What Determined Chancellor A. Merkel's Position on the Migrant Crisis? This paper examines Merkel's leadership during the Migrant Crisis. In my masters Thesis, I relied on the analysis already performed, namely in purifying the Chancellor's personality, the peculiarities and features of her management, and the exceptional qualities of a leader. Additionally, the very concept of leadership used in the work, its operationalisation. This work will also refine the success indicators of the migrant crisis management and the empirical part, which will apply analytical and qualitative models and consistently present Merkel's decisions during crisis management, as well as analyse the decisions' success in retrospect - what led to the Chancellor's key decisions during the crisis. As the German Chancellor has been and continues to be one of the European Union's key decision-makers, her role and analysis of her decisions is particularly relevant given that the issue of military action in Syria and Turkey's disagreements with the EU / NATO is once again high on the European agenda.
What Determined Chancellor A. Merkel's Position on the Migrant Crisis? This paper examines Merkel's leadership during the Migrant Crisis. In my masters Thesis, I relied on the analysis already performed, namely in purifying the Chancellor's personality, the peculiarities and features of her management, and the exceptional qualities of a leader. Additionally, the very concept of leadership used in the work, its operationalisation. This work will also refine the success indicators of the migrant crisis management and the empirical part, which will apply analytical and qualitative models and consistently present Merkel's decisions during crisis management, as well as analyse the decisions' success in retrospect - what led to the Chancellor's key decisions during the crisis. As the German Chancellor has been and continues to be one of the European Union's key decision-makers, her role and analysis of her decisions is particularly relevant given that the issue of military action in Syria and Turkey's disagreements with the EU / NATO is once again high on the European agenda.
The paper aims at contributing to discussion regarding the role of the civilian Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions. The EU intends to strengthen itself as a provider of international security, although its CSDP related capabilities are under constant criticism. The paper has two tasks: first, to provide information about the place of CSDP civilian missions in EU crisis management efforts, and second, identify the benefits provided by such missions to the goals of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Presumably, the impact of the missions could be traced following the deve- lopments in the host countries assessed by internationally recognisable inde- xes. The study hints at some reasons why the missions are beneficial throw description of civilian EU crisis management procedures, information con- cerning the capability development, depiction of existing civilian missions and finally and, the most important, by attempts to assess the impact of some on-going CSDP civilian missions in particular areas.
The paper aims at contributing to discussion regarding the role of the civilian Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions. The EU intends to strengthen itself as a provider of international security, although its CSDP related capabilities are under constant criticism. The paper has two tasks: first, to provide information about the place of CSDP civilian missions in EU crisis management efforts, and second, identify the benefits provided by such missions to the goals of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Presumably, the impact of the missions could be traced following the deve- lopments in the host countries assessed by internationally recognisable inde- xes. The study hints at some reasons why the missions are beneficial throw description of civilian EU crisis management procedures, information con- cerning the capability development, depiction of existing civilian missions and finally and, the most important, by attempts to assess the impact of some on-going CSDP civilian missions in particular areas.
The paper aims at contributing to discussion regarding the role of the civilian Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions. The EU intends to strengthen itself as a provider of international security, although its CSDP related capabilities are under constant criticism. The paper has two tasks: first, to provide information about the place of CSDP civilian missions in EU crisis management efforts, and second, identify the benefits provided by such missions to the goals of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Presumably, the impact of the missions could be traced following the deve- lopments in the host countries assessed by internationally recognisable inde- xes. The study hints at some reasons why the missions are beneficial throw description of civilian EU crisis management procedures, information con- cerning the capability development, depiction of existing civilian missions and finally and, the most important, by attempts to assess the impact of some on-going CSDP civilian missions in particular areas.
The aim of the article is to discuss different strategies of managing fiscal crisis and concomitant PM reforms to support austerity measures in Lithuania, underlining strategic management component in particular. The case study of Lithuania is presented and analysed seeking to distil some important conclusions and lessons learned. The Lithuanian government took the following approach to reform the strategic management system in a time of fiscal crisis: introduced effective mechanism to implement policy priorities, changed the way the budgets are allocated from appropriations to budgets based on results and priorities and attempted to enhance results based culture via reform of the civil service system. The Lithuanian government decided on a small handful of policy priorities and was relatively successful at establishing an effective mechanism for the formulation and implementation of these priorities, however, the efforts to introduce senior civil service as an important target group for advancing coordination and overcoming sectorial boundaries was not successful.
The aim of the article is to discuss different strategies of managing fiscal crisis and concomitant PM reforms to support austerity measures in Lithuania, underlining strategic management component in particular. The case study of Lithuania is presented and analysed seeking to distil some important conclusions and lessons learned. The Lithuanian government took the following approach to reform the strategic management system in a time of fiscal crisis: introduced effective mechanism to implement policy priorities, changed the way the budgets are allocated from appropriations to budgets based on results and priorities and attempted to enhance results based culture via reform of the civil service system. The Lithuanian government decided on a small handful of policy priorities and was relatively successful at establishing an effective mechanism for the formulation and implementation of these priorities, however, the efforts to introduce senior civil service as an important target group for advancing coordination and overcoming sectorial boundaries was not successful.
The aim of the article is to discuss different strategies of managing fiscal crisis and concomitant PM reforms to support austerity measures in Lithuania, underlining strategic management component in particular. The case study of Lithuania is presented and analysed seeking to distil some important conclusions and lessons learned. The Lithuanian government took the following approach to reform the strategic management system in a time of fiscal crisis: introduced effective mechanism to implement policy priorities, changed the way the budgets are allocated from appropriations to budgets based on results and priorities and attempted to enhance results based culture via reform of the civil service system. The Lithuanian government decided on a small handful of policy priorities and was relatively successful at establishing an effective mechanism for the formulation and implementation of these priorities, however, the efforts to introduce senior civil service as an important target group for advancing coordination and overcoming sectorial boundaries was not successful.
The aim of the article is to discuss different strategies of managing fiscal crisis and concomitant PM reforms to support austerity measures in Lithuania, underlining strategic management component in particular. The case study of Lithuania is presented and analysed seeking to distil some important conclusions and lessons learned. The Lithuanian government took the following approach to reform the strategic management system in a time of fiscal crisis: introduced effective mechanism to implement policy priorities, changed the way the budgets are allocated from appropriations to budgets based on results and priorities and attempted to enhance results based culture via reform of the civil service system. The Lithuanian government decided on a small handful of policy priorities and was relatively successful at establishing an effective mechanism for the formulation and implementation of these priorities, however, the efforts to introduce senior civil service as an important target group for advancing coordination and overcoming sectorial boundaries was not successful.
The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.
The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.
The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.
The aim of this article is to analyze the process of establishing ordinance regulations in Polish municipalities and their role as a tool to protect local security. The article points to the essence of local security, and distinguishes and characterizes the individual levels of implementation, by local authorities, of tasks in the field of local security protection (crisis management, tasks implemented in emergency states, and tasks carried out under the standard operation of local government bodies). Against this background the verification of the statutory and subjective scope of establishing ordinance regulations in municipalities, the reasons for establishment of these provisions, and the principles legitimizing the process of their adoption were established. In order to undertake the research outlined above, the current normative acts and literature on the subject were reviewed, allowing for critical analysis. In turn, the synthesis of collected research material made it possible to form conclusions and final remarks.
The aim of this article is to analyze the process of establishing ordinance regulations in Polish municipalities and their role as a tool to protect local security. The article points to the essence of local security, and distinguishes and characterizes the individual levels of implementation, by local authorities, of tasks in the field of local security protection (crisis management, tasks implemented in emergency states, and tasks carried out under the standard operation of local government bodies). Against this background the verification of the statutory and subjective scope of establishing ordinance regulations in municipalities, the reasons for establishment of these provisions, and the principles legitimizing the process of their adoption were established. In order to undertake the research outlined above, the current normative acts and literature on the subject were reviewed, allowing for critical analysis. In turn, the synthesis of collected research material made it possible to form conclusions and final remarks.
The global outbreak of the COVID-19 virus has caused a major crisis affecting the population, economies and health systems. Travelling restrictions, suspended business activities, lack of healthcare measures and loss of revenue are linked to the effects of the COVID-19 crisis. The pandemic impacted increase of unemployment, decrease of exports and imports as well as negative changes in consumer pricing and number of bankruptcies. COVID-19 has affected not only economic activities but also had a strong impact on human health with a high number of deaths. Global COVID-19 crisis management included tax and public protection measures, the application of fiscal policy also played an important role. Fiscal measures adopted to manage the consequences of the pandemic included wage support, business assistance, tax deferrals, social benefits for the most vulnerable groups of population. Fiscal policy measures applied by the states, depended on the epidemiological situation in the country, country capacities and identified priority areas. The scientific research articles summarizes national actions and measures which were applied to reduce the consequences of COVID-19, as well as analyzes the relevance of fiscal policy. After completing the analysis of the scientific sources, the aim of this final project was identified to be the – investigation of the impact of fiscal measures in order to reduce the effects of COVID-19. The object of the research – fiscal policy measures in the context of COVID-19. COVID-19 virus spread worldwide at the end of the 1st quarter of 2020. Currently recorded over a million deaths caused by the virus. Analysis of statistical data showed significant increase in unemployment in the second quarter of 2020. Also, the volume of imports and exports decreased significantly. The increase in bankruptcies was also noticeable but at the same time new companies were emerging. The world's authorities have actively responded to the spread of the virus and taken urgent actions. The IMF provided financial assistance to the countries affected by the pandemic, the EU took steps to ensure population health protection, measures to stop the spread of the virus, disinformation and supported development of vaccines (Goniewicz et al. 2020). Fiscal policy is implemented through the government expenditure and use of revenue to influence the economy (IMF, 2020). The importance of fiscal policy has become apparent during the recent financial crisis, when countries have taken steps to increase spending and cut taxes to suspend the effects of the crisis. In the case of the COVID-19 crisis, the focus is on health care, income maintenance and the provision of social benefits and business support. Researches shown that fiscal policy based on increase in government spending is most appropriate for analyzing GDP, debt-to-GDP ratios, deficit-to-GDP ratios. Also, analyzing the changes in Lithuanian real estate prices, it is assumed that the fiscal measures adopted during the COVID-19 pandemic had an impact on the smaller decline of housing prices. In the United States, fiscal measures focused on unemployment insurance, unconditional benefits and liquidity-providing measures are expected to have had the greatest impact on COVID-19 crisis management. After analysis of scientific resources was decided to analyze the effectiveness of fiscal policy measures applied during the COVID-19 crisis. After assessing the limitations of the study, the analysis is performed taking Lithuania for a case study, analyzing household consumption and long-term loan interests and their reaction to the COVID-19 economic stimulus measures. The study showed that household consumption was significantly affected by the "Plan of Measures for Economic Stimulation and Mitigation of the Spread of Coronavirus (COVID-19)", identified in 2nd aim content. Without appropriate economic stimulus measures, household consumption would be lower by about 14% in the 2nd quarter of 2020, lower by about 3% in the 3rd quarter of 2020 and lower by 4.4% in the last quarter of 2020. Analyzing the changes in long-term loan interest rates, it is assumed that this indicator changes can be explained by social benefits and liquidity ratios, therefore, without the application of these economic stimulus measures, long-term loan interest rates would be 177% lower (-0.2%) in the 2nd quarter of 2020. In the 3rd quarter of 2020, long-term loan interest rates would reach -0.39%, and in the last quarter would reach -0.02%. Thus, household consumption and long-term loan interest rates are significantly affected by the 2nd and 3rd aims of the COVID-19 consequence reduction plan prepared by Lithuania, which seeks to preserve income of the population and help businesses to maintain liquidity. In terms of global analysis, there was decided to analyze COVID-19 fiscal plans in other countries. The analysis of the fiscal plans revealed that Germany accounted for the largest share of fiscal measures (30% GDP), Sweden (16% of GDP), Austria (about 13% of GDP), France (10% of GDP). Analyzing the structure of fiscal plans, it is assumed that the largest amount of funds is allocated for business assistance, and the smaller part – for population. In the case of Lithuania, the study showed that measures to preserve the income of the population have the greatest impact on changes in household consumption. Greece (around 2% of GDP) and France (around 1.4% of GDP) accounted for the largest share of funds allocated to the population. Long-term loan interest rates are significantly affected by measures supporting business and the population. In Germany, France, Finland, Lithuania, Sweden, Austria and Greece most funds were allocated to businesses. The research has shown that the economic stimulus measures put in place during the COVID-19 pandemic did not stop the negative developments in household consumption and long-term loan interest rates. However, the applied measures mitigated the impact to the analyzed indicators throughout the COVID-19 period.
