Each scientific explanation, as per the author's view, is strived and required to have the most possible systematic character, and to enable the explained problem to be comprehended in the widest theoric-systhematic frame. Having analysed the methodological problem of comparative studies in education from the point of view of the mentioned studies, the author determined that the approaches to comparative study of education and schooling were not to be uniformed ones from the simple reason they had been grown out from different philosophic and theoric fundament. From the wider point of view, comparisons enable the comprehension of the phenomenon of education and schooling, their dialectics of manifestation, and their importance for human and society development. Methodologically taken, comparativistics of education and schooling is enriched with new techniques and methods. The comparison overcomes the meaning of one method (comparative method). Different orientations and different methodological procedures in comparative study of education and schooling were being appeared. Bearing in mind the complexity of comparative pedagogy problems, the author indicated the relevant methodological problems from which the historic dimension of comparative pedagogy progress was being visible. The author made the analysis of methodological problem of comparative research in education through several phases having considered basic characteristic of research, understanding of method system of comparative pedagogy, problems of contradiction of comparative research, its presence etc. From the point of view of the indicated problem, it is essential to state the consciousness on the methodological foundation of comparative researches of education and schooling is being broadened, which leads to the research of phenomenon of education at more qualitative level.
In this paper, we consider the relationship between the entrepreneurial state and the crisis (caused by economic and non-economic reasons and vice versa). Thus, it is about the interactive attitude of the entrepreneurial state in resolving the crisis and the impact of the crisis on the further development of new economic competencies and competencies of the state in the economy. The entrepreneurial state is seen as an entrepreneur and one of the most important economic actors, which accepts long-term investment risks, bearing in mind the broader picture and the common good. The development of new technologies and new technology companies in the United States and other developed countries has been possible, thanks to the investment of the American entrepreneurial state and its agencies. We start from the assumption that the American crisis, in 2008. caused by high debts, the private sector, not the US public debt, which today is enormously high and skyrocketing. At the heart of this consideration is the thesis that the classical economic theory of non-interference of the state in economic life, which stands aside in the recent era of the development of global capitalism, does not hold water. On the contrary, it turns out that government risky investment in the long run is the basis of a modern economy in which the private sector can develop only on the premises of this huge investment in the development of modern new technologies. Most innovation today and research institutes in the United States are due to the investments of the American state. The paper discusses the impact of the crisis on the understanding of the entrepreneurial state and its role in innovation, the role of new technologies and innovations in economic growth, entrepreneurial state and risks, entrepreneurial state and knowledge economy, entrepreneurial state in "pushing" versus "pulling" the green industrial revolution and the cost of investment, innovation, and development of the American entrepreneurial state. ; U ovom radu razmatramo odnos preduzetničke države i krize (izazvane ekonomskim i neekonomskim razlozima i vice versa). Dakle, riječ je o interaktivnom odnosu preduzetničke države u rješavanju krize i uticaju krize na dalji razvoj novih ekonomskih ingerencija i nadležnosti države u ekonomiji. Preduzetnička država se posmatra kao preduzetnik i jedan od važnijih ekonomskih aktera, koji prihvata rizike ulaganja na dugi rok, imajući na umu širu sliku i opšte dobro. Razvoj novih tehnologija i novih tehnoloških kompanija u SAD i drugim razvijenim zemljama bio je moguć zahvaljujući investiranju američke preduzetničke države i njenih agencija. Polazimo od pretpostavke da su američku krizu 2008. godine izazvali visoki dugovi privatnog sektora, a ne javni dug SAD, koji je danas enormno visok i vrtoglavo raste. U osnovi ovog razmatranja stoji teza da klasična ekonomska teorija o nemiješanju države u privredni život, koja stoji po strani u najnovije doba razvoja globalnog kapitalizma, ne drži vodu. Naprotiv, pokazuje se da je državno rizično investiranje na dugi rok u osnovi savremene ekonomije u kome privatni sektor može da se razvija samo na premisama tog golemog ulaganja u razvoj modernih novih tehnologija. Većina inovacija danas i istraživačkih instituta u SAD duguje ulaganjima američke države. U radu razmatramo uticaj krize na shvatanje preduzetničke države i njene uloge u inovacijama, ulogu novih tehnologija i inovacija u privrednom rastu, preduzetničku državu i rizike, preduzetničku državu i ekonomiju znanja, preduzetničku državu u "guranju" nasuprot "podbadanju" zelene industrijske revolucije, koristi i cijene investiranja, inovacije i razvoj američke preduzetničke države.
The dissertation explores the causes of the Euro crisis of 2009, using the institutional explanation in social sciences and the game theory. It includes discussions on the role of fiscal and monetary policies for stabilization of the economy, a brief history of monetary unions, as well as a summary of the European monetary integration process. Key findings of the dissertation are considering strategic situations in which the Member States have been involved before and after the creation of the European Economic and Monetary Union and the euro, which can be analysed using the game theory. The institutional design of the European Communities, after the breakup of the Breton Woods system, has put the Members States in the strategic situation of prisoner's dilemma, which in turn made coordination of monetary policies and exchange rates unfeasible. The creation of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) made possible for the Member States to overcome the dilemma by transferring the monetary policy from national to the European level of governance. Unfortunately, the institutional design of the EMU created a specific set of the interdependence of the Member States and the institutional incentives which created a new collective action problem. The new problem can be observed as a strategic situation of the chicken game in which the Member States again does not have the incentive to act in the accordance with the rules in the same, cooperative manner. Finally, the dissertation analyses the institutional consequences of the crisis and the incentives emerged after the post-crisis reforms. The conclusion is that the reforms should prevent similar euro crisis. On the other hand, questions could be raised regarding the power shift among the main bodies of the European Union. ; Rad se bavi istraživanjem uzroka krize evra nastale 2009. godine, oslanjajući se na institucionalno objašnjenje u društvenim naukama i teoriju igara. Disertacija sadrži rasprave o ulozi fiskalne i monetarne politike za stabilizaciju privrede, kratku istoriju monetarnih unija pre Evropske ekonomske i monetarne unije (EMU), kao i sažetu istoriju evropske monetarne integracije. Ključni nalazi disertacije su tiču se strateških situacija koje su dovele do nastanka jedinstvene evropske valute i kasnije do njene krize, koje je moguće analizirati uz pomoć teorije igara. Institucionalni aranžman Evropskih zajednica nakon raspada Bretonvudskog sistema stavio je države članice u stratešku situaciju zatvorenikove dileme, što je činilo koordinaciju monetarnih politike i deviznog kursa neodrživim. Kako bi se prevazišao taj problem, formirana je EMU kojom je uveden evro, a monetarna politika prenesena na sa nacionalnog evropski nivo vlasti. Međutim dizajn EMU stvorio specifičan spoj međuzavisnosti i podsticaja iz koga je nastao nov problem kolektivnog delanja za države članice monetarne unije. Taj problem se ogleda u strateškoj situaciji igre kukavice u kojoj učesnici nemaju podsticaj da se ponašaju na istovetan, kooperativan način. Na kraju disertacije analizirani su podsticaji nastali sprovedenih institucionalnih reformi. Zaključak je će reforme najverovatnije sprečiti da nastanak slične krize u budućnosti, ali i da se mogu otvoriti nova pitanja u vezi sa promenom ravnoteže moći unutar organa EU.
The Paper observes the foundation and development of OSCE as the most important contemporary security organization from the perspective of historical and political dynamics and the interests of international subjects. Originally founded as Forum for the reduction of tensions between ideologically confronted East and West, OSCE (than: CSCE) has evolved into permanent security organization with diversified activities and jurisdictions. However, that evolution failed to be up to the new challenges, so the needs for further reforms of OSCE reemerged. Second part of the Paper follows the propositions of OSCE system reforms, made by its member states, by Panel (formed on Council of Ministers in Sofia, in December 2004) and by Russia that has even proposed 'Agreement of European security' as the basis for completely new remaking of European security out of the existing OSCE system. In the final part of the Paper, influences of contemporary political crises in OSCE member states on the possible reform of this security organization are being analyzed.
The main purpose of this study is to identify the features of the application of ethnometric methodology in the context of the study of democratic transitions. This methodology, proposed by the Dutch researcher G. Hofstede, was initially used to identify patterns in the formation of business culture in different countries, as well as between political conflicts and violent phenomena. Within the framework of the article, in the context of the experience of the democratic transition of the "third wave" countries, four main ethnometric indicators of G. Hofstede are considered: distance from power (PDI), masculinity (MAS), uncertainty avoidance (UAI) and individualism (IDV). In particular, it is argued that in those countries where high indicators of power distance (PDI) are observed, the process of democratic consolidation is slowing down and does not contribute to theformation of dialogue practices. And in the case of a certain "dialogue attraction", the main actors in the political field - the authorities and the opposition, show political will, seek to level the problems that have accumulated in society, including the uneven distribution of state resources, direct political processes towards theinstitutionalization of political dialogue.The article also examines the paradigm of democratic transition, some patterns and relationships between the culture of political dialogue and democratic transition, etc. ; Սույն հետազոտության հիմնական նպատակը էթնոչափագիտական մեթոդաբանության գործիքակազմի կիրառման միջոցով ժողովրդավարական անցման օրինաչափությունները բացահայտելն է։ Հոլանդացի հետազոտող Գ․ Հոֆսթեդի առաջ քաշած էթնոչափագիտական մեթոդաբանությունը նախկինում կիրառվել է տարբեր երկրների գործարար մշակույթի, ինչպես նաև քաղաքական կոնֆլիկտների և բռնության երևույթների միջև կապերը բացահայտելու համար։Հոդվածում ժողովրդավարության «երրորդ ալիքի» երկրների ժողովրդավարական անցման փորձի համատեքստում դիտարկվում են Գ․ Հոֆսթեդի էթնոչափագիտական չորս հիմնական՝ իշխանությունից հեռավորության (PDI), առնականության (MAS), անորոշություններից խուսափելու (UAI) և անհատականության (IDV) ցուցիչները։ Մասնավորապես հիմնավորվել են, որ իշխանությունից ունեցած մեծ հեռավորության ցուցիչների (PDI) պարագայում ժողովրդավարության համախմբման գործընթացները դանդաղում են և չեն նպաստում երկխոսույթային պրակտիկաների ձևավորմանը։ Իսկ «երկխոսույթային ձգողականության» առկայության դեպքում քաղաքական հիմնական դերակատարները՝ իշխանությունն ու ընդդիմությունը, ցուցաբերում են որոշակի քաղաքական կամք և ձգտում հասարակության մեջ կուտակված խնդիրները, այդ թվում և իշխանության ռեսուրսների անհավասարաչափ բաշխումը մեղմել, գործընթացներն ուղղորդել դեպի ինստիտուցիոնալ քաղաքականերկխոսության դաշտ։Հոդվածում քննության առարկա են դառնում ժողովրդավարական անցման հարացույցը, ժողովրդավարական անցումների համատեքստում երկխոսության մշակույթի ունեցած դերը, էթնոչափագիտական մեթոդաբանության լույսի ներքո այդ երևույթների միջև առկա կապերն ու օրինաչափությունները։ ; Основная цель данного исследования - выявление особенностей применения этнометрической методологии в контексте изучения демократических транзитов. Данная методология, предложенная голландским исследователем Г. Хофстеде, изначально использовалась для выявления закономерностей формирования деловой культуры разных стран, а также между политическими конфликтами и насильственными явлениями.В рамках статьи, в контексте опыта демократического перехода стран «третьей волны», рассматриваются четыре основных этнометрических индикатора Г. Хофстеда: дистанция от власти (PDI), маскулинность (MAS), избегание неопределенности (UAI) и индивидуализм (IDV). В частности, утверждается, что в тех странах, где наблюдаются высокие показатели дистанции от власти (PDI), процесс консолидации демократии замедляется и не способствует формированию диалоговых практик. А в случае определенной «диалоговой притягательности» основные игроки политического поля - власть и оппозиция, проявляют политическую волю, стремятся нивелировать накопившиеся в обществе проблемы, в том числе неравномерное распределение государственных ресурсов, направляют политические процессы в русло институционализации политического диалога.В статье рассматриваются также парадигма демократического транзита, в контексте демократических транзитов выявляются взаимосвязи между культурой политического диалога и демократического перехода, в свете этнометрической методологии раскрываются основные закономерности между этими явлениями.
The governments of all countries of the world have faced up with the health crisis caused by the Covid 19 virus pandemic in the previous and current year. This crisis turned into an economic crisis, considering that it was necessary to provide huge financial resources to overcome it. Governments "pumped" additional amounts of money by supplying the economy and the population with new liquidity through subsidies and one-time assistance in the form of "helicopter money". This has contributed to the deterioration of the fiscal performance of the world economies. The paper analyzes the economic and fiscal performance of the world leading economies such as the European Union, the United States, China and Russia. The aim of this paper is to point out the consequences of the applied measures in the domain of monetary and fiscal policy and influence on the increase of the budget deficit and public debt in the world. ; Vlade svih država sveta suočile su se sa zdravstvenom krizom izazvanom pandemijom kovida-19 u prethodnoj i tekućoj godini. Ova kriza je prerasla u ekonomsku krizu, s obzirom na to da je za njeno prevazilaženje bilo neophodno obezbediti ogromna finansijska sredstva. Osim toga, vlade su "upumpavale" dodatne količine novca snabdevajući privredu i stanovništvo novom likvidnošću kroz subvencije i jednokratne pomoći u vidu "novca iz helikoptera".Sve ovo je doprinelo pogoršanju fiskalnih performansi ekonomija u svetu. U radu su analizirane ekonomske i fiskalne performanse vodećih ekonomija sveta poput Evropske unije, SAD, Kine i Rusije. Cilј rada je da ukaže na posledice primenjenih mera u domenu monetarne i fiskalne politike na rast budžetskog deficita i javnog duga u svetu.
Već više od dve godine traje velika pan-evropska debata o Budućnosti evropske socijal-demokratije (2009-2011) kao pokušaj odgovora na izazove globalne krize, ali i na duboku i dugotrajnu krizu same socijal-demokratije. Dok su tokom 2000. godine socijal-demokrati bila na vlasti u većini evropskih zemalja (11 od 15 članica EU ), danas vladaju u samo nekoliko perifernih zemalja Evrope (4 od 27 članica EU u 2011). Iako u nekoliko velikih zemalja još uvek privlače 20-30% birača, odnosno poseduju koalicioni kapacitet i za osvajanje vlasti, ipak je marginalizacija ključni trend. U traganju za vlastitim identitetom, novom paradigmom, pan-evropska debata problematizuje ključne teme i izazove naše civilizacije, kao što su globalizacija, logika kapitalizma i njegove moguće reforme, smisao i značaj Evropske Unije. Ova debata ponovo vraća u javni diskurs i niz ključnih koncepata na kojima se gradi zamisao o 'dobrom društvu', kao što su društvene vrednosti, kultura, značaj srednje klase i ekološka i socijalna održivost. ; We are in the third year of the pan-european debate on the future of European Social Democracy (ESD). It is a response to the challenges of the global economic crisis, but also a response to the deep internal crisis within the ESD. While the social democrats were in power in the majority of European countries in the year 2000 (11 of 15 EU members), they are rulling parties in only few peripheral countries in 2011 (4 of 27 EU countries). Althouth they are still able to attact 20-30% of voters, and with toghether with their partners are even able to form goverments in some countries, their margananalization is a major trend. This is not only because of electoral defeats, but it is due to membership decline, shaken ties with trade unions, lack of an alternative program in a situation when neoliberalism is shaken and political actors have searching for new formulae. In a search of their own identity, new paradigm and attractive program, pan-european debate critically analyze key issues and challenges of our civilization, such as globalization, nature of capitalism and its possible reforms, meaning and importance of the EU , the role of government regarding markets. This debate has brouth back into public discourse many important concepts that constitute the idea of 'good society,' such as social values (equailty, solidarity, social justice), buth also importance of culture, middle class, and social and environmental sustainability.
