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AbstractThe Moscow theater hostage crisis was a spectacular media event, which sparked a wide domestic and international debate concerning the appropriateness of the Russian response. This article attempts to reconstruct and assess the events that took place in terms of negotiability of the incident, and seeks to provide an analytical perspective on the possible alternatives that were available to the Russian authorities throughout the crisis. Part I provides a brief overview of the events that unfolded. This section of the article also places Chechen motivations behind the incident into perspective with regard to past Chechen operations and to their overall strategy. Part II focuses on the details of the attack itself, particularly the Russian response. Special attention is devoted to analyzing the successes and failures of both the negotiations and the tactical assault. The conclusion discusses the implications of the Moscow theater incident for the future, including its potential impact on the likelihood of success of crisis negotiation strategies and the future tactics of the Chechen rebels.

There is a crisis in multilateralism. This paper examines multilateralism by looking at the two most important current efforts to devise new multilateral rules binding all nations; the negotiations in the World Trade Organization (WTO) of trade rules and the negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to devise rules restricting the annual emissions of greenhouse gases. Both negotiations have failed after several years of intensive effort. There are remarkable parallels in these negotiations. Both have used the same approach to negotiations; consensus decision-taking, a bottom-up approach and differential treatment of developing countries, and complex modalities. These features have made the negotiations tortuous. Major changes in international relations have made agreement impossible to date: large global market imbalances and changes in geopolitical balances have produced a general distrust among major parties and an absence of leadership. What is needed most of all is a common or shared vision of the gains from binding multilateral rules for the world economy.

The Cuban missile crisis has become something of a misleading "model" of the foreign policy process. There are seven central tenets of this model, each of which was considered "confirmed" by the "lessons" of the Cuban crisis: (1) Crises are typical of international relations; (2) Crises are assumed to be manageable; (3) The domestic sector is not especially critical in "crisis management"; (4) Crisis management is the practical ability to reconcile force with negotiation; (5) The process of crisis negotiation is not only manageable but can be "won"; (6) The Soviets seldom negotiate except under duress; (7) Crisis management can and must be a civilian enterprise. After the crisis, there were the beginnings of detente with the Soviet Union. The test-ban treaty, the hot line, and a more civil exchange between the two powers are widely believed to stem from die favorable resolution of the missile crisis. Yet the model and its inherent assumptions on the meaning of Cuba can be challenged. Nevertheless, Cuba stands as a watershed in the cold war and in the history of the international system.

© 2017 Elsevier Ltd This article investigates uses of accounting in labour-management negotiations during the automotive industry restructuring of 2008 and 2009 in Canada. Following a series of negotiations that occurred between a large North American automobile manufacturer, a major Canadian automotive union and the Canadian government, we document how different stakeholder groups framed the emerging crisis and drew upon accounting in order to further their interests. Drawing on research in industrial relations, we outline two key modes of accounting in labour-management negotiations: (1) fostering, where accounting is used in an integrative manner to secure mutual gains; and (2) forcing, where accounting is drawn upon primarily to secure concessions from other parties. The case study highlights the way that forcing modes of accounting displaced more fostering modes as the crisis intensified, focusing attention on labour cost per hour and ultimately resulting in worker acceptance of pay restraint, more flexible work practices and a change in the wage structure of the labour force. The paper contributes to understanding the role of accounting in labour-management negotiations and how this role can be implicated in shaping the construction and contestation of organizational crises.

This Christmas we commemorate the thirtieth anniversary of the Beagle Channel crisis. This contributíon reconstructs this piece of history, from its beginning in 1977 to the menace of war, the Vatican mediation and finally the ratification of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship by Argentina in 1984. Dismissing simplistic analogies with the Falklands war, the reduction of the crisis to a populist manoeuvre of the Argentine Military Junta is refuted and the hypothesis of a bluff called by Chile with the support of the Vatican is proposed. The treaty is approached intertwining the mediation's dynamics with the broader context of the Argentine transition and the economic conjuncture. This reconstruction is based on puhlished material as well as on hitherto unpublished interviews. ; En esta Navidad, se cumplen treinta años de la crisis del Canal de Beagle. La presente contribución reconstruye esta historia, desde sus comienzos en 1977 a la amenaza de guerra, la mediación vaticana y fundamentalmente la ratificación por Argentina del Tratado de Paz y Amistad, en 1984. Rechazando fáciles analogías con la guerra de las Malvinas, se refuta la reducción de la crisis a una maniobra populista de la Junta Militar argentina, proponiendo la hipótesis de un bluff llamado por Chile con el concurso del Vaticano. Llegamos al tratado enlazando las dinámicas propias de la mediación con el contexto más amplio de la transición argentina y de la coyuntura económica. Esta reconstrucción se funda tanto en material publicado como en entrevistas inéditas.

Training Strategies for Crisis and Hostage Negotiations was written for trainers who are tasked with providing role play: scenario-driven training that is challenging, novel, interesting, varied, and motivating. A trainer may play a larger role as leader, expert, teacher, coordinator, planner, facilitator, resource manager/librarian, observer/evaluator, talent agent/developer, and as a liaison with local, regional, and national groups. Role play remains the principal resource as the most effective way to train negotiators-both novice and experienced-and scenarios can be written in any number o

ABSTRACTThis role play requires students to consider the complexities of a small CPA firm urgently attempting to replace the unique industry knowledge and experience possessed by a terminally ill audit partner. In this role play, students assume the position of either an existing partner or a former partner who is considering rejoining the firm. This role play includes two sections. First, in the planning stage, students brainstorm mutually equivalent options that satisfy their critical financial and nonfinancial interests to address the problem of replacing the terminally ill partner in their respective existing partner and former partner teams. Second, students engage in a "table" negotiation with their assigned counterpart to reach an amicable agreement to this firm crisis and participate in a debriefing session and prepare a debriefing document. The small firm context provides a unique opportunity to make contributions to the existing accounting and auditing literature related to enhancing students' critical thinking and negotiation skills. Distinctive small firm role play elements that should enhance critical thinking and negotiation skills include considering contingent agreements that dovetail differences in future legal liability forecasts, and dovetailing differences to take advantage of complementary skill sets to mitigate industry-specific auditor detection risks and related business risks.1 Critical thinking skills also should be strengthened through negotiating a package of interests and related options including the impact of various tradeoffs that are not fully known until the table negotiation commences so that the final agreement does not exceed the firm's non-negotiable budgetary constraints.

Delays in debt restructuring negotiations are widely regarded as inefficient. This paper argues that delays can allow the economy to recover from a crisis, make more resources available for debt settlement, and enable the negotiating parties to enjoy a larger ""cake"". Within this context, therefore, delays may be ""beneficial"". This paper explores this idea by constructing a dynamic model of sovereign default in which debt renegotiation is modeled as a stochastic bargaining game based on Merlo and Wilson's (1995) framework. Quantitative analysis shows that this model can generate an average

The so-called refugee crisis presents a field of discursive struggle over meanings in politics. In Austria, mediatized politics in 2015 and 2016 was dominated by metadiscursive negotiation of terminology related to building a border fence and setting a maximum limit on refugees. Both issues raised serious ideological and legal concerns and were thus largely euphemized; as responses to ever-increasing pressure from the political right, however, they were also intended as signals to voters. This article presents a discourse-historical study of the normalization of restrictive policies in the theoretical framework of border and body politics, otherness, and mediatization.