и невоенных средств, гибридной экспансии Российской Федерации. Исследование является важным для обеспечения региональной безопасности стран Восточной Европы, поскольку с одной стороны гибридные угрозы со стороны России рассматриваются как основные для национальной безопасности Украины, а с другой стороны как социальная напряженность, вызванная кризисами беженства и связанными с ними страхами, которые являются одними из основных факторов политической нестабильности и социальной раздробленности во всем мире, а следовательно провокация возникновения масштабных миграционных потоков может быть новой формой ползучей гибридной экспансии Российской Федерации, которая проводится с целью достижения последней своих амбициозных целей. ; В статті йдеться про передумови і витоки масштабних міграційних процесів, що відбуваються на територіях держав Європейського Союзу (ЄС) впродовж останнього десятиліття та наведено дослідження зв'язку між міграційними потоками і сучасними гібридними війнами, посилаючись на кореляцію несхожих умов ведення війни, таких що відображають використання як військових так і невійськових засобів гібридної експансії Російської Федерації. Приведений опис процедур, що представляють застосування звичайних та нетрадиційних засобів впливу Росії, а також її державних і недержавних суб'єктів, які мають на меті спровокувати нестабільність, невпорядкованість державотворчих процесів в Україні та країнах Європейського Союзу.Метою даної статті є визначення передумов міграційних потоків, дослідження потенційного зв'язку між ними в Європі, а також інструментами сучасної гібридної війни в Україні і світі.Дослідження є важливим для забезпечення регіональної безпеки країн східної Європи, оскільки з однієї сторони гібридні загрози з боку Росії розглядаються як основні для національної безпеки України, а з іншої сторони як соціальна напруженість, спричинена біженськими кризами і пов'язаними з ними страхами, що є одними з основних факторів політичної нестабільності та соціальної роздробленості в усьому світі, а отже провокація виникнення масштабних міграційних потоків може бути новою формою повзучої гібридної експансії Російської Федерації, що проводиться з метою досягнення останньою своїх амбітних цілей.

A study of the crisis of the special steels sector in Sheffield reveals major weaknesses both in traditional strategies for restructuring such as nationalisation and in new ones such as local economic strategies. Strategic choices in the sector are constrained by interdependence with sectors like the automobile industry and by the political and economic restrictions of the EEC. Meanwhile creeping privatisation continues. The authors argue that any alternative strategy must operate at each of these levels to be effective.

The recent economic crisis was not just caused by a failure of regulation or economic policy; it was a story of the failure of management in a fundamental sense--a deeply flawed approach to management that encouraged bankers to pursue opportunities without regard for their long-term consequences, and to put their own interests ahead of those of their employers and their shareholders. And looking more widely, there is a creeping disenchantment with management as a profession: surveys show that managers generate less respect than lawyers and bankers in the eyes of the general public, and there ar.

The current debate about 'Modell Deutschland' has been prompted by the global financial crisis that emerged in 2008 and the Hartz labour market reforms in Germany. Six contributions concerning labour market reform, production systems, vocational education and training, industrial relations, employment patterns, and social policy examine the pillars of the German Model. A central argument in all of the contributions is that the German Model is undergoing a process of recalibration accompanied by increased uncertainty, rather than institutional breakdown. The Model's institutional preconditions and sources of legitimacy are becoming weaker and more questioned than in the past. These processes unfold less via major crises and political interventions than through 'creeping' economic and social changes.

AbstractIn this essay I argue that the ideology of neoliberalism may have failed, but that neoliberal practice is alive and kicking. Most of the 'solutions' to the crisis are in the spirit of neoliberalism, rather than enraptured by neoliberal spirit. Yet, this neoliberal solution is not a solution; it is part of the problem in the sense that it is leading to more problems — not just today but also in decades to come. This so‐called solution is often presented as Keynesian, but it is only partly so. A better way to classify this solution is as an attempt to save the existing, neoliberal, system. The big crisis of our time did not become a crisis of the hegemony of neoliberalism, because actually existing neoliberalism is flexible enough to influence policy in other ways than through the mantra of free markets: it thrives on presenting existing socioeconomic conditions as failing and neoliberalism as the best solution. Considering the many blows neoliberal ideology has received during this crisis, it should already be dead, but like a creeping cancer neoliberal practice is able to resurface and show up in both new and unexpected, and old and predictable, ways.

European Employment Models in Flux: Pressures for Change and Prospects for Survival and Revitalisation-- G.Bosch, S.Lehndorff & J.Rubery Revisiting the UK Model: From Basket Case to Success Story?-- J.Rubery, D.Grimshaw, R.Donnelly & P.Urwin The Swedish Model: Revival after the Turbulent 1990s?-- D.Anxo & H.Niklasson From the 'Sick Man' to the 'Overhauled Engine' of Europe? Upheaval in the German Model-- S.Lehndorff, Ge.Bosch, T.Haipeter & E.Latniak Institutional Continuity Masking a Creeping Paradigm Shift in the Austrian Social Model?-- C.Hermann & J.Flecker Crisis of the Post-transition Hungarian Model-- L.Neumann & A.Toth Capitalizing on Variety: Risks and Opportunities in a New French Social Model-- I.Berrebi-Hoffmann, F.Jany-Catrice, M.Lallement & T.Ribault Continuity and Change in the Italian Model-- A.Simonazzi, P.Villa, F.Lucidi & P.Naticchioni From a State-led Familistic to a Liberal Partly De-familialized Capitalism: The Difficult Transition of the Greek Model-- M.Karamessini The Transformation of the Employment System in Spain: Towards a Mediterranean Neoliberalism?-- J.Banyuls, F.Miguelez, A.Recio, E.Cano & R.Lorente

A war across the Taiwan Strait is neither inevitable nor imminent, and is less likely in the future since China believes that it has time on its side. This Chinese confidence is enhanced by Taiwan's current political and economic deterioration. For China, the decision not to use force is based on assessments and strategies discussed in this article, as well as on its unswerving commitment to economic modernization at home and its determination not to fall into what it suspects, rightly or wrongly, as being an international conspiracy to see China and Taiwan exhaust each other through war. China's military modernization, therefore, is aimed less at occupying Taiwan than at deterring its creeping independence and enhancing China's own future international status. The only thing that might disrupt this process would be a wave of political and economic chaos. Such a crisis, however, is not currently within sight.

- In this article the author analyses the factors that have produced the rise in commodities prices, making exasperated a food crises that has been creeping for a long time. The tightly correlated evolution in prices for both agricultural and non agricultural commodities has called the attention on a specific financial instrument, the commodity index, that connects them to the futures market where international prices are fixed. To the commodity index make reference the major banks in Wall Street to manage their financial liquidity and that of institutional investors (pension funds, foundations, insurance companies), looking for new investment opportunities after the sub-prime crises. The speculations on both sub-prime and commodities show that, independently from the perspectives of accumulation, the over accumulated capital increases the rent by dispossessing the living conditions of millions of people.Key words: food crisis; financial speculation on food; accumulation by dispossession; agricultural futures; sub-prime; commodities index.