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The spring and early summer 2003 crisis developed and concluded without major difficulties. This is not surprising. The results of the 18 May elections were clear. They dictated the composition of a second Verhofstadt government. They allowed the team to be trained in less than two months. To be seen more closely, the 2003 crisis may prove to be longer and more complex. Preliminary and spill-over effects should be considered. At the shutters of the retable, they can help dismantle springs or illuminate unexpected facets. From the broad point of view here, the Community and regional aspects of a crisis which should, in principle, only develop at federal level should not be overlooked. //SUMMARY: 1. The preliminary points of the crisis/January. A revision of the revision? /February. The electoral system/March. The Brussels institutions/April. The declaration of revision of the Constitution/April (continued). Election campaign/Start May. The rescaling gouvernemental/2. The development of the crisis/Dimanche 18 May 2003. Parliamentary elections/Monday 19 May. The first comments/Mardi 20 May. Consultations (continued)/Wednesday 21 May. Appointment of the whistleblower/Thursday 22 May. The mission of the whistleblower/Dimanche 25 May. The mission of the reporting person (continued)/Wednesday 28 May. Appointment of the trainer/Thursday 12 June. Appointment of community senators/Thursday 19 June. The appointment of co-opted senators/Wednesday 2 July. The final phase of the negotiations/Friday 11 July. The support of coalition formations/Samedi 12 July. The composition of gouvernement/3. The impact of the crisis/May. Regional and Community parliamentarians/May (continued). Federal parliamentarians/Juin. Regional and Community Ministers/Juin (continued). Community and regional ministers/July (continuation of the elections) ; La crise du printemps et du début de l'été 2003 s'est développée et conclue sans difficulté majeure. L' on ne saurait s'en étonner. Les résultats des élections du 18 mai étaient lumineux. Ils ...

This thesis analyzes the crisis of Turkish journalistic production under the AKP government (2013-2018), characterized by a gradual alignment of the political and media space. More specifically, it analyzes the influence of professional relations and interactions between colleagues, both in journalistic production and in the implementation of resistance and strategies to circumvent the repression of the AKP government. Adopting an interactionist sociology approach, it focuses on the negotiations between media executives and journalists and on journalists' microstrategies to circumvent the political constraints that weaken mechanisms of autonomy. The surveys, mainly conducted in Istanbul, Ankara, but also in Europe, allow for an in-depth exploration of micro-narratives highlighting journalists' entry into the profession, their mobility, and their professional and personal experiences. Vagueness and fluidity play an essential role in the construction of journalists' careers insofar as education alone proves insufficient to enter the profession. Rather, it is the political vicissitudes that impose on their careers, which increases mobility and discontinuity of their trajectories. Neither the authoritarian control over the media nor the abandon of the profession of journalism fully explains how the profession as well as journalistic production is transformed. It becomes apparent that journalistic production is closely bound up with the interactions between media professionals, the working conditions of the profession and the strategies and negotiations implemented by journalists. In an unstructured, loosely formalized professional environment, where political tendencies and personal relationships play a dominant role, journalism remains a product of reciprocal negotiations that can be revisited according to the context of the moment. ; Cette thèse analyse la crise de la production journalistique turque sous le gouvernement AKP (2013-2018), caractérisé par une mise en cohérence progressive de l'espace politique et ...

This thesis analyzes the crisis of Turkish journalistic production under the AKP government (2013-2018), characterized by a gradual alignment of the political and media space. More specifically, it analyzes the influence of professional relations and interactions between colleagues, both in journalistic production and in the implementation of resistance and strategies to circumvent the repression of the AKP government. Adopting an interactionist sociology approach, it focuses on the negotiations between media executives and journalists and on journalists' microstrategies to circumvent the political constraints that weaken mechanisms of autonomy. The surveys, mainly conducted in Istanbul, Ankara, but also in Europe, allow for an in-depth exploration of micro-narratives highlighting journalists' entry into the profession, their mobility, and their professional and personal experiences. Vagueness and fluidity play an essential role in the construction of journalists' careers insofar as education alone proves insufficient to enter the profession. Rather, it is the political vicissitudes that impose on their careers, which increases mobility and discontinuity of their trajectories. Neither the authoritarian control over the media nor the abandon of the profession of journalism fully explains how the profession as well as journalistic production is transformed. It becomes apparent that journalistic production is closely bound up with the interactions between media professionals, the working conditions of the profession and the strategies and negotiations implemented by journalists. In an unstructured, loosely formalized professional environment, where political tendencies and personal relationships play a dominant role, journalism remains a product of reciprocal negotiations that can be revisited according to the context of the moment. ; Cette thèse analyse la crise de la production journalistique turque sous le gouvernement AKP (2013-2018), caractérisé par une mise en cohérence progressive de l'espace politique et ...

Though Iran is suffering due to Western sanctions, the Islamic Republic feels it has won the nuclear battle. If the Iranian economy is in fact in crisis, it is not on the verge of collapse. Iranian officials think, therefore, that with a new national consensus they could gain more time with little concession to Western allies. The Western allies, without a doubt, are also searching for ways to delay: negotiations are therefore unlikely to progress rapidly. (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)

In this thesis we will question the perceptions of industrial risks in the occidental world at the beginning of the 21st century. For this purpose we will try to understand how concepts such as sustainable development, precautionary principle, liability, or even zero-risk bias have progressively developed around a thought model based on the scientific rationality. This model is now undermined by its incapacity to fully address the issues it raises and completely avoid the potential risks. However, despite consistent weaknesses, it remains a reference value moulded by past accidents which have led to the making of laws aiming mainly at defining liability and protecting those who are held liable. Thus, public information becomes a requirement for democracy and the protection of this thought model. In this context, the protagonists at stake are security-conscious, economical and political lobbies that constantly redefine the limits of risk acceptance. We come to the realization that our lifestyle and value system remain unchallenged even though undergoing a crisis. The specificity of this research lies into the importance we give to the local approach, dealing with registered Seveso sites and nuclear plants located in Indre et Loire. We have polled five categories of respondents through interviews or questionnaires in order to understand their opinion regarding situations involving technological risks. The result of this survey helps us understand and set the levels of risk acceptance that they define with regard to the industrial risks and show the complexity of a situation involving political stakes, environmental pressures, a profit-driven economy and security constraints, in a vague and complex context. This work gives us a contrasted picture of today's perceptions of risks. ; Dans ce travail de thèse, nous interrogeons les perceptions des risques industriels dans les pays occidentaux en ce début de XXIème siècle. Nous cherchons à comprendre comment des concepts de développement durable, de principe de ...

In this thesis we will question the perceptions of industrial risks in the occidental world at the beginning of the 21st century. For this purpose we will try to understand how concepts such as sustainable development, precautionary principle, liability, or even zero-risk bias have progressively developed around a thought model based on the scientific rationality. This model is now undermined by its incapacity to fully address the issues it raises and completely avoid the potential risks. However, despite consistent weaknesses, it remains a reference value moulded by past accidents which have led to the making of laws aiming mainly at defining liability and protecting those who are held liable. Thus, public information becomes a requirement for democracy and the protection of this thought model. In this context, the protagonists at stake are security-conscious, economical and political lobbies that constantly redefine the limits of risk acceptance. We come to the realization that our lifestyle and value system remain unchallenged even though undergoing a crisis. The specificity of this research lies into the importance we give to the local approach, dealing with registered Seveso sites and nuclear plants located in Indre et Loire. We have polled five categories of respondents through interviews or questionnaires in order to understand their opinion regarding situations involving technological risks. The result of this survey helps us understand and set the levels of risk acceptance that they define with regard to the industrial risks and show the complexity of a situation involving political stakes, environmental pressures, a profit-driven economy and security constraints, in a vague and complex context. This work gives us a contrasted picture of today's perceptions of risks. ; Dans ce travail de thèse, nous interrogeons les perceptions des risques industriels dans les pays occidentaux en ce début de XXIème siècle. Nous cherchons à comprendre comment des concepts de développement durable, de principe de ...

International audience ; After the food crisis of 2005, numerous nutritional inquiries were 31 done in Niger by nigerien and international organisms. This is consistent with a more global revalorization of the nutritional indicators as food security tools in the whole Sahelian Africa. This study questions the conditions of production and the political uses of these indicators. Seen from this angle, the nutritional indicators do not only appear as technical tools intended to take the measure of a nutritional situation, but also as vectors of negotiations and antagonisms between institutions involved in food politics. ; Après la crise alimentaire de 2005, le Niger a fait l'objet 20 d'un grand nombre d'études nutritionnelles de la part de différents organismes nigériens et internationaux. Ceci s'inscrit dans un mouvement plus général touchant l'ensemble de l'Afrique sahélienne et donnant une plus grande place aux indicateurs nutritionnels dans les dispositifs de suivi de la sécurité alimentaire. Cette étude interroge les conditions de production et les usages politiques de ces indicateurs. Vus sous cet angle, ces derniers n'apparaissent pas que comme des outils descriptifs destinés à prendre la mesure d'une situation nutritionnelle, mais aussi comme des vecteurs de négociations et d'antagonismes entre les institutions impliquées dans les politiques alimentaires.

International audience ; After the food crisis of 2005, numerous nutritional inquiries were 31 done in Niger by nigerien and international organisms. This is consistent with a more global revalorization of the nutritional indicators as food security tools in the whole Sahelian Africa. This study questions the conditions of production and the political uses of these indicators. Seen from this angle, the nutritional indicators do not only appear as technical tools intended to take the measure of a nutritional situation, but also as vectors of negotiations and antagonisms between institutions involved in food politics. ; Après la crise alimentaire de 2005, le Niger a fait l'objet 20 d'un grand nombre d'études nutritionnelles de la part de différents organismes nigériens et internationaux. Ceci s'inscrit dans un mouvement plus général touchant l'ensemble de l'Afrique sahélienne et donnant une plus grande place aux indicateurs nutritionnels dans les dispositifs de suivi de la sécurité alimentaire. Cette étude interroge les conditions de production et les usages politiques de ces indicateurs. Vus sous cet angle, ces derniers n'apparaissent pas que comme des outils descriptifs destinés à prendre la mesure d'une situation nutritionnelle, mais aussi comme des vecteurs de négociations et d'antagonismes entre les institutions impliquées dans les politiques alimentaires.

International audience ; This article revisits the so-called "austerity turn" that occurred in March 1983 in the light of new West European archives from the British and the German governments, the Bundesbank, and the European Trade Union Confederation. It demonstrates that a genuine turning point occurred in March 1983, provoked by the spectre of a financial crisis and the potential intervention of the International Monetary Fund in France. The crisis was largely resolved by Franco-German negotiations. It allowed for the convergence of economic policies which, rather than reflecting a neoliberal turn, in fact revealed the adoption of free-market policies aimed at addressing the challenge of globalisation, without being incompatible with social policies.This article is based on French, German and European (EEC Commission and ETUC) archives. ; Cet article procède à la relecture des mécanismes qui ont conduit au tournant de la rigueur de mars 1983, dont il propose de déconstruire l'interprétation historiographique qui a jusque-là prévalu et qui insiste sur la rupture nette opérée à cette occasion. Pour Laurent Warlouzet, les décisions prises par le gouvernement français relèvent moins de l'influence néolibérale britannique que d'une convergence franco-allemande et de contraintes liées au contexte difficile dans lequel se trouve alors l'économie française.L'article est fondée sur l'exploitation d'archives des gouvernements françaises, allemandes et européennes (Commission européenne, Confédération européenne des syndicats).

International audience ; This article revisits the so-called "austerity turn" that occurred in March 1983 in the light of new West European archives from the British and the German governments, the Bundesbank, and the European Trade Union Confederation. It demonstrates that a genuine turning point occurred in March 1983, provoked by the spectre of a financial crisis and the potential intervention of the International Monetary Fund in France. The crisis was largely resolved by Franco-German negotiations. It allowed for the convergence of economic policies which, rather than reflecting a neoliberal turn, in fact revealed the adoption of free-market policies aimed at addressing the challenge of globalisation, without being incompatible with social policies.This article is based on French, German and European (EEC Commission and ETUC) archives. ; Cet article procède à la relecture des mécanismes qui ont conduit au tournant de la rigueur de mars 1983, dont il propose de déconstruire l'interprétation historiographique qui a jusque-là prévalu et qui insiste sur la rupture nette opérée à cette occasion. Pour Laurent Warlouzet, les décisions prises par le gouvernement français relèvent moins de l'influence néolibérale britannique que d'une convergence franco-allemande et de contraintes liées au contexte difficile dans lequel se trouve alors l'économie française.L'article est fondée sur l'exploitation d'archives des gouvernements françaises, allemandes et européennes (Commission européenne, Confédération européenne des syndicats).

International audience ; This article revisits the so-called "austerity turn" that occurred in March 1983 in the light of new West European archives from the British and the German governments, the Bundesbank, and the European Trade Union Confederation. It demonstrates that a genuine turning point occurred in March 1983, provoked by the spectre of a financial crisis and the potential intervention of the International Monetary Fund in France. The crisis was largely resolved by Franco-German negotiations. It allowed for the convergence of economic policies which, rather than reflecting a neoliberal turn, in fact revealed the adoption of free-market policies aimed at addressing the challenge of globalisation, without being incompatible with social policies.This article is based on French, German and European (EEC Commission and ETUC) archives. ; Cet article procède à la relecture des mécanismes qui ont conduit au tournant de la rigueur de mars 1983, dont il propose de déconstruire l'interprétation historiographique qui a jusque-là prévalu et qui insiste sur la rupture nette opérée à cette occasion. Pour Laurent Warlouzet, les décisions prises par le gouvernement français relèvent moins de l'influence néolibérale britannique que d'une convergence franco-allemande et de contraintes liées au contexte difficile dans lequel se trouve alors l'économie française.L'article est fondée sur l'exploitation d'archives des gouvernements françaises, allemandes et européennes (Commission européenne, Confédération européenne des syndicats).

Chechnya, situated geopolitically & strategically in Russia's way, is destabilised by Russian military intervention, terrorism by so-called 'Salafist' & Wahhabi militants, & internally by political problems, including separatism. The geopolitical stakes in the Chechen conflict reveal the true cause of this crisis: rich in raw materials, especially oil, the region is one of interstate rivalry. European & Russian negotiations should be able to reach a peaceful settlement of the problem, the economic & political stabilisation of the Caucasus & wider cooperation in this strategically important region. Adapted from the source document.

The criticism leveled by Americans at Europe's neglect of its commitment to defense is not new, and is often exaggerated. It has reached new levels with Europe's failure to position itself as a strategic actor and after the budget cuts brought about by the financial crisis of 2008. As unavoidable as these cuts may have been, they could nevertheless compromise Europe's capacity to act in international affairs, even for the most powerful of European states. Adapted from the source document.

Mozambique has been experiencing a profound political crisis since April 2013, with armed confrontations between the government armed forces and Renamo in the central part of the country. Is the country at war? The subject is hotly debated in the country. Negotiations have been taking place for three years, but have dragged on. The lack of resolution of the tensions at the origin of the violence has not only prolonged the crisis, but also fed the idea that the country is heading towards a full war. War and peace, negotiations and armed conflict: what is happening in Mozambique? The article aims to identify the origins and nature of the conflict and to decipher the fundamental dynamics of the current crisis in order to outline scenarios for the future. The text argues that the conflict is a "proto-war", geographically and militarily limited, which opposes Frelimo and Renamo in an "armed negotiation" between themselves as well as together against other actors. Indeed just like "complementary enemies", the two protagonists also fight together to retain their dominance, keep control over the emergence of new generations of politicians within their respective parties, and limit the rapid growth of a new party of opposition on the national political scene.