Suchergebnisse

Pandemijska kriza uzrokovala je mnoge izazove na globalnoj razini. Europska unija pokušala je pravovremeno i optimalno odgovoriti na neke od izazova koji su zahvatili njezino područje, a autorica je uočila sljedeće: ekonomski pad; kriza zdravstvenog sektora; nepostojanje cjepiva; smanjenje mobilnosti građana unutar i izvan državnih granica; širenje dezinformacija te pitanje očuvanja europskih vrijednosti i propadanja demokracije. Uz to što će prikazati reakciju EU na pojedine izazove u 2020. godini, analizirat će i strategije triju država članica koje su primijenile različite pristupe borbi protiv virusa – strategiju Njemačke, Švedske i Mađarske. Autorica će doći do zaključka da je EU uspješno odgovorila na jedan dio navedenih izazova, dok je na drugi dio ipak mogla čvršće reagirati. U borbi s izazovima nije pomogla niti različitost strategija država članica, a neke od njih pronašle su i nove saveznike izvan EU. ; The pandemic crisis has caused many challenges on a global level. The European Union tried to respond in a timely and optimal manner to some of the challenges that affected its area, and the author detected the following: economic decline; health sector crisis; lack of vaccine; reducing the mobility of citizens inside and outside national borders; spreading misinformation and the issue of preserving European values and the decline of democracy. In addition to showing the EU's response to certain challenges in 2020, the strategies of the three member states that have applied different approaches to fighting the virus - strategies of Germany, Sweden and Hungary - will be analyzed. The author will come to the conclusion that the EU has successfully responded to one part of these challenges, while it could have reacted more strongly to the other part. The various strategies of the member states did not help in the fight against the challenges, and some of them even found new allies outside the EU.

The paper examines the role of social protection and social expenditure in the financial and economic crises. Accordingly, the objective of the paper was to analyse the trends in social expenditure developments in EU countries since the beginning of the last economic crisis (2008), examine changes in the composition of social protection spending during and following the crisis, and analyse the effectiveness of social protection schemes during and following the crisis in terms of poverty rate reduction. The paper confirmed that social protection expenditure has increased in almost all EU countries since the beginning of the crisis and that in the crisis most countries rely on redistributive effects of the so-called automatic stabilizers. Social expenditure developments during and following the crisis and the effectiveness of social protection in alleviating consequences of the crisis are related to the features of social protection models (regimes). Countries with larger social sectors are coping with the crisis more successfully. Economic, financial and social crises may induce changes in the social protection system. The crisis is an opportunity for countries with low social expenditure to widen the coverage of social schemes, set up new schemes or increase the level of benefits. As inappropriate crises management models fuel poverty and unemployment, and decrease economic growth, it is important to define the role of social protection/welfare state in a crisis management strategy. Among other things, a solution is to strengthen an approach where social expenditure is seen as social investments which may revitalize the role of social protection in the economic development. ; U radu se propituje uloga socijalne zaštite i socijalnih troškova u financijskim i ekonomskim krizama. Stoga je cilj rada bio istražiti trendove vezane za izdatke socijalne zaštite od početka posljednje ekonomske krize (2008.) u zemljama EU-a, istražiti promjene u strukturi troškova socijalne zaštite u kriznom i postkriznom razdoblju te analizirati učinkovitost programa socijalne zaštite u kriznom i postkriznom razdoblju s aspekta zaštite od siromaštva. Rad potvrđuje da su gotovo sve zemlje EU-a povećale troškove socijalne zaštite od početka krize te da se većina zemalja u krizi oslanja na redistributivne učinke tzv. automatskih stabilizatora. Obrasci kretanja izdataka socijalne zaštite u krizi i postkriznom razdoblju te učinkovitost socijalne zaštite u ublažavanju negativnih učinaka krize povezani su s obilježjima pojedinih modela (režima) socijalne zaštite. Zemlje s većim socijalnim sektorom uspješnije se nose s krizom. Ekonomske, financijske i socijalne krize mogu potaći promjene u socijalnoj zaštiti. Kriza je prigoda da zemlje s nižim troškovima socijalne zaštite prošire obuhvat programa, uvedu nove programe ili povećaju visinu naknada. S obzirom da loše upravljanje krizama samo povećava siromaštvo, nezaposlenost i smanjuje ekonomski rast, važno je definirati ulogu socijalne zaštite/države u okviru strategija upravljanja krizom. Među ostalim, rješenje je u pristupu koji u socijalnim izdacima vidi socijalne investicije koje mogu revitalizirati ulogu socijalne politike u ekonomskom razvoju.

The author explores the operational capability of the European defense policy in the last 3 years. From the creation & adoption of the European Security Strategy, the European Union has made several specific steps in the development of the European Security & Defence Policy. Despite the disagreements with the United States about Iraq & the internal divisions in the "New & Old Europe" EU has shown the ability to set new military & civilian goals, make a small, but effective battle group concept for crisis management & conflict prevention as well as the European Defense Agency. The author also describes the main operations & missions of EU in the world, ranging from the Balkans & Africa to the Middle East & Eastern Asia. Finally, the paper analyses the Constitution for Europe & the articles concerning ESDP. References. Adapted from the source document.

Zaštita kulturnoga dobra u izvanrednim situacijama provodi se u različitim područjima te ovisi o nizu informacija i postupaka koji ne nastaju isključivo unutar područja kulture. Različite dionike i postupke povezuju dokumentacija i dokumentiranje, a to su ujedno temeljni aspekti poslovanja AKM ustanova (arhivi, knjižnice i muzeji). Induktivnom analizom literature međunarodnih smjernica i hrvatskoga pravnoga okvira u ovom je radu analizirana uloga dokumentacije i preporučeni modeli dokumentiranja u izvanrednim situacijama. Zaključeno je da je uloga dokumentiranja u izvanrednim situacijama prepoznata kao važna, ali nedostatno raščlanjena te da su pojedini aspekti, poput dokumentiranja digitalnoga kulturnoga dobra tijekom izvanredne situacije, zanemareni. U završnom dijelu rada izdvojena su područja u kojima je potrebno provesti daljnja istraživanja. ; Creation and preservation of active and passive documentation are important activities embedded in the daily workflow of libraries, archives and museums (ALM). Also, documentation and documenting are integral parts of crisis management in the same context and important aspect of preventive conservation. The paper presents results of literary warrant analysis of relevant intrasectoral guidelines created by the following international organizations: International Council on Archives (ICA), International Council on Museums (ICOM), International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA) and International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM). Since Croatian ALM institutions operate within a legislative framework in which various regulations determine and prescribe professional actions this aspect was considered as well. The goal of the analysis was to detect types of documentation, models of documentation, the role and purpose of documentation in the context of preparation and response to an emergency. Furthermore, the objective was to analyse and critically reflect on the issue of documentation in crisis and emergency conceptualized in guidelines of abovementioned international organizations and prescribed by Croatian legislative regulations. For the purposes of the paper the pre- and post- crisis documentation was divided a) according to the creation period (i.e. documentation created before crisis, during/immediately after crisis and after crisis in recovery period) and b) according to the type and business function (i.e. professional and administrative-technicaldocumentation). Common trait to all international guidelines was the importance of planning documenting activities within the general plan for preparation on crisis situations as well as the emphasis on the need for standardized, accurate, reliable, available and reusable documentation. Since analysed guidelines from ICA, ICOM and ICA originate from similar time periods they reflect similar worldview and compared with more recent ICCROM recommendation lack in details. Lack of documentation (both pre- and post- crisis) is a widely accepted risk factor. Croatian legislation system, beside early ratification of the Hague protocols (which was enhanced by the damages on cultural heritage during Homeland War in 1990s) recognize importance of accurate and detailed inventories and lists of protected cultural goods, but at the same time lack in recognizing the importance of documenting the crisis as recommended in international guidelines. General lack of recognition is noticed in the area of documenting the digital cultural heritage in crisis, or even the issue of cybersecurity connected with digital cultural heritage as such. Finally, this study detects possible further areas of research which might include among others: use of archival historical data in analysis of past and model of simulation of future crisis, case analysis of documentation management during crisis, studies of institutional implementation of guidelines and recommendations, testing new technologies as support in documentation efforts and analysis of legal and business consequences in cases when documentation was not accurate, reliable or available during the crisis preparation and response. 

Today, crises strike corporations, political & government institutions & a plethora of organizations, as well as individuals. In this paper the authors analyze the types & the causes of crises, & strategies as crisis response. Some crises trigger off major & irreparable damage, & some can result in improved credibility (crisis as opportunity). Due to the significance of crises, today's management pays a lot of attention to crisis communication. Crises have, or at least ought to have, a strategic position in the life of organizations. Crises & crisis communication can be understood by means of using strategies as a crisis response. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Autor u radu kritički ocjenjuje napore poduzete u SAD radi pronalaženja rješenja za problem odlaganja visokoradioaktivnih otpadaka (HLW). Neuspjeh u vezi rješavanja ovog problema najviše je utjecao na nuklearnu industriju. Nezgoda koja se dogodila na Three Mile Island nuklearnoj elektrani usredotočila je pažnju javnosti na odnos između cijene koštanja i sigurnosti nuklearnih elektrana. Inflacija je, poticana umnogome i porastom cijene energiji, pogoršala financijsko stanje mnogih službi pri postrojenjima. Nakon naglog širenja, nuklearna industrija je pretrpjela osjetnu štednju i sve je više planiranih postrojenja otkazivano. Konačno, sumnjičavost javnosti u pogledu prirode i veličine jedne energetske krize je ublažena tvrdnjom o neophodnosti nuklearne energije za energetsku sigurnost Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Potreba da se uvaže takvi problemi je otežala nedavne napore za rješavanje problema s nuklearnim otpacima, dok neuspjeh da se ostvari solucija odlaganja i nadalje podriva javnu podršku nuklearnoj energiji. ; Nuclear technology has been used in the United States for the generation of electric power, the production of weapons, and in a variety of medical, research and industrial applications. The failure to solve the problem of nuclear waste disposal has, thus far, impacted most strongly on the nuclear power industry. The absence of a solution has interacted with and compounded the basic problems of the nuclear power industry. The nuclear power industry has suffered a number of set backs in recent years in the United States. The accident at Three Mile Island focused public concerns on the cost and safety of nuclear power. A decade of inflation, driven largely by sharp increases in energy costs, has severely strained the financial condition of many utilities. After a period of rapid expansion, the nuclear power industry has experienced a substantial retrenchment as more and more planned capacity is canceled. Finally, public skepticism about the nature and extent of an »energy crisis« has undercut the claim that nuclear power is essential to the future energy security of the United States. The need to address these problems has complicated recent efforts to resolve the nuclear waste problem, while the failure to achieve a disposal solution further undermines public support for nuclear power.

U razdoblju od 1944 do 1947. KPJ je imala rukovodeću ulogu u novom državnom aparatu, ali je postojalo i višestranačje. Dilema da li ovakav stranački pluralizam ili jednostranački sistem brzo i relativno lako je riješena u korist KPJ. U tom razdoblju stranački sistem u Jugoslaviji se najviše približio boljševičkom. Sukob sa Staljinom prisilio je rukovodstvo da potraži novi identitet jugoslavenskog društva, različit od birokratskog sovjetskog sistema, ali uz zadržavanje diskontinuiteta sa zapadnim tipom građanskih demokratskih društava. Tražio se tzv. treći put društvenog razvoja na terenu samoupravnog socijalizma. KPJ je donjela odluku o vlastitoj preobrazbi u SKJ, ali se nije bitno izmijenila niti vlastitom ulogom niti organizacijskom strukturom. Polovicom 1950. lansirana je teza o odumiranju države, ali nerazvijenoj društvenoj praksi i dogmatskom teorijskom nasljeđu korespondirale su i nerazvijene teorijske rapsrave o bitnim problemima odumiranja države. Nakon kratkotrajnih inicijalnih rezultata smanjivanja uloge i funkcije države, nastupaju duga razdoblja jačanja države. Država je ostala sila iznad institucionalnih oblika samoupravljanja. Ustavom 1974. oktroiran je tzv. integralni sistem socijalističkog samoupravljanja. U takvom sistemu, ali i zbog njega, razgara se duboka i dugotrajna društvena kriza. Usprkos čestim promjenama politički sistem reproducirao je stare birokratske insitutcije koje su onemogućavale provođenje dubljih društvenih promjena. Dominacija politike nad ekonomijom nije dozvoljavala da se faktički radi na deetatizaciji i debirokratizaciji političkog sistema. Prelaz na razvijeni model parlamentarne demokracije bio je neophodan, ali je vrlo dramatičan. ; In the period from 1944 to 1947 the KPJ (Communist Party of Yugoslavia) played the leading role in the new government, but the multi-party system also existed The dilemma of choosing between such party pluralism and the one-party system was quickly and relatively easily resolved in favour of the KPJ. In this period the party system in Yugoslavia had come closest to the Bolshevist system. The conflict with Stalin compelled the leadership to search for a new identity of the Yugoslav society, different from the bureaucratic Soviet system, but retaining the discontinuity with the Western type civil democratic societies. What was sought after was the so-called third road of social development on the pounds of self-managing socialism. The KPJ decided to transform itself into the SKJ (League of Communists of Yugoslavia), but in essence it neither changed its role nor organizational structure. In the mid-fifties the withering away of the state concept was launched, but the undeveloped social practice and dogmatic theoretical legacy was also accompanied by undeveloped theoretical debates about the crucial problems concerning the dying away of the state. After short-lived initial results in reducing the role and function of the state, came long periods in which the state strengthened its power. The state remained a force above the institutional forms of self-management. With the 1974 Constitution the so-called integral system of socialist self-management was octroyed In such a system, but also due to it, a deep and long lasting social crisis had flamed up. In spite of frequent changes, the political system reproduced old bureaucratic institutions which prevented deeper social changes from taking place. The domination of politics over economy did not permit work to be done on the deetatization and debureaucratization of the political system The transition to the developed model of parliamentary democracy was indispensable but it has been very dramatic.

Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne zajednice uključeni u sprječavanju sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije svojim pravnopolitičkim mehanizmima navedeno načelo koje predstavljalo razloge/polazište svih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije nisu znale i mogle zaštiti. Činjenica djelovanja međunarodne zajednice, prvenstveno Europske ekonomske zajednice/Europske unije u skladu s izvorima europskog i međunarodnog javnog prava, te koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme koji su upravo proizlazili iz navedenih izvora, a bez mogućnosti fizičke, stvarne primjene istih prema onima na koje se odnosilo, kao i neaktivnost u angažiranju od početaka sukoba od strane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, stvarali su subjektivni dojam da ne postoji politička volja oko temeljnih pitanja ključnih za sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira, kao ni volja zaštite međunarodnog prava na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Upravo željom za globalnom dominacijom u novom svjetskom poretku, kao i činjenica dokazivanja Europi da ne može samostalno upravljati i rješavati krize na svom području, Sjedinjene Američke Države preuzele su aktivnu ulogu u rješavanju krize koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme u skladu s odredbama međunarodnog javnog prava, čime su spriječile daljnje sukobe/ratove i postigle mir. Političkom reaktivacijom u odnosu na prostor bivše Jugoslavije, Sjedinjene Američke Države jasno su dokazale svoju političku dominaciju u rješavanju i "upravljanju krizom" na tlu Europe, a ujedno su očuvale svoj i kredibilitet NATO-a i same Europske unije. ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of acting through legal and political mechanisms of an international community, namely the actions the European Economic Community (later known as the European Union) had undertaken to prevent conflicts and achieve peace on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1990 and the first signs of a crisis up to the end of the armed conflicts/wars in 1995 and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Just when the first signs of the crisis and the first armed conflicts began to appear in the former Yugoslavia, the European Economic Community created the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Also, the Yugoslav crisis took place in parallel with the creation of a new united Europe that faced the challenge of proving to be a regional and global force in the creation of the world policy, as well as proving its ability to independently resolve possible conflicts within its territory without interference from the policy of the United States. The Yugoslav crisis, later manifested in armed conflicts and wars, was a test of the institutional system of the former and future united Europe, a guideline for the institutional development of the European Economic Community, and an indicator of the inability to implement the adopted policies/decisions that would resolve the crisis and prevent conflicts. Armed conflicts/wars and the crisis in the former Yugoslavia were eventually contrary to the spirit of the future united Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inability to find a solution to end the crisis and armed conflicts, as well as to achieve peace, raised the issue of sustainability of such a community. Redrawing the borders perforce by the local policies in the former Yugoslavia with the aim to ensure the settlement of one nation in one state was contrary to the principle of uti possidetis iuris and the rule of law relied upon by the modern Europe after World War II. The European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as well as all the other members of the international community engaged in conflict prevention and achieving peace in the former Yugoslavia, did not know how to use their legal and political mechanisms to protect the aforesaid principle which represented the reasons/starting point for all the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The action of the international community, primarily the European Economic Community/European Union in line with the sources of European and international public law, using the legal and political mechanisms stemming from the aforesaid sources, without the possibility of their actual implementation, as well as the USA's decision not to engage in the conflict from the beginning, created a subjective impression that there is no political will to tackle issues crucial for conflict prevention, achieving peace, and protecting international law in the former Yugoslavia. It was the desire for global domination in the new world order and the desire to show Europe the independence in managing and addressing the crises in its territory that enabled the USA to take an active role in addressing the crisis by using legal and political mechanisms in line with international public law provisions, which prevented further conflicts/wars and ensured peace. Political reactivation in the former Yugoslavia enabled the USA to clearly demonstrate its political domination in "crisis management" in Europe, whilst preserving its own credibility as well as the credibility of NATO and the European Union.

Budućnost Zapadnog Balkana u svjetlu evropske integracije umnogome počiva na nizu različitih faktora koji nijesu dominantno i jedino vezani za same države ovog regiona. Iako sam proces integracije u EU presudno zavisi od spremnosti i sposobnosti država kandidata i potencijalnih kandidata da sprovedu sve potrebne reforme, transponuju pravnu tekovinu i ostvare tzv. evropski standard u zakonodavstvu i u praksi, on se ne odvija u vakuumu. Prije svega treba imati na umu da će razvoj situacije unutar Evropske unije imati značajnog uticaja na brzinu, dubinu i kvalitet ulaska preostalih balkanskih zemalja u Uniju. Evropska unija odnosno njezine države članice su te koje određuju i postavljaju pravila, te i snose najveću odgovornost za politiku proširenja. Pored toga ne smiju se zanemariti ni uticaji trećih strana koji su sve primjetniji i akutniji u regionu. Usporavanje reformi, evropsko upravljanje krizama, pojačana ili slabija uloga trećih aktera, sve to će bitno odrediti kakav proces evrointegracije predstoji u narednim godinama te, u skladu s time, i način na koji će on uticati na stabilnost i budućnost samih zemalja proširenja. U tom smislu, Zapadni Balkan istovremeno živi u promjenljivim stvarnostima koje donose različite ishode i mogućnosti. Ovaj članak, pored pregleda stanja na Zapadnom Balkanu, stoga daje i moguće scenarije za budući period. ; This article deals with the future of the Western Balkans in the light of a number of different factors that are not solely and purely connected to the countries of the region. Although the very process of integration into the EU is predominantly dependant on the readiness and the ability of the candidate and potential candidate countries to implement all the needed reforms, transpose the acquis and achieve the so-called European standard in legislation and in practice, the process is not being conducted in a vacuum. First of all, we should bear in mind that the development of the situation within the EU shall have crucial impact on the speed, depth and quality of the entrance of the remaining Balkan countries into the Union. Apart from that, we cannot ignore the influences of the third actors, which have become more visible and acute in the region. The EU and its Member States are the ones that define and set up the rules, therefore they bear most of the responsibility for the Enlargement Policy. Laggardness in reforms, EU crisis management, a stronger or weaker role of the third actors – all this shall determine what kind of process of European integration we shall have in the next years, and in line with it, the manner in which the process shall influence the stability and future of the enlargement countries. In this context, the Western Balkans simultaneously lives in variable realities that bring different outcomes and possibilities. This article, apart from the presentation of the situation in the Western Balkans, offers possible scenarios for the future.

Ovaj rad će analizirati kako i u kojoj mjeri države kandidatkinje, tj. Crna Gora usklađuje svoju vanjsku politiku sa ZVSP-om i ZSOP-om. Teorijski okvir će biti formiran oko dva temeljna alternativna koncepta – upravljanje iz pozicije države i višerazinsko upravljanje. Također, u radu će se ukratko prikazati kako je Lisabonski ugovor utjecao na ZVSP i ZSOP i stvorio ono što imamo danas. Nakon toga, predstavit će se usklađivanje crnogorske vanjske politike s EU, s posebnim naglaskom na nametnute sankcije u odnosu na na situaciju u Ukrajini, zbog višeslojnih odnosa između Crne Gore i Rusije. Sve ovo treba nam omogućiti zaključak utječu li i do koje mjere ZVSP i ZSOP na crnogorsku vanjsku politiku i njene postulate. ; The preamble of the Montenegrin constitution states that the Montenegrins are committed to European integrations, and that they share the same values and aims with the people of Europe. The government of Montenegro confirmed dedication to the European path by signing on 15 October 2007 a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA ), thereby accepting responsibility for its European future. Montenegrin European path is advancing steadily and until now eighteen of thirty-five negotiating Chapters have been opened, out which two Chapters have been provisionally closed. EU Member states devoted themselves to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), as well as to the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), with which they are strengthening the EU 's external ability to act through the development of civilian and military capabilities in conflict prevention and crisis management. The acquis consists of political declarations, decisions and agreements, and member states must be able to support political dialogue in the framework of the policies, to align with EU statements, to take part in EU decisions and to apply agreed sanctions and restrictive measures. Montenegrin officials stated that, with respect to the EU policies vis-à-vis other third countries and regions, the country would not have difficulties in implementing CFSP and CSDP positions, yet, they expressed their commitment to be ready to fully and actively participate in the EU 's policies by the date of accession. Montenegro, also colloquially called 'the EU 's good student', in its accession process is already aligning with the EU 's policies. This paper will conduct an analysis with respect to how and to what extent the candidate countries, i.e. Montenegro is aligning its foreign policy with the EU 's CFSP and CSDP. Theoretical framework will be built around two basic alternative conceptions – state-centric governance and multi-level governance, which will establish a base for our further analysis. Also, this paper will briefly present how the treaty of Lisbon impacted the CFSP and CSDP and created what we have today. Afterwards, I will present all alignments of the Montenegrin foreign policy with the EU 's, with a special emphasis on the imposed sanctions in view of the situation in Ukraine, due to the multi-layered ties between Montenegro and Russia. All this should enable us to draw a conclusion if and to what extent EU 's CFSP and CSDP are affecting and changing Montenegrin foreign policy and its postulates.

In this article, the author presents the content and principal ideas of Strpic's book on Karl Marx and the political economy of modernity, Karl Marx i politicka ekonomija Moderne. The author analyzes the book, its ideas and its significance within the context of an evaluation of the status and trends in political and economic thought in Croatia during a time of so-called transition, i.e. the process of restoration of crony capitalism. He criticizes the neoliberal school and its Economics, which has pushed aside and replaced Political Economy in the instruction at many university social science departments. The author considers Strpic's book a major contribution to the reaffirmation of Political Economy to its theoretical and scholarly status. He faults Strpic for not including in his analysis the results of scholarly research conducted by Croatian economists whose views complement his own. The current crisis of the neoliberal school, its Economics and the economic crisis in Croatia may serve as a means to reaffirm Political Economy, or rather to turn back from Economics in favor of Political Economy in scholarship and in the education of political scientists, legal scholars and economists. The author puts forth the thesis on the need to separate Political Economy from ideocracy. In this context, he advocates the reaffirmation of Political Economy as both a scientific discipline and as a skill in the management of national economies. Adapted from the source document.

U političkome trenutku kada se Europska unija percipira kao specifična politička organizacija kompleksnoga multirazinskog sustava vlasti koji prevladava nacionalne i manjinske probleme, pojavile su se tendencije unutarnjega identitetskog i političkog komešanja kod pojedinih država članica. Španjolska predstavlja izuzetan primjer recentne političke nestabilnosti proizvedene uslijed najava referendumskih izjašnjavanja građana Katalonije o potencijalnoj neovisnosti. Ekonomska kriza koja je pogodila Španjolsku zasigurno je katalizator spomenutih tendencija, ali nipošto jedini ili odlučujući faktor u političkome zahtjevu za neovisnošću ili barem povećanom autonomijom unutar Španjolske. Potonja ima dugu povijest sukobljavanja centralističkih i regionalno-federalističkih tradicija, a njezina identitetska kompleksnost nipošto ne odgovara centralističkomu sustavu vlasti i političke teritorijalizacije. Stoga su izazovnost tematike španjolskoga regionalnog modela, njegova problematika i zahtjevi za revidiranjem suviše važna tematika koja zahtijeva pažljivo proučavanje mnoštva aspekata koje ovaj model podrazumijeva. Ovaj rad nema namjeru sveobuhvatne analize španjolskoga regionalnog ustrojstva, već kratak presjek najznačajnijih elemenata koji su reaktualizirani u novijim događajima te njihovo smještanje u odgovarajuće teorijske modele radi lakšega razumijevanja i interpretacije. ; In today's political situation when the European Union is percevied as a specific political organization with a complex multilevel system of authority which overcomes national and minority problems, certain identity and political restlesness started to emerge in some member states. Spain is an excellent example of recent political instability created due to the announcement of the citizens referendum on potential self-determination in Catalonia. Economic crisis which has affected Spain is definitely a catalyst of the mentioned tendencies, but by no means the only and decisive factor in the political claims for independence or at least greater autonomy within Spain. The latter has a long history of conflict between centralist and regional-federal traditions, and the complexity of its identity in no way corresponds to the centralized system of government and political territorialization. Therefore, the challenging themes of Spanish regional model, its problems and requirements for its revisionism are extremely important issues which require careful study from multiple aspects that such model implies. This paper is not a comprehensive analysis of Spanish regional organization, but a brief overview of its most significant elements reaffirmed in the most recent events as well as their positioning within appropriate theorethical models for easier understanding and interpretation.

Hrvatska je 2002. godine provela radikalnu reformu mirovinskog sustava privatizacijom dijela javnog sustava, takozvani II. stup definiranih doprinosa, te uvođenjem i III. dobrovoljnog stupa. Reforma je provedena po modelu Svjetske banke slično kao i u drugim tranzicijskim zemljama. Za razliku od drugih tranzicijskih zemalja, hrvatski je sustav preživio krizu i u njemu nisu poduzimane značajnije dodatne reforme. U tekstu se tematizira korist i potreba provođenja evaluacija ovako opsežnih reformi kao razvoj politike utemeljene na dokazima. U tom kontekstu, analiziraju se mirovinske reforme u zemljama višegradske skupine (Poljska, Slovačka i Mađarska) gdje je pod utjecajem krize ukinuto obvezno članstvo u II. stupu. Glede politike mirovinskih reformi, u ovim zemljama na djelu je proces konvergencije. Rasprave o privatizaciji mirovinskog sustava sežu u prvu polovicu 1990-ih, a uvođenjem II. stupa govorilo se o razvoju tržišta kapitala, poticanju gospodarskog razvoja, novog zapošljavanja te većih mirovina. Premda je bilo političkih planova o privremenom zaustavljanju uplata u II. stup, on je preživio krizu. Suočena s manjim mirovinama iz I. i II. stupa za dobrovoljne drugostupaše od mirovina iz I. stupa vlada je dala dodatak dragovoljnim drugostupašima koji se vraćaju u I. stup. Reformom 2018. znatan dio dodatka imaju i obvezni drugostupaši. Analiza javnog diskursa govori da su glavne dnevne novine dio medijske kampanje obveznih mirovinskih fondova (OMF), zapravo društava za upravljanje mirovinskim fondovima, i u njima nema mjesta za drugačije mišljenje o II. stupu. U tekstu se analiziraju operativni troškovi društava za upravljanje OMF-ima, dominanta ulaganja u države obveznice čime se povećava javni dug te, imajući u vidu javne podatke, tranzicijski trošak. Zaključno se vrednuju dometi mirovinske reforme s nalazima evaluacije koji ukazuju na neodrživost II. stupa te njegovu reformu kao u spomenutim tranzicijskim zemljama. ; In 2002 Croatia implemented a radical pension system reform through privatization of a part of the public system, the so-called second pillar of defined contributions and the introduction of the third voluntary pillar. The reform was implemented according to the World Bank model, similarly as in other countries in transition. Unlike other countries in transition, the Croatian system survived the crisis and no other significant additional reform was undertaken in it. The text analyses the use and need of conducting an evaluation of such comprehensive reforms as a policy development based on evidence. In that context, the paper examines pension reforms in the Visegrád Group countries (Poland, Slovakia and Hungary) where the mandatory participation in the second pillar was cancelled due to the crisis. With regard to pension reform policies, these countries are undergoing a convergence process. Discussions about the pension system privatization date back to the first part of the 1990s, and the introduction of the mandatory second pillar opened debates about the capital market development, stimulation of economic growth, new employment and larger pensions. Although there were some political plans to temporarily halt payments to the second pillar, it survived the crisis. Faced with the pensions from the first and second pillars for voluntary second tier participants that were smaller than the pensions from the first pillar only, the government gave an increase to the second tier participants returning to the first pillar. The 2018 reform provided a considerable part of the increase for the mandatory second tier participants. The public discourse analysis shows that main daily newspapers serve as a part of the media campaign of the mandatory pension funds, actually pension fund management companies, and there is no place for different opinions about the second pillar in them. The paper analyses the operative costs of pension fund management companies, dominant investments in government bonds which increases public debt and, bearing in mind publicly available data, the costs of transition. Finally, pension reform aims are assessed against evaluation findings that point to the unsustainable second pillar and its reform similar to the reforms in aforementioned countries.

In the 1960s, the golden age of development in Europe came to an end, the socialist economies failed to adapt to the new situation and began to reform their economic system. The Yugoslav federal leadership announced economic reforms in 1961 and 1965, considered to be the best programme of economic reform and modernization during the institutional development of the Second socialist Yugoslavia. The self management system was based on the premises that the state control of the economy and planning should be replaced by contractual bargains among socially-owned enterprises, indicative planning and market mechanism. Kraigher's reform (1965) strengthened the developmental principles and the position of industry as the leading economic activity on the one hand and stabilisation programme on the other. However, the stabilisation policy failed to live up to expectations, and its restrictive measures created new imbalances. Kraigher's reform deepened the economic volatility, economic growth declined, while inflation and foreign debt swelled rapidly. The federal government made no particular efforts to remedy the situation and resolve the problems. In the late 1960s, the Yugoslav economic miracle came to an end. The communist authorities were preparing the grounds for constitutional ammendments, and enforced the adoption where federal communist leadership disciplined the proponents of economic reform and liberal market policies. The socialist economies, like modern EU states (Great Recession 2008-2013), failed to respond to the crisis immediately and with resolute action. This was a key reason for the disintegration of the Second Yugoslavia and could be the new form of balkanisation of EU. Adapted from the source document.

Višestruke krizne pojave u jugoslavenskom društvu zahvatile su i međunacionalne odnose i utječu na jačanje »regresivnih nacionalizma«. Polazeći od pretpostavke da jedan oblik »regresivnog nacionalizma« (partikularizam) izaziva reakciju drugog (unitarizam), autor opširno analizira rezultate istraživanja slovenskog javnog mnijenja 1982. godine povodom događaja na Kosovu, kako se ti događaji reflektiraju na etničku distancu u Sloveniji, stavove i informiranost o međunacionalnim odnosima. Oslanjajući se na te rezultate i na opservacije drugih autora o jugoslavenskoj krizi, autor zaključuje da je potrebno jačati netradicionalne mehanizme integracije; reorganizirati zatvorene i neadaptivne ekonomske sisteme bez konkurentskih sposobnosti, provesti složenu operacionalizaciju samoupravnih načela i integracijsku ulogu SK što više razvijati mimo administrativne sile. ; Multi-fold crises in the Yugoslav society have encompassed inter-ethnic relations and they have an impact on the strengthening of »regressive nationalisms«. Starting from the assumption of a form of »regressive nationalism« (particularism) provoking the reaction in the form of another (unitarism), the author attempts a detailed analysis of the results of public opinion survey in Slovenia of 1982 with respect to the events in Kosovo, emphasizing the reflection of those events on the ethnical distance in Slovenia, on attitudes and information with respect to inter-ethnic relations. On the basis of those results and observations of other authors in relation to the Yugoslav crisis, the author concludes that non-traditional mechanisms of integration have to be strengthened; closed and inadaptive economic systems :— having no competitive abilities — have to be reorganized; the complex operationalization of the self-management principles yet has to be implemented and the integrative role of the League of Communists has to be developed exempt from administrative powers.