Suchergebnisse

In der sächsischen Stadt Chemnitz kam es im Nachgang eines Tötungsdelikts durch Messerstiche seit dem 26. August 2018 zu rechtsautoritären Massenmobilisierungen von bundesweiter Ausstrahlung unter zahlreicher Teilnahme der ansässigen Bevölkerung. Das öffentliche Interesse ist dabei nicht nur hinsichtlich der konkreten Ereignisse, sondern auch bezüglich der lokalen Ursachen dieser Eskalation groß. Im Sinne einer raumsensiblen Vorgehensweise ist zu untersuchen, aus welcher bestimmten Ortsgeschichte heraus die Eigenarten der Chemnitzer Stadtgesellschaft und das rechte Protestgeschehen verständlich werden. Die sieben dazu aufgestellten Thesen widmen sich der kulturellen und institutionellen Modernisierung, dem Zustand der Zivilgesellschaft, der Einordnung der konkreten Ereignisse, der politischen Ökonomie Ostdeutschlands und der demographischen Situation. ; After a homicide in the Saxonian city of Chemnitz, Germany, on August 26th 2018 right-wing mass protests followed. These protests gained Germany-wide attention, and were joined by a large number of the local population of Chemnitz. Both the concrete and the local reasons for the escalation are of huge public interest. With a space-sensitive approach, the impact of a specific spatial history on the idiosyncrasy of the population of the city of Chemnitz and right-wing protests are being analyzed. Seven theses on the concrete incidents, the cultural and institutional modernization, the status quo of the civil society, the political economy of Eastern Germany and the demography are being proposed.

For many observers the fierce conflict concerning the infrastructure project "Stuttgart 21" indicates a crisis of representative democracy. Questioning common explanations of the conflict's escalation, the article develops the thesis that the present weakness in legitimating representative democracy should be explained as a result of severe deficits in its often overlooked configurative function. The latter consists in transforming differences and contradictions within society into political alternatives. More specifically the article states that the widespread discontent with representative democracy in Germany results from a contrary movement between the de-politicization of party competition on the one hand, and, stemming from civil society, a politicization of technical and infrastructural projects on the other. Adapted from the source document.

Ethnic conflicts often have a long & bitter history of dispute -- so deep-seated that de-escalation of the conflict without participation of an independent third party does not appear to be possible. This article explores the role & function of these parties in achieving peace by explaining the key terms & classification of different types of third party intervention & comparing the ideals of issue-oriented mediation & relationship-oriented consultation types of intervention. Additionally, the structural framework & macro structure of such conflicts is discussed. More than just intervention, a change in the structural framework in the political & societal areas of the affected regions is required for active conflict transformation. Most ethnopolitical conflicts will not achieve enduring peace until the relationship as well as the conflict issue itself are addressed, & a double strategy of ethnic acknowledgement & national loyalty supported by strong institutional foundations must be pursued. The third party must be competent & acceptable to both sides, & preventive action is critical. External third parties have a special responsibility for the construction of local & regional "peace constituencies" in crisis areas, generally requiring long-term engagement for a lasting peace. L. Kehl

When crises develop, people are confronted with difficulties beyond those experienced in normal everyday activities. Due to the perceived threats inherent to such situations, familiar behaviors may prove ineffective, and such attempts can pose dangerous and unpredictable risks. Crises are extreme situations, occurring at the very edges of human experience. Oral communication in such situations cannot be casual; the seriousness of the situation demands exceptional communicative performance on the part of the participants. Therefore, certainties about everyday communication conventions are called into question. The following work examines conversations during which the participants were involved in an extreme situation. In this particular crisis, a politically motivated kidnapping, the personal involvement of the interlocutors is substantial. A clear and present fear of the situation escalating and the possibility of a failure to anticipate the resulting reactions from the other party(ies) characterize the communicative acts of those involved. Recorded telephone calls during the occupation of the West German Embassy in Stockholm by members of the Red Army Faction (RAF) on April 24, 1975 comprise the basis for this analysis. One of the occupiers speaks with various interlocutors located in an adjacent embassy building. These interlocutors are relatives of the hostages, the Swedish Minister of Justice, and a German official charged with leading the negotiations. In this study, the communicative processes of the crisis are reconstructed. In order to show how the interlocutors attempt to reach their goals in this tense situation with the resources available to them, as well as what they in fact achieve, ethnographic methods of analysis have been employed. This study shows how, despite strong conflicting interests and motives, a shared reality is built through the actions of the interlocutors. The interaction between two key figures in the early stages of the crisis can even be characterized as a form of coalition building. An explanation as to why this collaboration is not retained in the subsequent course of the events, however, leading to an escalation of the situation, is also presented. Furthermore, the following work sets forth qualities needed to interactively build a coalition in a precarious crisis situation, which has arisen between parties characterized by diametrically opposed aims.

This essay was inspired by Mark Jones' monograph Founding Weimar. Violence and the German Revolution of 1918–1919 (2016). The first section of the essay highlights the relevance of this book for historical research on the revolution of 1918/19. Its second section discusses relevant reviews of the monograph. The third and fourth sections focus on how different political movements, as well as the views of historians on the revolution of 1918/19, have changed within the past hundred years. Nowadays, critical historical research on the revolution has to focus on new questions. Since the outbreak of the present global economic crisis, the capitalist order has been in question. Alternative left-wing economic orders as they were developed by the German Rätebewegung (worker's council movement) in 1918/19 should be discussed from a new perspective. Due to the global economic crisis, right-wing movements have gained more influence over the last decade. Parliamentary democracies are progressively eroding. Jones' book is in contrast to the current academic discourse. This last can be considered to be in crisis, as it displays a limited understanding of the revolution of 1918/19 by merely regarding it as part of the success story of the Weimar Republic. Jones highlights the escalation of violence and the role proto-fascist Freikorps played as the initiators of this escalation. He also considers the political responsibility of the Social Democratic Party. Jones concludes that counter-revolutionary violence caused the founding as well the end of the Weimar Republic.

Recent events in Bulgaria have brought the true extent of its rule of law decay to the fore. The wars between the highest-ranking prosecutors in the country, public testimonies by participants in crime syndicates implicating senior magistrates and politicians, and the brutal murders of potential witnesses against organized crime demonstrate that the line between organized crime, the judiciary, and the political apparatus is increasingly difficult to draw. In this post, I argue that the current escalation of Bulgaria's rule of law crisis lays bare the European Commission's continued mismanagement of the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (CVM).

European policies imposed in the euro crisis have disabled democratic policy choices at the national level, while the present European euro-rescuing regime lacks democratic legitimacy. But policy choices might now become politicised in the Europe-wide competition of partisan candidates for the Presidency of the European Commission. In that case, voters might indeed be mobilised for or against radically opposed policy options the continuation of the present austerity regime and the move to a transfer union. The risk is, however, that the escalation of transnational conflict might further divide rather than democratise Europe.

Die Berichte der International Crisis Group aus Krisengebiten erlauben es, Schlussfolgerungen über die Früherkennung von Konflikten zu ziehen. Sie fordern kontinuierliches politisches Engagement, mehr Beachtung der Peripherie und mehr Autonomie für Diplomaten vor Ort - damit vorhersehbare Krisen uns künftig nicht mehr "überraschen". (IP)

In future, the capabilities of the ground forces will be mainly oriented to missions for conflict prevention and crisis management and to the fight against international terror. Within the scope of the transformation and the restructuring of the Bundeswehr, the armed forces are being consistently tailored to these types of rnissions. With their response, stabilization and proportionate mobile support forces the Army and the Joint Support Service will have a continuum of forces available to rneet a broad task spectrum in these scenarios. They must be capable of credibly effecting an escalation and de-escalation in different situations. To this end it is essential to create a capability profile for modern, operationally ready ground-based forces of the Bundeswehr which comprises six equivalent and interconnected capability categories. After having given basic descriptions on the goals and the extent of the transformation of the Bundeswehr, the role of the Joint Support Service in the support of ground operations, and the significance of research and technology (R&T) projects for the future equipment of the ground forces as a basis of the symposium one passed directly on to these capability fields. (Europäische Sicherheit / SWP)

The conflict between Russia & Georgia has escalated to crisis. The public expulsion of Russian agents from Georgia provided the pretext. Russia reacted with sanctions & deportations. At the heart of the matter lie competing interests. Georgia is fighting for its territorial integrity. Russia is supporting the renegade regions of Abkhazia & South Ossetia. Georgia is drawn to NATO, which meets with displeasure in Russia. The actions of the parties to the conflict are counterproductive. Moscow's manipulations & deportations strengthen the government of Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili. & his aggressive rhetoric & risky policy makes the re-establishment of Georgia's territorial integrity more unlikely. With a policy of escalation both regimes are taking a bearish turn. Adapted from the source document.