The aim of the publication is a comparative analysis of the migration crisis of 2015 and 2022, with particular emphasis on refugee policy in Turkey and Poland and in the broadly understood context of the European Union. Embedded in the interdisciplinary field of European Studies, the article is based on the assumption that the dynamics and scale of migration flows in 2022 distinguish this crisis from the events of 2015, and the neighborly location of Ukraine influenced a different assessment of the situation than it was in the case of conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa or the Middle East. The cultural and ethnic proximity of Ukrainians has played a key role and is reflected in EU legislation regulating their status as displaced persons. The conclusions highlight the trend in Turkey and EU countries to renationalise refugee protection measures, the temporary nature of which is becoming a common standard. The research is based on the legal-dogmatic method, institutional analysis, comparative method and discourse analysis, using appropriate research techniques.
Od 2015 r. Hiszpania nie przełamała impasu politycznego, a jej obywatele poszli do urn wyborczych czterokrotnie – ostatni raz 10 listopada 2019 r. Problemem jest niemożność utworzenia stabilnego większościowego gabinetu, czego przykładem jest rządząca od czerwca 2018 r. Hiszpańska Socjalistyczna Partia Robotnicza (PSOE). Po ostatnich wyborach doszło do zawarcia umowy z blokiem Unidas Podemos o utworzeniu koalicji. Przed nowym rządem stoi jednak wiele wyzwań, których rozwiązanie będzie kluczowe dla wyjścia Hiszpanii z kryzysu politycznego. W artykule ukazano najważniejsze wydarzenia poprzedzające listopadowe wybory z 2019 r., uwzględniając również zmianę systemu partyjnego w Hiszpanii, czynniki, które wpłynęły na taki stan rzeczy oraz analizę bieżącej sytuacji. ; Since 2015 Spain has not broken the political deadlock and its citizens have gone to the ballot box four times – the last time on 10th November 2019. The problem is the impossibility of creating a stable majority government, as exemplified by the PSOE which has been in power since June 2018. After the last elections, an agreement was reached with the Unidas Podemos block to form a coalition. However, the new government is facing many challenges, the solution of which will be crucial for Spain's come out of the political crisis. The article presents the most important events preceding the November 2019 elections, also taking into account the change of the party system in Spain, the factors that have influenced this state of affairs and the analysis of the current situation.
The article concerns the issue of the hospitality market development from the perspective of changes taking place in the economy of the 21st century as well as in the economic policy pursued at the level of states and integration groups. For this purpose, an analysis of changes in the supply of hotel services, the demand for hotel services and potential management efficiency of hotel facilities was conducted. To investigate the changes taking place in the hotel industry the basic instruments of economic analysis were used which allowed to analyze the dynamics and the structure of the examined phenomena against a background of the wider economic processes.
The European Union has experienced major crises of massive influx of third-country nationals across its external borders in the last decade alone. The first of these, known as "the peak migration crisis", took place in 2015, while the second, incomparably larger one in 2022 pretends to be "the peak refugee crisis". Undoubtedly, both have had an unprecedented impact on the crossing of EU borders and, at the same time, have significantly affected the functioning of the "area without borders". However, such significant crises have caused a great degree of terminological confusion, concerning the terms refugee and migrant. In addition, the scale of the influx of Ukrainian citizens into the European Union has surpassed any previous numbers that were described as a crisis and which the EU has ever tried to deal with. The aim of this article is to provide a trial of comparative analysis of these phenomena in the context of their impact on the functioning of the "area without borders".
The research problem addressed in the text is the presentation of migrants during the migrant crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border in 2021 and 2022 in the news service "Wiadomosci" broadcast on the public television channel TVP1. The purpose of the article was to reconstruct the image of the migrants. The study of news services was conducted using qualitative content analysis and framing analysis. The study established that the image of migrants was constructed through the use of five frames: "identification", "terrorist", "criminal", "tool in a hybrid war" and "barbarian" (a threat to European values). All the frames used were negative.
The purpose of this paper is to provide a political and legal analysis of the choice options, decisionmaking processes and negotiation strategies of political actors in dispute over the date of the presidential elections in Poland the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Possible decisions are outlined in the form of a modified decision tree known from the decision theory, taking into account not only the options falling within the scope of individual actors' performance, but also scenarios triggered by specific choices and interdependent on the behavior of other actors (their cooperation or lack of cooperation). The descriptive-explanatory and predictive analysis is based on the assumptions of the public choice theory. The article also explains the legal determinants and boundaries of actions available to political actors ; Teisės fakultetas ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas
The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader. ; The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader.
Artykuł koncentruje się w ujęciu syntetycznym oraz problemowym na ukazaniu implikacji wzrostu międzynarodowej roli Niemiec dla współpracy z Rosją i Polską w dobie globalizacji oraz kryzysów UE. W pierwszej części przedstawia teoretyczne i praktyczne aspekty kształtowania koncepcji nowej roli międzynarodowej Niemiec, tzw. koncepcji współkształtowania (Gestaltungskonzept) polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa. Druga część podejmuje ogólną ocenę roli Niemiec w próbach rozwiązywania wybranych kryzysów UE – zadłużenia strefy euro od 2010 r., konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskioego od 2014 r. oraz masowego napływu nielegalnych migrantów do UE od przełomu sierpnia/września 2015 r. Trzecia część koncentruje się na analizie implikacji nowej roli międzynarodowej Niemiec dla współpracy z Rosją i Polską. Konkluzja artykułu brzmi – wzrost roli międzynarodowej Niemiec od początku od drugiej dekady XXI w. miał pozytywne i negatywne następstwa dla współpracy Niemiec z Rosją i Polską. ; The paper focuses on synthetic and comprehensive presentation of the implications of the increasing international role of Germany for cooperation between Poland and Russia, in times of globalization and EU's crises. The first part of the paper showcases the theoretical and practical aspects of the concept formation of Germany's new international role, the so-called design concept (Gestaltungskonzept) of the foreign and security policies. The second part provides an overall assessment of Germany's role in the attempts to resolve chosen EU's crises – the European debt crisis of 2010, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict of 2014 as well as the large influx of illegal immigrants to the EU ever since the turn of August and September 2015. The third part concentrates on the analysis of the implications of the new role in the international arena assumed by Germany for the Polish and Russian cooperation. The conclusion of the paper is following: the growing international role of Germany in the second decade of the 21st century has had both positive and negative impact on the cooperation between Poland and Russia.
Artykuł koncentruje się w ujęciu syntetycznym oraz problemowym na ukazaniu implikacji wzrostu międzynarodowej roli Niemiec dla współpracy z Rosją i Polską w dobie globalizacji oraz kryzysów UE. W pierwszej części przedstawia teoretyczne i praktyczne aspekty kształtowania koncepcji nowej roli międzynarodowej Niemiec, tzw. koncepcji współkształtowania (Gestaltungskonzept) polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa. Druga część podejmuje ogólną ocenę roli Niemiec w próbach rozwiązywania wybranych kryzysów UE – zadłużenia strefy euro od 2010 r., konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego od 2014 r. oraz masowego napływu nielegalnych migrantów do UE od przełomu sierpnia/września 2015 r. Trzecia część koncentruje się na analizie implikacji nowej roli międzynarodowej Niemiec dla współpracy z Rosją i Polską. Konkluzja artykułu brzmi – wzrost roli międzynarodowej Niemiec od początku od drugiej dekady XXI w. miał pozytywne i negatywne następstwa dla współpracy Niemiec z Rosją i Polską. ; The paper focuses on synthetic and comprehensive presentation of the implications of the increasing international role of Germany for cooperation between Poland and Russia, in times of globalization and EU's crises. The first part of the paper showcases the theoretical and practical aspects of the concept formation of Germany's new international role, the so-called design concept (Gestaltungskonzept) of the foreign and security policies. The second part provides an overall assessment of Germany's role in the attempts to resolve chosen EU's crises – the European debt crisis of 2010, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict of 2014 as well as the large influx of illegal immigrants to the EU ever since the turn of August and September 2015. The third part concentrates on the analysis of the implications of the new role in the international arena assumed by Germany for the Polish and Russian cooperation. The conclusion of the paper is following: the growing international role of Germany in the second decade of the 21stcentury has had both positive and negative impact on the cooperation between Poland and Russia.
Adolescence is the most complicated period during the human being life. At that time, the physiological, social and emotional processes of maturation occur. Shortly speaking, the entire human personality is being formed. Moreover, in that period a young person is prone to all kinds of influences, especially the peer group. To impress and win its recognition sometimes they intend to hurt other students physically and mentally - it is bullying. Experiencing this phenomenon in the school demonstrates the growing discomfort of the young generation. Analysis of the school reality allows looking closer at the connections existing between the crisis of adolescence and youth in this form of violence. In Western literature, this phenomenon is often associated with the term "disagio" psycho-physical condition closely related to the crisis of the adolescence period. Reasons of this state should be traced, for example in the deprivation of access to culture, socio-economic marginalization, and family and interpersonal problems. All of it makes it impossible or difficult to meet important needs for the individual that may determine the development of chronic disagio and deviant behavior, even in school.
This article presents The National Firefighting and Rescue System (NFRS), which implements in Poland, tasks in rescue service, organization and management. Based on the twenty years of experience, the belief has been established that in order to ensure the safety and protection of the population in the case of natural disasters or technical failures, the integrated solutions are the only effective form of risk prevention. To demonstrate the functionality of NFRS as part of the security system of the state in the area of rescue and civil protection, in the article has been made a general analysis of the system in 20 years, and presented the thesis that the continuous development of civilization and the consequent new and changing threats, causing a continuing need of improving rescue systems in Poland. The approach to the tasks of civil protection must evaluate, which has a beneficial effect on the rescue system, and the solutions adopted for rescue are effective and widely acceptable by Polish society. It is also essential considering how to present reality to link actions NFRS the designed system in Poland to protect the population. It should be noted that for several years the development of the NFRS is aimed at protecting the population, not only in the areas of rescue, so there is no logical justification for creating and maintaining an armchair formation of Civil Defense, since NFRS can fulfill the tasks assigned to these formations ; Artykuł przedstawia Krajowy System Ratowniczo-Gaśniczy (KSRG), który realizuje w Polsce zadania z zakresu ratownictwa oraz organizacji i zarządzania nim. Na podstawie dwudziestoletnich doświadczeń utrwaliło się przekonanie, że w celu zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa i ochrony ludności w przypadku wystąpienia klęsk żywiołowych, katastrof naturalnych i awarii technicznych, tylko zintegrowane rozwiązania są skuteczną formą przeciwdziałania zagrożeniom. Aby zaprezentować funkcjonalność KSRG jako elementu systemu bezpieczeństwa państwa w obszarze ratownictwa i zarządzania ochroną ludności, dokonano ogólnej analizy działania systemu w minionych 20 latach oraz przedstawiono tezę, że ciągły rozwój cywilizacji i wiążące się z tym nowe, zmieniające się zagrożenia, powodują ciągłą potrzebę doskonalenia systemu ratowniczego w Polsce. Podejście do zadań z zakresu zarządzania ochroną ludności musi ewaluować, co ma korzystny wpływ na system ratowniczy, a przyjęte rozwiązania dla ratownictwa są skuteczne oraz powszechnie akceptowane przez polskie społeczeństwo. Zasadnicze stają się również rozważania, jak w obecnej rzeczywistości powiązać działania KSRG z projektowanym w Polsce systemem ochrony ludności. Należy zauważyć, że od kilku lat rozwój KSRG nakierowany jest na ochronę ludności nie tylko w obszarach ratowniczych, więc nie ma logicznego uzasadnienia dla tworzenia i utrzymywania nieaktywnych formacji Obrony Cywilnej, skoro KSRG może wypełniać zadania wyznaczone dla tych formacji
This article presents the history and the development of tthe Spanish "Indignant" movement in the long term, i.e. from the occupation of Puerta del Sol to this day. The paper discusses social functions carried out by collectives constituting the above-mentioned movement. The main focus is put on the analysis of civic groups' influence on solving problems connected with the crisis of the Spanish state and on the political and legal system of this country. The condition of Spanish state institutions (being an the example of contemporary European democratic system) is considered from the perspective of the legitimization of its resolutions and citizens' participation in making key decisions. The analysis aims at describing the place of the "Indignados" in Spanishpolitical life and forecasting the directions of the movement's development. The model of eliberative democracy by Jürgen Habermas is used in the course of the work. The selection of information and the analysis of the Indignants' actions are based on media reports and participant observations made by the author who during the last three years has participated in the actions of the movement in Sevilla, Alicante and Saragossa.
The collapse of the world economy in the thirties was especially felt in Poland. In that situation the state had to undertake some efforts in order to lighten the course of events as well as to precipitate the end of crisis. These efforts were also directed towards the possibly rapid reconstruction of the devastations in Polish economy caused by that crisis. The intervention measures of the Polish government embraced the whole variety of steps which were undertaken in all branches of national economy. The author of this paper comes to the analysis and evaluation of control policy which — apart from the customs policy and the policy of export promotion — constituted in those times the substantial form of state intervention in the field of Polish foreign trade. The control of foreign traffic was reviewed from the point of view of numerous restrictions, import quotas and barter business. After a thorough examination of the process of rapid development of the foreign traffic control in Poland the author points at the double objective of introducing the import quotas. On one hand those above mentioned quotas can be considered as the repercussion and result of autarchic processes developed amongst the Poland's trade partners and increasing difficulties in international trade as well as the result of commonly used foreign exchange restrictions causing the freeze of credit balance from exports. Those import restrictions were introduced in order to weaken the disadvantegeous influence of the above mentioned events on Polish foreign trade and — indirectly — on the whole Poland's economy. On the other hand the control policy was also facilitating the inland's economic and financial policy. In the years 1929 - 1935 the system of quotas highly contributed to the achievement of favourable balance of foreign trade and international payments; in the next years that system constituted one of the most significant factors realization of foreign exchange control. In addition, in the whole period being the subject of the present analysis, the compensatory turnover greatly facilitated the realization of policy of export promotion. The mentioned motives of using the control policy caused the seizure of almost full control of foreign trade by state. In this article the author evaluates the control policy on the basis of the demonstrated uniformity of that policy with the general, economic policy of the state. As the deflation policy of the crisis years is evaluated rather negatively the same appraisal can be adopted to the control policy in foreign trade. However the investment policy of the after-crisis years of economic growth is appreciated as the only justified policy within the framework of contemporary political system and therefore also the control policy should be positively appreciated. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The subject of the publication is the analysis of selected areas of family agency during the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland. It is aimed at showing the complexity of the adaptation process in response to the sudden change in the organization of key areas of life of the family members, as well as the features of the family that shape its unique ability to adapt to a crisis situation. The conclusions indicate, inter alia, the predominance of rational strategies for the adaptation of the family to the new situation, the choice of such a method and scope of implementation of its functions in order to minimize the level of health, economic and social security risk.
The article aims to empirically indicate the share and industry characteristics of the largest state-owned enterprises in five selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Furthermore, based on the analysis, an attempt is made to answer relevant research questions: Whether and to what extent after almost 30 years of transition have the economies of the analysed countries become similar to the economies of selected developed countries of Western Europe with regard to the scope of state ownership in the economy? If so, to what extend? Could the economies of the analysed countries be seen as an occurrence of growing importance of state-owned enterprises after the financial crisis of 2008–2009, referred to in the literature as the "return of state-owned enterprises"? The analysis of the scope of state ownership in the economy was made using the processed and completed source data contained in the Orbis database. The study consists of three parts. The first part presents methodological assumptions of the analysis, definitions, description of data sources and basic characteristics of the studied set of enterprises. The second part contains data on state-owned enterprises in the analysed countries, divided into the state-owned and statecontrolled with a minority shareholding also includes industry-specific analysis. The third part contains synthetic international comparisons and a retrospective analysis, including the status and characteristics of state-owned enterprises in the surveyed countries in 2009, 2013 and 2017. The conclusions contained in the summary indicate a significant diversification of the scope and importance of state enterprises in the economies of the analysed countries.
