Suchergebnisse

The paper aims to present a comparative analysis of caricatures published in comic papers (Üstökös, Borsszem Jankó, Bolond Istók, and Kakas Márton) in the turn of the 20th century. The author intends to demonstrate the visual methods of depicting the obstruction in the Hungarian parliament (1895–1913). The comic papers represented the viewpoints of the Hungarian parties: Borsszem Jankó an-nounced the opinion of the government, the others the different wings of opposition. The results of the examination reveal that the visual techniques of depicting the obstruction were very similar in spite of the party motivated diverse judgement of the obstruction. ; The paper aims to present a comparative analysis of caricatures published in comic papers (Üstökös, Borsszem Jankó, Bolond Istók, and Kakas Márton) in the turn of the 20th century. The author intends to demonstrate the visual methods of depicting the obstruction in the Hungarian parliament (1895–1913). The comic papers represented the viewpoints of the Hungarian parties: Borsszem Jankó an-nounced the opinion of the government, the others the different wings of opposition. The results of the examination reveal that the visual techniques of depicting the obstruction were very similar in spite of the party motivated diverse judgement of the obstruction.

The presentation is a summary of the experiences of régiónál development over a quarter of a century, from the aspect of Hungárián bordér researches. European integration and the unfurling Schengen process changed the relationship of Hungárián régiónál Science and bordér researches in the interpretation of territorial processes. There was a gradual shift of focus by régiónál policies: the so-called "Trianon-syndrome", the analysis of the traditional controlling and restricting functions of State borders was gradually replaced by the analysis of the character of cross-border cooperations. From the point of view of development policy, the tight relationship of régiónál Science and bordér research was founded by the need fór the utilisation of internál and extemal resources, which is the prime motivation of cross-border relations. It is beyond doubt that the use of Hungárián and even more so the EU régiónál supports can effectively serve the moderation of the development disparities of bordér regions, the catching up of the extemal (bordér) peripheries, the "unification" of the spatial structural functions disintegrated by the Peace Treaty of Trianon, the creation and cohesion of a functioning macro-regional economic space in the Carpathian Basin - and all in all the issue of European integration, the improvement of neighbourhood relations.

The lessons learned from the crisis management of the 2008 Great Recession are due to significant structural differences between the two centers of the world, the United States and the eurozone. This has been the worst and most widespread global economic downturn since the Great Depression. The crisis is over, but it seems that the crisis has long-lasting consequences. In the case of the United States, a monetary, fiscal and political union is realized, which with a single economic policy, operates as a coherent unit, uniting the three areas. GDP is rising, unemployment is at the lowest level since 1969 and government debt is the highest it has ever been which can cause problems in the long run. In the case of the eurozone, we can talk about a monetary union. The crisis has highlighted the structural flaws of the eurozone, because without a unified fiscal policy no effective economic policy can be achieved. The symptoms of the euro area crisis weren't the consequences of the global economic crisis; rather the stalling of the integration process, the lack of real convergence, and the weaknesses of monetary and fiscal policy were the problems that have been brought to the fore and exacerbated by the crisis. I consider the crisis management of the United States to be more successful, in which the single economic policy has played an important role – as long as the eurozone doesn't deepen integration, it will not be able to address vulnerabilities between its countries. For Central Europe to be competitive, it has to have the right economic policies and an independent monetary policy. The postcrisis recovery has taken place, but in order to avoid further crises and to have a faster convergence towards the eurozone, we need targeted steps which could create the opportunities.

This working paper investigates public policies that precede the rise of populism. A mixedmethod research design is applied: on the one hand, we use data from international surveys and databanks to explore the policy–populism nexus from a comparative European perspective. On the other hand, country case studies have been prepared to understand the country-specific historical and socio-economic features of populism and its potential policy roots. Four countries were selected as national case studies: two EU member states (Greece and Hungary) because of a strong, long-term support of populist parties; one EU member state (Lithuania), where support of populist parties remain moderate, although historical and socio-economic features suggest a likely rise of populism; and one country (Turkey) that exhibits the potential hybridization tendencies of populism and the role of policies in the shift from democratic towards authoritarian regimes. We found that the content of policies were weak predictors of the rise of populism. Country-specific measures were more important predictors than policy ideas. At the same time, our results demonstrate that the lack of activation policies may be a strong predictor of welfare populist attitudes of citizens, and the exclusion of a significant proportion of young people from the labour market clearly feeds populist attitudes. Another important finding is that crisis management policies matter, but not the socio-economic crisis in itself: the management of crisis by non-elected policy experts, through technocratic governance methods, will likely trigger populism. This is particularly true in societies where political polarization is high

The foundation for a national economy's positioning and strengthening in global competition is the permanent support of its innovation and research and development activities. Of this, R&D funding is of paramount importance, which is directly or indirectly one of the most important tools for increasing corporate competitiveness. The study examines trends in domestic R&D expenditures over the past one and a half decades. It focuses on the extent to which the financial crisis has affected the amount of funding resources and their structure. From an international comparison, Hungary and the European Union spend much less on research and development thant hose in the global competition. The impact of the crisis is reflected in the decline in the growth dynamics of R&D expenditures, but it has not been solved solely as a result of the crisis. Changes in the domestic structure of expenditures in recent years are encouraging and are in sync with the change in attitude that is considered desirable in R&D funding. However, from trends in data from recent years, it becomes apparent that neither Hungary nor the European Union will achieve the 1.8 and 3.0 per cent of GDP R&D spending by 2020. ; A nemzetgazdaság globális versenyben való helytállásának és erősödésének alapja az innovációs és kutatás-fejlesztési tevékenységének permanens támogatása. Ebből kiemelkedőjelentőséggel bír a kutatás-fejlesztés, annak finanszírozása, ami közvetlenül vagy közvetetten a vállalati versenyképesség növelésének egyik legfontosabb eszköze. A tanulmány megvizsgálja a hazai K+F ráfordításainak elmúlt másfél évtizedben végbement alakulását, annak tendenciáit.Kiemelten vizsgálja azt, hogy a pénzügyi válság mennyiben befolyásolta a finanszírozó források összegét és azok struktúráját. A nemzetközi összehasonlításból kiderül, hogy Magyarország és az Európai Unió is lényegesen kevesebbet költ kutatás-fejlesztésre, mint a globális versenyben élenjáró országok. A válság hatása megnyilvánul a K+F ráfordítások növekedési dinamikájának mérséklődésében, de az nem kizárólag a krízis következményeként lanyhult. A ráfordítások hazai szerkezetében az utóbbi években bekövetkezett arányváltozások biztatóak, szinkronban vannak a K+F finanszírozásában kívánatosnak tartott szemléletváltozással. Az utóbbi évek adatainak tendenciáiból azonban nyilvánvalóvá válik, hogy sem Magyarország, sem pedig az Európai Unió neméri el a 2020-ra kitűzött kutatás-fejlesztési ráfordítások GDP-hez mért 1,8, illetve 3,0 százalékos arányát.

This research investigates the interaction between the effects of wording and other elements of framing on public attitudes toward asylum policies. In particular, we focus on the labels of asylum-seekers and the discourse about the recent refugee crisis in Europe. In 2015 and 2016, we conducted two survey-experiments in Hungary where mass migration was the major issue on the political agenda at the time of the surveys. The salience of the issue was manipulated in both studies. Earlier findings have indicated that even words with the same meaning could prompt different interpretations in specific contexts. In contrast, we show that even large effects of wording, even if they are driven by differential meaning, can be suppressed by other elements of framing. The paper with the scientific results of this collection are currently under anonymous review. After the review process, the author of this collection will be revealed.

This contribution offers a reminder of the state of political forces in France and the course of the health crisis, which initially took place in a context of strong political tensions, particularly as a result of the controversial pension reform decided by Macron. The COVID crisis allowed populist parties to develop 'naming' and 'blaming' strategies, initially mobilized in different proportions, to attack the President of the Republic Macron. The analysis shows that the decision to introduce a lockdown led the two leaders of the parties described as populist to harden their criticism to similar proportions but also to 'claim' rapid responses to the crisis. These speeches are also part of the medical polemics that will have been omnipresent throughout the pandemic. Finally, we observe that these strategies have not been beneficial to the populist parties, since during the municipal elections the two parties did not manage to take advantage on this health and political sequence.

The Great Depression that broke out on 24th October 1929 resulted a severe agricultural and credit crisis in Hungary. Therefor the Hungarian foreign policy's aim was to encourage the foreign investments on the one hand, and to circulate loans for the country ont he other hand, and last but not least obtain foreign markets for the Hungarian agricultural products. The present study summarize the attempts of the Hungarian foreign policy between 1929 and 1932, that the Hungarian government led by István Bethlen and Gyula Károlyi trying to achieve in order to overcome the crisis. The study describes Bethlen's negotiations in Paris, London, Berlin, Vienna, that brought part success, but did not result a breakthrough and Hungary's external action concerning the German-Austrian customs union plan. It presents the two foreign ministers Lajos Walko's and Gyula Karolyi's attempts. Concerning Gyula Károlyi is about the Hungarian foreign policy's French orientation attempt. Finally, the study summarize the reasons that ultimately led to the failure of both governments. Finding the foreign policy solution for recovering from the crisis left for the 1932 October founded government and for Gyula Gombos.

The largest ethnic minority of the European Union is constituted by the approximately 10-12 million Roma population. Geographically they are primarily located in the South Eastern European EU Member States, and the solution of the Roma question constitutes a number one problem in the home affairs of these countries. Most of the countries are already members–or candidate members –of the European Union but their joining to the Western market economies is not lacking problems. As a consequence of the current financial and economic crisis, the EU has become even more "two-speed". In this crisis situation the situation of the Roma population living here has become particularly hopeless. The rapid increase in the number of the Roma population in South Eastern Europe living among the conditions of the demographic boom, as well as their geographical expansion intensify the sensitivity of the mainstream society regarding the questions of the transforming coexistence. The shift in the ratio within the population sharpened and magnified the differences between the dissimilar lifestyle and the philosophy of life respecting the two major social groups which led to sharpening tensions. Of course, the deeply desperate Roma population makes more and more attempts in order to be able to migrate from the South Eastern European countries to the richer regions of Western Europe and North America in the hope of an easier life. They, however, face more and more obstacles. The social and economic integration of the Roma population in Hungary is mainly hindered by the low level of education, the high level of unemployment, criminality and the existing prejudices experienced in the mainstream society.

The concept of territorial cohesion can not be reduced to regional disparities that are based on analyzes on the level of economic relations and of various infrastructures. Interpretation of cohesion between parts and units of European society, rethinking one of the challenges of the future. Increas-ing the value of social cohesion and European responses to demand arising from globalization and geopolitical challenges. The European Union is facing a series of decisions both trans-Atlantic co-operation initiatives and the East, Eurasia challenges with respect. The study presents a novel interpretation of the traditional and the cohesion of the European Union and anticipates resistance to external influences is important to increase, and the importance of new quality requirements. The continuing global economic crisis, international migration and global changes in energy prices are raise awareness of the sensitivity of European Union's economy and society.

This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.

The primary reason behind the choice of topic for the presented research was the fact that the rapid development of information society in the recent years has brought forth a significant increase in the importance of innovation and research and development systems globally. This process has also affected the priorities of the European Union, leading to the adoption of the new objectives of establishing a European Research Area and creating an "innovative union" – for the furthering of these objectives, the Council and the Parliament adopted a regulation in 2013 about the establishment of the "Horizon 2020" framework programme for research and innovation. This study seeks to present a general overview of the concept of the innovative union and a more thorough analysis of the instruments of the Horizon 2020 programme that serve the furtherance of social inclusion, paying particular attention to the "pillar" of tackling societal challenges. A main objective of the research is the examination of whether the biennial work programmes designed for the implementation of the framework are effective in the achievements of the objectives set forth in the field of social inclusion; furthermore, what new solutions the current (2016–2017) work programme proposed to remedy the deficiencies that arose during the runtime of the previous work programme. The fact that the execution of the framework programme is currently underway serves to prove that the choice of topic is relevant to current issues; while the near complete lack of Hungarian – and to a lesser extent, foreign-language – literature in the examined area supports the necessity of research.

In 1988-1989 a stream of East Germans sought refugee in Hungary at the Embassy of West Germany in Budapest. The three countries taking part in the issue made different solutions to deal with the increasing problem. The East German leadership tried to call back the refugees and calm down the emigration process, but it had lost its confidence. West Germany tried to solve the problem not only on the level of consulship but exten-sively, in part with recognizing the status those waiting for West German citizenship and those for refugee status - without any success. In the interest of the resolution and bring the Hungarian leadership to their point of view, they tried to make use of the international organizations. However, the Hungarian leadership made efforts to stay out of the issue to get the two German states make an agreement. But there was no chance for that so Buda-pest gave up its quasi neutrality and tried to solve the problem opening the border by avoiding Hungary to turn into a refugee camp of the region. Besides making this ad hoc arrangement, the whole issue needed more radical crisis management, not only in Hungary.

One striking aspect of the coronavirus crisis was the poor response of the right-wing populist leaders to the pandemic in countries such as the US, Britain, and Brazil. Despite this fact, the continuing voter support right-wing populist leaders attract across countries with different socio-economic traits is puzzling. In this paper, we argue in favour of a cognitive anthropological view of populism scholarship. Cognitive and evolutionary anthropology shows that mental systems common to all humans shape the way we understand the world, making some ideas more plausible than others regardless of their levels of accuracy. Even though the action of 'building a wall' to keep illegal migrants away can prove ultimately unfeasible and does not address real immigration issues, due to our cognitive evolution, it makes intuitive sense as a plausible option to reducing immigration. Populist leaders exploit our cognitive intuitions by providing such intractable but oftentimes intuitively-plausible ideas in order to get elected or to promote preferred policies. Furthermore, we intuitively admire powerful individuals and tend to defer to authoritative and charismatic figures as an evolutionary strategy for acquiring valued skills and negotiating hierarchies. As a result, by committing to the intuitively-plausible policies populist leaders promote, such as 'building a wall', they give additional credence to the political beliefs that are based on our cognitive intuitions, effectively increasing their plausibility for the "common folk".

The aim of this study is to present the main events in the Hungarian-Serbian economic relations during the last two decades by summarizing the most important moments, their causes and consequences. After the fall of Milošević, it was necessary to re-establish the contractual relationship between the two countries and the corporate relationships terminated during the embargo. After the very promising start, the assassination of the Serbian prime minister, the constant domestic political crises, the government unwilling to make closer contacts, and according to the European standards the closed society of Serbia at that time, hasn't become a political or economic ally of Hungary. In the time when the world economic conditions were in favour of overall development of bilateral economic relations. However the global economic crisis and recession has brought back not only the willingness to invest in Hungary, but also the bilateral trade. The historic reconciliation following the slow political rapprochement in 2014, has made the breakthrough, and contributed not only to the better enforcement of the Hungarian economic interests, but also to the prosperity of Hungarians in their native country, in Serbia. The Hungarian government is supporting Serbia's EU integration process and in all foreign policy issues. As the result of this approach, there are no open questions between Budapest and Belgrade. The preconditions for the constant evolution of the economic relations without special support were the political gestures and friendly attitude of the two governments regarding the earlier sensitive questions and the national issues.