Suchergebnisse

The UK response to HIV in the blood supply was a limited failure, with the contamination of blood & related products not prevented for a period of time, though later contained. A technocratic process achieved heat treatment of all imported factor VIII by Jan 1985, & by Oct, all donated blood was screened. Public actors within the centralized, authoritative institutions of health administration reacted with uncertainty & pragmatism & with as much concern for the morality & legitimacy of the established system of blood donations as to the dangers of blood-related HIV infection. However, the issue of HIV in the blood supply had been solved when HIV & AIDS issues were politicized in 1986/87. Political damage to the government & the National Health Service for government hesitation in the face of quality, viability, organization, & funding problems was minimal; & governmental & party political interests, centered in Parliament, shaped compensation programs for hemophiliac & blood transfusion victims. L. A. Hoffman

Im Mittelpunkt des Forschungsinteresses steht die Frage nach den Konsequenzen von Wirtschaftskrisen für die Politik. Der Autor verfolgt die Dynamik des politischen Lebens in den USA während der sog. Großen Depression und zeigt, dass die Krise eine Mobilisierung innerhalb der Demokratischen Partei bewirkt hat. Er vergleicht ihre Wahlergebnisse vor dem Hintergrund früherer Krisen und stellt fest, dass ihre wirtschaftspolitische Kompetenz häufig in Frage gestellt worden ist. Hingegen hat ihre radikale Wirtschaftspolitik während der Großen Depression die Wähler überzeugt und der Partei einen langen Machterhalt gewährleistet. Es wird argumentiert, dass nur ein tiefgreifender Wandel in der Wirtschaftspolitik in der Lage ist, Krisenerscheinungen zu überwinden. Ausgehend von dieser These wird die Wirtschaftspolitik und der Umgang mit der Krise von Seiten der Administration von Obama zur Diskussion gestellt. (ICB)

Takes the Kosovo crisis & NATO's intervention to describe a four-part model that bears on the problem of protecting against genocide. The model focuses on the need to (1) strengthen key actors; (2) articulate a visionary, convincing, & effective policy of prudent genocide prevention; (3) make a policy of carefully targeted & effective sanctions; & (4) develop & implement a sound philosophy of just humanitarian intervention. These facets are discussed in detail, bearing in mind that the collective responsibility to intervene outweighs considerations of sovereignty in cases of genocide. It is hoped that the model serves as an example of the role that political scientists & other scholars can play in supporting efforts to prevent genocide. J. Zendejas

"An der deutschen Politik bezüglich der Kosovo-Krise zeigt sich das gewandelte Selbstverständnis der Bundesrepublik. Der Autor zeigt die Entwicklung des Konflikts auf und zeichnet die deutsche Debatte um militärische Intervention nach." (Autorenreferat)

Considers Chechnya's quest for independence & the justification for the two wars fought. Some historical background is provided, asserting that the parallel postcommunist state-building trajectories of Russia & Chechnya resulted in the former's inadequate response to the latter's crisis. It is argued that despite competing sovereignty claims, war was not inevitable; however, personality clashes prevented any negotiated political regularization of the conflict. The first Chechen war, Chechnya's period of de facto independence, 1996-1999, & the second Chechen war are chronicled. An examination of the ethics of secession from the perspective of just war theory does not provide normative support for Chechen secession. In addition, while Russia may have had just case for the 1994 military intervention, it does not necessarily mean it fought a just war. Further, the Chechen case illustrates the importance of the nature of leadership in determining the violence level in new republics & their secessionist regions. The possibility of a resolution to the crisis that accommodated Chechnya & Russia is contemplated. J. Zendejas

"This article discusses procedural reforms that might help to relieve the crisis of legitimacy in contemporary societies. It argues, on the basis of theoretical reflections and the results of empirical research, that a deliberative extension of the representative democratic process is more recommendable than the further strengthening of direct democratic forms of decision-making, because deliberative processes offer the opportunity to decide e.g. on large-scale projects in a comprehensive and future-oriented way and promise to strengthen the decisions ' procedural legitimacy. At the end of the paper, the 'vhw-Städtenetzwerk' is described, a network of 15 German cities that plan to implement deliberative forums in 2012/2013 to strengthen their citizens' inclusion in the democratic process and their support of important political decisions." (author's abstract)

"The crisis in the transatlantic relations is perceived by many as a surprise. After the collapse of bipolar world and sweeping changes in political landscape in the '90s (the dissolution of the Warsaw Treaty Organization, dismembrance of the Soviet Union) it seemed that the toughest problems were behind us. What's more: no state in Europe was threatened by aggression from its neighbors. Any open conflicts were of a peripheral character (there remained certain unresolved disputes in the Balkans and the Caucasus). The relations between NATO and Russia had been set up in a qualitatively new way (as reflected by the NATO-Russia Council established in Pratica di Mare near Rome in May, 2002). All former totalitarian states dominated in the past by the Soviet Union had declared adherence to the same system of values (a political system based on democracy, market economy, rule of law, and respect for human and minority rights). That apparently idyllic picture was complemented by the conclusion of the EU Summit accession negotiations in Copenhagen (December, 2002), leading to enlargement of the Union by ten new members. In addition, the Atlantic Alliance at the Prague Summit (November, 2002) confirmed the extension of NATO by seven new members. This picture was distorted by the US-driven decision to intervene in Iraq without the clear-cut UN decision and with the strong opposition of some American allies in Europe. In fact, the so-called Iraqi crisis was really only partly about Iraq. The crisis over intervention in Iraq was in fact and still is a catalyst. What was really at stake was a set of more fundamental questions that the crisis brought to the surface that stem from the evolution and fundamental change of international system as such." (author's abstract)

In dem Beitrag wird untersucht, ob der Tatbestand einer unzureichenden Steuerung regulativer Politik gegeben ist. Zunächst werden der Weg des Interesses von den Inhalten zu den Instrumenten der Politik und die Typisierung der Instrumente staatlicher Intervention skizziert. Dabei wird kurz die Geschichte der regulativen Politik nachgezeichnet, um die faktische Bedeutung dieser Form politischer Steuerung für moderne Gesellschaften zu unterstreichen und damit zugleich die Bedeutung der Frage nach eventuellen Wirkungsschwächen zu betonen. Die Untersuchung dieser Wirkungsschwächen geht von der Feststellung aus, daß die Auswahl eines Instruments für die Lösung eines anstehenden Problems in einem doppelten Sinne kontingent ist: Einmal im Sinne Luhmanns; zum anderen im Sinne der Kontingenztheorie der Organisationen. Nach der Erläuterung dieser Feststellung wird die Ausgangsfrage präzisiert. Eine Krise der regulativen Politik könnte danach in zweifacher Weise entstehen: Das Instrumentarium regulativer Politik wird gewählt, obwohl es unter den gegebenen Umständen nicht zweckmäßig ist; als Folge der Erosion bisher bestehender Voraussetzungen. Beide Ursachen werden im folgenden diskutiert. Im weiteren werden die Gründe aufgeführt, warum die Folgebereitschaft der Normadressaten - ein weiteres Hindernis der Wirksamkeit regulativer Politik - zunehmend prekär wird. Die Ausführungen kommen zu dem Schluß: Die Grenzen für die erfolgreiche Anwendung des regulativen Instrumentariums sind heute enger gezogen, wobei die Gründe vor allem in Eigenheiten der zur Regelung anstehenden Probleme, in Merkmalen moderner Gesellschaftsstruktur und -dynamik und in damit wieder in Zusammenhang stehenden Reaktionstendenzen der Normadressaten bei regulativer Politik liegen. (RW)

Seeking to explain the systemic research applied to studying the dynamics of policy success & failure comparatively across sectors & countries, expert contributors study four policy areas -- the steel industry, health care, finance, & HIV & blood supply -- across six European countries -- France, Germany, the Netherlands, the UK, Spain, & Sweden. The study addresses the governance of decline, reform, innovation, & crisis in countries chosen for their differing approaches to governance -- consensual vs imposition relationships & anticipatory & active as opposed to reactive problem solving. Twenty-four case studies explored whether a government accomplished a goal-directed social intervention, adapted programs to changing circumstances, & controlled costs. Specific indicators of political failure or success are identified. A study of each case reveals symmetries or asymmetries in the relationship between programmatic & political success influenced by political structure, political culture, policy frames, governance task, & symbolic potential that forward the study of policy analytic research. 2 Tables, 2 Figures. L. A. Hoffman

Argues for the involvement of civil society actors in the global politics of environmental protection. Human & nonhuman production takes place in a socionatural web where social & ecological relations are unified, & this relationship has been interwoven since life on the planet began. However, the modern private factory/free market/proprietary technology regime has increased social production without ecological & social feedback mechanisms for remaining within ecosystem limits. The state & the market are both inadequate for slowing growth & improving the quality of the ecosystem. Civil society intervention is needed at the local, national, regional, & global levels. The activities of the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in promoting sustainable production & consumption of global forest products are explored as one such civil society actor. Its efforts are compared with that of the Standards Council of Canada (SCC)/Canadian Standards Assoc (CSA) to illustrate the relative weakness of state & industry response to the forest crisis. L. A. Hoffman

The silence that hangs over racial exclusion & abuse in the workplace & within labor unions in France gives little prospect of antiracist intervention. The French Democratic Workers' Confederation undertook a national inquiry to identify the ideology supporting the increasingly racist behavior among workers & union members. It was concluded that racist ideologists were taking advantage of the current economic & social crisis to encourage xenophobic attitudes. Such efforts have gained influence for the Front National, which was previously an insignificant political party. While unionists who desire to combat racism & xenophobia find that the definition of their unionist role limits their ability to act on work relations as long as they are under political influence, they can contest any racism implicit in work structures. Without support from their base, they risk isolation & may be better served by relying on federal or confederation structures to influence the social & political climate. 32 References. L. A. Hoffman

"First fissures in the West German industrial order were observed in the 1980s when unions divided over how to respond to persistend unemployment. Opposing the reduction od weekly working hours pursued by the left wind of the union movement, the Kohl government invited employers, works councils and dissenting unions to rely on the social security system for reducing the supply of labour. Simultaneously it took steps to curtail union power. For a short time, unification restored tripartite co-operation as government, business and labour worked hand in hand to transfer West German institutions to the new Länder of the east. The ensuing economic crisis, which was exacerbated by the accelerated internationalisation of European economies, drove a wedge in the employers' camp, caused a mismatch between institutionalised union strength and economic conditions, and forced the government to do something about rising social security expenditures and public debt. When in 1996 government attempts at consensual labour market and social security reform failed - mainly due to opposition in the government camp demanding more aggressive intervention - a solution was sought by unilateral legislation. Causing unprecedented union protest while falling short of business demands, it contributed to Kohl's defeat two years later." (excerpt)

In diesem Beitrag wird die aktuelle soziale Lage in Österreich einschließlich der drängenden sozialen Herausforderungen anhand der Dimensionen "soziale Ungleichheit und soziale Spaltung", "soziale Risiken und soziale Ungewissheit" sowie "soziale Bedürfnisse und soziale Probleme" analysiert. Wir skizzieren dann die Architektur des konservativen österreichischen Wohlfahrtsstaats. Vor allem seit der COVID-Krise werden neben dem traditionellen Instrumentarium sozialpolitischer Interventionen zunehmend diskretionäre Maßnahmen gesetzt. Aus den konstatierten Herausforderungen für die Sozialpolitik und den diagnostizierten Lücken in der Absicherung leiten wir Überlegungen zu einer progressiven Weiterentwicklung des österreichischen Sozialstaats ab, die sich aus den einleitend beschriebenen Dimensionen ableiten lassen: Den Herausforderungen "soziale Ungleichheit und soziale Spaltung" setzen wir die Zielsetzungen "soziale Gleichheit und Solidarität" entgegen. Den Herausforderungen "soziale Risiken und soziale Ungewissheit" stellen wir die Zielsetzungen "soziale Sicherheit und Schaffung von Freiräumen zur Lebensgestaltung" gegenüber. "Soziale Bedürfnisse und soziale Probleme" sollten adressiert werden, indem auf die Zielsetzungen "soziale Rechte und Daseinsvorsorge" fokussiert wird.

Argues that Michael Hardt & Antonio Negri's Empire (2000) may be "good to think" rather than "good to eat." The book is deemed compelling because it is homologous to certain tactical interventions in various social fields. Discussion centers on a double homology between Empire & multitude & between Empire's homologous form & contemporary money & finance, which looks to Claude Levi-Strauss's insistence on the integration of essence & form & the union of method & reality. Looking at Empire & finance capital in terms of theodicy, concerned with divine justice, sheds light on this double homology. Hardt & Negri's two modernities emphasizing God's transcendence vs God's immanence can be contrasted by turning to Augustine & Spinoza, from whom the two authors take inspiration. It is asserted that Empire is theodicy that rotates around the shift from "plenitude" to multitude & power reconfiguration. Hardt & Negri see the multitude, by virtue of a enervating utopianism, as the locus of the capitalist market. An examination of Islamic banking & tax evasion illustrates the practical & theoretical limits of Empire's laterality by exemplifying the reality that "God is immanent to the design, & a transcendental abstract justice is seen to reside in & be marked to the divine market." Regarding the Enron & similar scandals, the particular temporality of "mark-to-market" accounting is pointed up, & it is contended that if Hardt & Negri are right about the Empire-multitude homology, then Islamic bankers & tax evaders who exist in the crisis of market theodicy are also correct. Further, the homology between Empire & other social phenomena require attention to the tools of analysis because Empire & these phenomena operate in terms of an ontological complicity, forming a nomological machine (Nancy Cartwright, 1999). The sand dollar's homological relation to Christian myth is taken up as way to illuminate some ideas on the interrelationship between theodicy & morphology & to bring home the conclusion that Empire while good to think is not good to eat. J. Zendejas