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This paper presents a methodology for flood risk mapping as envisaged by the Directive on the Assessment and Management of Flood Risks [European Parliament 2007]. Specifically, we aimed at identifying the types of flood damage that can be estimated given data availability in Lithuania. Furthermore, we present the main sources of data for and the associated cost functions. The methodology covers the following main types of flood damage: risk to inhabitants, risk to economic activity, and social risk. A multi-criteria framework for aggregation of different risks is proposed to provide a comprehensive appraisal of flood risk. On the basis of the proposed research, flood risk maps have been prepared for Lithuania. These maps are available for each type of flood risk (i. e. inhabitants, economic losses, social risk) as well as for aggregate risk. The results indicate that flood risk management is crucial for western and central Lithuania, whereas other parts of the country are not likely to suffer from significant losses due to flooding.

This paper presents a methodology for flood risk mapping as envisaged by the Directive on the Assessment and Management of Flood Risks [European Parliament 2007]. Specifically, we aimed at identifying the types of flood damage that can be estimated given data availability in Lithuania. Furthermore, we present the main sources of data for and the associated cost functions. The methodology covers the following main types of flood damage: risk to inhabitants, risk to economic activity, and social risk. A multi-criteria framework for aggregation of different risks is proposed to provide a comprehensive appraisal of flood risk. On the basis of the proposed research, flood risk maps have been prepared for Lithuania. These maps are available for each type of flood risk (i. e. inhabitants, economic losses, social risk) as well as for aggregate risk. The results indicate that flood risk management is crucial for western and central Lithuania, whereas other parts of the country are not likely to suffer from significant losses due to flooding.

In the transition period in Poland from 1989 till 2016 education did not become a source of ongoing changes in the country. Subsequent formations of power, selected through elections, instead of decentralizing school system, led to the creation of allegedly new models of school in a corset of centralism. To make matters worse, the prime ministers of consecutive governments from different political parties, taking into account their own or party interests, employed the ministry of national education (or their decision-making power apparatus), who disturbed communicational relationships with the public. In this article I explain the reasons for betrayal of fundamental assumptions of the "Solidarity" movement in the years of 1980-1989 by elites. As a result Polish society abandoned the deliberative and participatory democracy. ; W okresie transformacji 1989-2016 edukacja polska nie stała się źródłem zachodzących w kraju przemian. Wyłaniane w wyniku wyborów kolejne formacje władzy w resorcie edukacji zamiast decentralizować i decentrować ustrój szkolny, prowadziły do kreowania rzekomo nowych modeli szkoły w gorsecie centralizmu. Co gorsza, premierzy rządów wszystkich stron politycznych oddawali ministerstwo edukacji narodowej w ręce albo ministrów, albo ich decyzyjnego aparatu władzy o zaburzonych relacjach komunikacyjnych ze społeczeństwem, załatwiających interesy dla siebie lub dla własnych środowisk partyjnych. W artykule wyjaśniam przyczyny zdrady elit fundamentalnych założeń ruchu "Solidarności" lat 1980-1989, która skutkuje odchodzeniem polskiego społeczeństwa od demokracji deliberatywnej, partycypacyjnej.

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie nowego koniunktywnego podejścia w badaniach integracji europejskiej: deliberatywnej fuzji międzyrządowej. Bazuje ono na połączeniu liberalnej teorii międzyrządowej, teorii fuzji i teorii deliberatywnego supranacjonalizmu. Główną myślą jest stwierdzenie, że żadna z istniejących koncepcji teoretycznych nie jest w stanie wyjaśnić istoty procesów integracyjnych w ramach Unii Europejskiej. W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe założenia wskazanych teorii (traktowanych jako koncepcje wyjściowe), przeanalizowano główne cechy Unii Europejskiej w czasie kryzysu, a także zaprezentowano podstawowe elementy nowego podejścia. Zaproponowana koncepcja powinna wykazywać przydatność nie tylko w sytuacji kryzysowej, ale także oferować instrumenty analizy integracji europejskiej w okresie pokryzysowym. ; The purpose of this paper is to present a new conjunctive approach in the research on European integration: deliberative intergovernmental fusion. The concept derives from a merging of liberal intergovernmentalism, fusion theory and deliberative supranationalism. The main idea is based on the view that no existing theoretical concept is able to explain the essence of integration processes in the European Union. This paper presents the principal assumptions of the three theories (treated as starting-point approaches), the main features of the European Union in crisis, as well as basic elements of the new approach. The concept proposed should be useful not only in a crisis situation, but also offer instruments for the analysis of European integration in the post-crisis period.

Parliamentary system was adopted by the most of the modern democracies. It occurs where the principle of government's responsibility to parliament is respected. This principle is the basis of parliamentary government and a common feature of the largest group of democratic countries. In comparing these countries, one should also pay attention to the differences between them. They concern both constitutional norms and political practice. This implies that there is no single model of parliamentarism; on the contrary, there are many variations of it. In this situation, there is an objective need to organize a set of parliamentary systems. The paper presents examples of different analytical procedures such as dichotomy, classification and typology. The author concludes that the most useful of these instruments is the typology, and it can arise only on the basis of extensive classification of parliamentary systems. The creation of such a classification would require broad historical-comparative research. ; System parlamentarny funkcjonuje w większości współczesnych państw demokratycznych. Występuje on tam, gdzie respektuje się zasadę odpowiedzialności politycznej rządu przed parlamentem, która stanowi istotę rządów parlamentarnych i cechę wspólną najliczniejszej grupy państw demokratycznych. Porównując te państwa ze sobą, trzeba też zwrócić uwagę na występujące między nimi różnice. Dotyczą one zarówno unormowań konstytucyjnych, jak i praktyki politycznej. To powoduje, że nie ma jednego modelu parlamentaryzmu, przeciwnie – występuje wiele jego odmian. W tej sytuacji istnieje obiektywna potrzeba wewnętrznego uporządkowania zbioru systemów parlamentarnych. W artykule zaprezentowano przykłady zastosowania różnych zabiegów systematyzujących, takich jak dychotomia, klasyfikacja czy typologia. Autor dochodzi do wniosku, że najbardziej użytecznym z tych instrumentów jest typologia, a może ona powstać tylko na podstawie rozbudowanej klasyfikacji systemów parlamentarnych. Stworzenie takiej klasyfikacji wymagałoby przeprowadzenia szeroko zakrojonych badań historyczno-porównawczych.

This study explores the creation of identities and values and the social production of citizens in a Type II Schola Europaea institution. My analysis focuses on pupils' patterns of identification and their system of values as are represented in their language use. In this analysis special attention is paid to students' expressions of their relationship to the EU (European identity creation) and the values connected to the creation of social and political identities of the pupils. The linguistic investigation is performed by corpus-driven systemic-functional analysis of Transitivity processes and Appraisal. Based on Halliday's system of transitivity 2 and Martin & White's appraisal theory 3 the corpus-driven systemic-functional analytic approach is proven to be a highly effective instrument in exposing patterns of identification, values and self-positioning 4.Existing only for a few years, Type II Schola Europaea institutions are the latest development in the "Europeanization" of public education and they represent a new object of study. To date, no research has been conducted in this area from the perspective of applied linguistics, nor has any study focused on the "outcomes" produced by Schola Europaea institutions, such as the ways pupils in these schools express their social and political identities in their communication. Thus, the relevance of this research is that it provides new empirical information about the politics of identity construction, the dissemination of values and the potential of these unique institutions to create "European citizens".

This study explores the creation of identities and values and the social production of citizens in a Type II Schola Europaea institution. My analysis focuses on pupils' patterns of identification and their system of values as are represented in their language use. In this analysis special attention is paid to students' expressions of their relationship to the EU (European identity creation) and the values connected to the creation of social and political identities of the pupils. The linguistic investigation is performed by corpus-driven systemic-functional analysis of Transitivity processes and Appraisal. Based on Halliday's system of transitivity 2 and Martin & White's appraisal theory 3 the corpus-driven systemic-functional analytic approach is proven to be a highly effective instrument in exposing patterns of identification, values and self-positioning 4.Existing only for a few years, Type II Schola Europaea institutions are the latest development in the "Europeanization" of public education and they represent a new object of study. To date, no research has been conducted in this area from the perspective of applied linguistics, nor has any study focused on the "outcomes" produced by Schola Europaea institutions, such as the ways pupils in these schools express their social and political identities in their communication. Thus, the relevance of this research is that it provides new empirical information about the politics of identity construction, the dissemination of values and the potential of these unique institutions to create "European citizens".

Artykuł omawia najczęściej występujące w literaturze przedmiotu style kierowania pracownikami, a także próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie o optymalny styl kierowania w sytuacji kryzysu w przedsiębiorstwie. Sytuacja ta jest niezwykle trudna zarówno dla kadry kierowniczej, jak i pracowników. Często decydującą rolę odgrywa tu czas. Dlatego też menedżerowie powinni przyjmować styl kierowania adekwatny do zaistniałej sytuacji. Czasami będzie to styl demokratyczny, zdecydowanie częściej autokratyczny. W opracowaniu zawarto wyniki badań empirycznych przeprowadzonych wśród 138 przedsiębiorstw znajdujących się w kryzysie. ; This article discusses the most common in the literature staff management styles, and tries to answer the question about the optimal management style in a crisis situation in the company. This situation is a very difficult for both managers and employees. Often, time plays a decisive role. Therefore, managers should take the leadership style appropriate to the situation. Sometimes it will be a democratic style, far more autocratic. The paper contains the results of empirical research conducted among 138 companies in crisis situations.

Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.

Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.

The Federal Republic of Germany has developed a model of integration and assimilation of refugees and economic migrants, which for decades was a model for other European countries and the European Union (EU ). This was possible thanks to the consensus between the main political forces in the country, which, despite the natural alternation of power, do not undermine the main objectives of both foreign policy as well as internal, including the approach to immigrants. The situation changed after 2011 and the events in North Africa, known as the Arab Spring, the consequence of which was a massive influx of refugees and immigrants to Germany. This article examines the position of the main political parties in relation to the refugee crisis. ; Republika Federalna Niemiec (RFN) wypracowała model integracji i asymilacji uchodźców i imigrantów zarobkowych, który przez dziesięciolecia stanowił wzór dla innych państw europejskich i Unii Europejskiej (UE ). Było to możliwe dzięki konsensusowi pomiędzy głównymi siłami politycznymi w kraju, które, mimo naturalnej alternacji władzy, nie podważały głównych założeń zarówno polityki zagranicznej, jak też wewnętrznej, w tym kwestii podejścia do imigrantów. Sytuacja uległa zmianie po 2011 r. i wydarzeniach w Afryce Północnej, zwanych arabską wiosną, których konsekwencją stał się masowy napływ uchodźców i imigrantów do Niemiec. W artykule przeanalizowane zostaną stanowiska głównych partii politycznych w odniesieniu do kryzysu uchodźczego.

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 53-67 ; streszcz. pol., ang. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 53-67 ; streszcz. pol., ang.

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol.

The aim of the research is to explore various forms of participation of the EU Member States Parliaments in the political processes of the European Union. The assessment of the intensity of the analyzed participation will be made by applying the concept of classification of the distinguished participation, which includes passive and active participation. This study has a significant impact in the context of participation of citizens, whose direct representatives are elected members of the national Parliaments (NP). The article verifies the hypothesis that the variety of forms of participation of NP in the political processes in the EU strengthens the democratic legitimacy by increasing transparency and accountability of the EU institutions and by improving cross-level communication lines between the EU institutions and national authorities. Active forms of participation increase influence of NP on the EU political processes. However, a wide range of informal participation increases the effectiveness of supranational decision-making processes, in particular, reducing the technocratic nature of the decisions.

The aim of the research is to explore various forms of participation of the EU Member States Parliaments in the political processes of the European Union. The assessment of the intensity of the analyzed participation will be made by applying the concept of classification of the distinguished participation, which includes passive and active participation. This study has a significant impact in the context of participation of citizens, whose direct representatives are elected members of the national Parliaments (NP). The article verifies the hypothesis that the variety of forms of participation of NP in the political processes in the EU strengthens the democratic legitimacy by increasing transparency and accountability of the EU institutions and by improving cross-level communication lines between the EU institutions and national authorities. Active forms of participation increase influence of NP on the EU political processes. However, a wide range of informal participation increases the effectiveness of supranational decision-making processes, in particular, reducing the technocratic nature of the decisions.