Suchergebnisse

Lam Kwan Heung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendices in English with some Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii-iv ; Acknowledgement --- p.v ; Table of Contents --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.7-22 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methods --- p.23-35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- An Overview on Hainan --- p.36-46 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Framing of Hainan --- p.47-92 ; Chapter ´Ø --- International law and order ; Chapter ´Ø --- U.S. peacekeeping surveillance ; Chapter ´Ø --- Victimized U.S ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Framing of China --- p.93-125 ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's skewed media ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a problematic communist state ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a secretive military power ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's aggression towards Taiwan ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's buying off U.S. politicians ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion --- p.126-134 ; Bibliography --- p.135-137 ; Appendices --- p.138-182

本研究从超常规色彩强烈的重大灾害危机处置入手,分析当代中国动员体制在改革时代的变化特征,以此为切入点来考察动员这项"革命制度遗产对当代中国政治的影响。本研究以中国政府在地震领域的危机动员实践作为实证案例,从1949年以后的不同时期选取四场震例进行纵向比较,以此来把握中国政府在危机条件下启动的政治动员在不同的政治发展阶段会呈现出什么样的整体特点。中国在地震领域的危机动员实践能够证明,中国的政治动员体制比传统动员政治研究假定的要更具动态性。兴起于革命时代的政治动员在进入改革时代以后依然能够延续,并没有随着乌托邦意识形态、计划经济乃至全能主义体制的整体瓦解而走向直线衰落。至少作为中国政府独特的公共危机处置手段,政治动员在改革时代呈现出的变化轨迹是复杂的,成形于全能主义时期的动员政治元素在改革时代不仅没有直接衰败,在某些阶段还重新获得了发展动力,能够与改革时代出现和或者强化的动员模式并存。本研究通过观察中国政府跨越不同政治经济发展阶段的地震危机动员实践发现,中国政府涉灾财政能力和行政能力的发展均衡程度,以及中国政治精英对国家在灾害治理领域角色定位的认知变化,能够对中国政府的地震危机动员模式产生重要影响;既包括s新模式兴起和旧模式衰落,也包括新旧模式的共存。而且,尽管国家能力和国家意愿之间没有必然关联,可是一旦两个因素出现比较同步的增强,还能够为这种"革命制度遗产在改革提供新的制度化动力,促成动员模式更进一步的变化。本研究的结论是,只要作为关键动员主体的中共政权在规范和结构上保持相对稳定,政治动员仍将会是中国政府重要的危机管理工具。而且随着中国政府有更强的意愿和能力来承担公共服务供给职责,政治动员形式和内涵都会有所改变。曾经具有很强非正式和应急色彩的政治动员不仅会变得越来越常态化,而且还会成为正规、任务内容更加广泛的中国涉灾公共治理体系的重要组成部分。 ; This research investigates the dynamics and resilience of China's politlical moblization by making hsitrocial comparison of Chinese government's management of earthquake disasters across four decades. The author selects four major earthquake catastrophesTangshan, Lancang-Gengma, Lijiang, and Wenchuanfrom different historical periods to examine how Chinese government mobilized different types of subjects to contain and control crises under different political, social, and economic conditions. Based upon participatory and non-participatory observation, interviews, and extensive document analyses, this research reveals that China's political mobilization, at least in the issue area of catastrophe management, has demonstrated a more complicated trajectory of change than predicted by most mainstream politilcal theories, espeically in the post-revolutionary era featured by increasing socio-economic pluralization and political liberalization. Insitutional elements promoting mass particpation and self-sufficience thriving in the revolutionary stage not only continue to function in the reform era, but also coexist with newly emerged mobilizational elements featured by increased state dominance, formal legal procedures, and professional expertise. ...

Preliminary Material -- Chapter One Demographic Changes During the Period of the Twelfth Five-Year Plan and Predictions for Population Development /Ying Hu , Fang Cai and Yang Du -- Chapter Two Low Fertility and Related Theoretical Issues in China /Zhigang Guo -- Chapter Three How China Tackled the Global Financial Crisis /Fang Cai , Yang Du and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Four Public Investment and Employment: An Empirical Analysis /Jie Cheng and Dewen Wang -- Chapter Five Growing Pains: What Employment Dilemma Does China Face at Its Lewis Turning Point? /Fang Cai -- Chapter Six The Impact of the Financial Crisis on Employment in Small and Medium Enterprises /Yaowu Wu and Yang Du -- Chapter Seven Changes in Industrial Location and Labor Flows in China /Fang Cai , Meiyan Wang and Yue Qu -- Chapter Eight Population, Industrial Development, and Employment in Chinese Urbanization /Yang Du and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Nine Has Labor Migration Really Not Narrowed the Rural-Urban Income Gap? /Fang Cai and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Ten Emission Reduction Compatible with Economic and Employment Growth /Fang Cai , Yang Du and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Eleven The New Elements of China's Labor Market in the Post-Financial-Crisis Era /Fang Cai and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Twelve Reform of the Hukou System and Unification of Rural-Urban Social Welfare /Fang Cai -- Index.

謝尚偉. ; "2008年8月". ; "2008 nian 8 yue". ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-218). ; Abstracts in Chinese and English. ; Xie Shangwei. ; Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.7 ; Chapter (一) --- 緒 言 --- p.7 ; Chapter (二) --- 「西南事變」與「兩廣事變」 --- p.17 ; Chapter (三) --- 前人研究概論 --- p.21 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 國民黨廣東地方政權的特徵 --- p.47 ; Chapter (一) --- 革命正統與半獨立實況間的矛盾 --- p.50 ; Chapter (二) --- 現代國家建構與地方政權 --- p.54 ; Chapter (三) --- 直達基層的軍事教化 --- p.60 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 思想灌輸 --- p.73 ; Chapter (一) --- 地方主義與國家主義的悖理 --- p.76 ; Chapter (二) --- 效忠黨國與叛逆中央的矛盾 --- p.91 ; Chapter (三) --- 保守思想與時代潮流的背離 --- p.104 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 社會控制 --- p.117 ; Chapter (一) --- 軍事化的地方行政系統 --- p.120 ; Chapter (二) --- 整飭學風 --- p.130 ; Chapter (三) --- 國民革命與專制統治 --- p.140 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 軍事動員 --- p.147 ; Chapter (一) --- 第一集團軍為主軸的廣東武裝力量 --- p.151 ; Chapter (二) --- 派系整肅與嫡系獨大 --- p.160 ; Chapter (三) --- 動員的失效 --- p.170 ; Chapter 第六章 --- 結語:對國民黨地方政權統治危機的審視 --- p.184 ; 參考書目 --- p.193

The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

北韓核問題引起世界各國的關注,更觸動了中國的神經。雖然,中國領導人一貫強調支持朝鮮半島無核化及希望朝鮮半島能夠保持和平穩定,但中國在處理兩次核問題的方式及舉措卻完全不同。在第一次核危機(1991至1994年)爆發時,中國主要採取不介入的政策;但在第二次核危機(2002至2005年)時,中國卻完全擺脫被動的角色,主動擔當核危機的調停者。 ; 正因為中國處理兩次北韓核問題採取完全不同的外交方針及策略,而且兩次核危機橫跨十多年的時間,無論是國際格局及中國國力也有重大的改變。因此,筆者會嘗試從東北亞的國際體系及權力分配、中國參與國際組織及多邊機制的情況和中國的身份認同及對國家利益及安全的看法這三方面去探討中國主動舉辦「六方會談」以解決第二次北韓核問題的主要原因。 ; 為了更能有效檢視研究論題,筆者也會分析中國90年代末參與的「四方會談」、中國所構建的上海合作組織及九一一事件,以評估這些中介變項對中國主動舉辦「六方會談」的影響。筆者希望能夠從是項研究去瞭解中國外交政策的走向,以評估及預測未來中國對其他國際事務的取態及方針。 ; As the North Korea Nuclear Crisis is one of the most critical security issues for China, the Chinese leaders always claim to maintain peace, prosperity, stability and a nuclear-free status on the Korean Peninsula. But in the two nuclear crises, China presented different attitudes and used different strategies to deal with this issue. ; In the first nuclear crisis (1991-1994), China served as neither a mediator nor a peacemaker, and claimed that Washington and Pyongyang should settle the dispute bilaterally. However, in the second nuclear crisis (2002-2005), China started to play a proactive role and acted as a chief mediator and an honest broker for initiating a multilateral dialogue - Six-Party Talks as a method to settle the crisis. ; Since China played different roles and used different strategies in these two nuclear crises within 10 years, this thesis aims to investigate this change and explain the reasonsfrom mainly three angles, including the power structure of Northeast Asia, China's participation in multilateral institutions, and China's self-identity and views on national interests and security. ; In order to strengthen the analysis, this thesis will also investigate the influence of the Four-Party talks, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and September 11 Attack on the initiatives of the Six-Party Talks. Through this research, the author aims to illustrate the dynamics of China's foreign policy and predict the trend of China's diplomatic behavior towards different international affairs. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed ...

Lui, Hor Yan Joyce. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 173-184). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; English Abstract --- p.i ; Chinese Abstract --- p.iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; List of Tables --- p.vi ; List of Figures --- p.vii ; Table of Contents --- p.viii ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Area and Objectives --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Background and Conceptual Framework --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the Research --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Research Methodology --- p.9 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Chapter Organization --- p.9 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Hong Kong in the Midst of its Transformation --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1 --- A State of Euphoria: Prelude to the Crisis --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Post 1997 Crisis --- p.18 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Development of Social Security in Hong Kong --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Paradox --- p.26 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Welfare Debate --- p.28 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Social Democratic Welfare Regimes --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Essential Characteristics --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- The Rise and Fall of the Welfare State --- p.30 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The New Right --- p.31 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Social Development Approach as an Alternative --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Governments' Responses in the West --- p.39 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Workfare Programs Gaining Currency --- p.39 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- Origin and Development of Workfare Programs in the West --- p.41 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- Debates in the Rhetoric of Workfare --- p.44 ; Chapter 4.1.2.1 --- Mandatory versus Voluntary --- p.45 ; Chapter 4.1.2.2 --- Work-first versus Education-first --- p.47 ; Chapter 4.1.3 --- Common Goal shared by various Emphases --- p.50 ; Chapter 4.1.4 --- Effectiveness of Workfare Programs --- p.50 ; Chapter 4.1.1.1 --- The Bright Side --- p.51 ; Chapter 4.1.4.2 --- The Dark Side --- p.52 ; Chapter Chapter Five: --- Hong Kong Government's Responses to the Paradox --- p.54 ; Chapter 5.1 --- ...

2008年三鹿三聚氰胺毒奶粉事件震驚國內外,該事件導致六名嬰兒腎結石死亡,逾三萬嬰幼兒從此生活在各種腎疾病的陰霾之下。此後奶產品安全問題尋出不窮,對國內奶產業造成嚴重的負面影響,令消費者對整個國內奶產業信心下降。事實上,在很多奶產品安全的危機中,遭受質疑的企業組織最後均被政府的檢測結果證實是無辜的。在危機中,組織的形象受到威脅,組織需通過不同的方法進行自我辯護。現存的文獻提出,危機溝通策略和組織對責任承擔的態度是兩個影響公眾對組織信心和媒體報導語調的重要因素。組織類型(國有或外資)也會影響公眾對組織的信心和媒體報導語調。過往研究也發現,公眾對組織的信心與媒體報導語調之間存在正相關的聯繫。此研究通過對兩個犯行危機情景的案例研究(2009多美滋危機事件和2010聖元危機事件),目的在於評估危機溝通策略的效用,同時也探討在不同的階段中危機溝通策略、組織責任承擔、組織類型、公眾對組織的信心和媒體報導語調之間的關係。研究成果發現文獻建議之在不同階段的最佳策略和組織責任承擔對公眾對組織的信心和媒體報導語調均無重要影響。然而,使用越少藉口和越多提供信息策略的組織贏得更多公眾信心,從而提升正面媒體報導。研究也發現,外企在第一和第二階段報導更正面,但最後國企反而取得正面的媒體報導。另外,組織類型與階段對組織選取策略與組織責任承擔均有影響。本研究結果顯示西方危機處理理論在低信任度社會如中國等未必適用。研究一方面透過更複雜的情境角度,進一步加深對現有危機傳播文獻的理解,例如引入不同階段的概念來評估危機管理的成效,另一方面也為在低信任社會中的奶產業企業提供有效的危機管理建議。 ; Sanlu Melamine-contaminated Milk Scandal, the frequent outbreak of dairy product safety crises had a severe impact on the domestic dairy industry, resulting in a general loss of the consumers' confidence in the entire domestic dairy industry. In fact, in many crises the crisis-ridden organizations were eventually proven innocent by governmental departments. During a crisis, an organization's image is threatened, so that various communicative entities are used to defend this image. Based on the existing literature, this study aims at evaluating the effectiveness of crisis communicative strategies (CCSs) as well as investigating the relationships among CCSs, organization responsibility acceptance, organization ownership type (domestically owned or foreign-invested), confidence in organization and media coverage in different stages during the crisis by comparing the Dumex case in 2009 and the Synutra case in 2010. The results found that the posited optimal CCS in a particular stage and organization responsibility acceptance generally did not have significant effects on confidence in organization or media image coverage. However, the findings revealed that the less excuses and the more information providing strategies were employed, the higher the stakeholders' confidence in organization would be, which in turn significantly increased the ...

Preliminary Material /Yang Dongping -- China's Long Green March: Crises and Opportunities /Hu Kanping and Yang Dongping -- Blue-Green Algae Bloom in Taihu Lake: Refl ections on Pollution and Development /Zhang Ke -- Water Crisis in Chinese Cities in 2007 /Jiang Mingzhuo -- A Health Checkup on the Ecology of the Yangtze River /Wang Yongchen -- The Impact of Climate Change on China /Liu Haiying -- Climate Change and Extreme Weather Events in China in 2007 /Huang Lei -- China and Climate Change from the Perspective of International Civil Society /Fu Tao -- Climate Change and Chinese Youth's Attitudes towards Consumption /Zhang Kejia -- Green Olympics and Environmental Improvements in Beijing /Li Jiao -- How Far is Beijing from Being an Eco-city? /Feng Yongfeng -- Progress in Energy Conservation and Emissions Reduction /Zhao Wengeng -- Green Commuting and Public Participation /Kang Xue -- Progress and Problems in China's Construction of an Environmental Legal System /Xu Kezhu , Song Wanzhong and Zhu Fen -- Green Credit Policy in China /Yu Xiaogang -- Challenges for Strategic Environmental Impact Assessments /Qie Jianrong -- Refl ections on Environmental Mass Incidents in China /Tong Zhifeng -- Annual Indexes: Environmental Trends /Yang Dongping -- Terminological Glossary /Yang Dongping -- Index /Yang Dongping.

Ko Chung Man Cynthia. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-168). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgement --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.iii ; 摘要 --- p.v ; "Introduction: Nationalism, Exile and Homelands" ; Nationalism and Exile --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Spaces of Nostalgia and Subversion: Memory as Imaginary Homelands ; The Split Identities of the Political Exile --- p.22 ; Memory as Imaginary Homelands for Exile Writers: Definition --- p.29 ; Memory as Imaginary Homelands for Beidao and Brodsky --- p.40 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.66 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Obsession with the Past: Cities Traveled as Surrogate Homelands ; The Exile Writers' Despair towards the Future --- p.68 ; Cities Traveled as Surrogate Homelands: Definition --- p.72 ; Surrogate Homelands in Beidao's and Brodsky's Endless Journey --- p.80 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.104 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Spaces of Solitude: The Linguistic Homelands ; Exile and Language Crisis --- p.106 ; Linguistic Homelands for Exile Writers: Definition --- p.112 ; Linguistic Homelands for Beidao and Brodsky --- p.122 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.151 ; Conclusion: Textual Spaces as Homelands for the Exile Poets --- p.153 ; Works Cited --- p.159

"In 2016, economic globalization suffered a severe crisis after over half a century of smooth development, and deglobalization was running mountains high. Not only did it trigger domestic political discord in major countries like the United States, Britain, France and Germany, but also led to international economic and political disputes among Western countries, intensifying strategic competition between major powers. With the arrival of 2017, through the perilous waves of deglobalization and the consequent international political upheavals, we find that the post Cold War era that we were familiarized with, is coming to a rapid end, ushering in a new international political era, full of uncertainties. This annual book presents Chinese scholars' views, opinions and predictions on global political and security issues, as well as China's strategic choice. It covers a wide range of important issues concerning international security, ranging from the assessment of Sino-US relations, Russian-American relations, the counter terrorism situation in the Middle East, the political situation in Taiwan and cross-Strait relations, Brexit and the refugee problem, and the strategic situation in the South China Sea, to the judgment of the strategic posture in countries and regions like Japan, the Korean Peninsula, Southeast Asia, Latin America and Africa. Also covered are the analysis of the strategic posture in cyber space, outer space (as well as their governance), and discussion on China's international strategic choice in the wave of deglobalization."--

Yue Yin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 100-106). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Chapter I. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter II. --- Literature Review --- p.6 ; The Poor in the Market Transition --- p.6 ; Political Impacts in Collective Era and Beyond --- p.8 ; Cultural Capital´ة Effects on Stratification in Western Countries --- p.13 ; The Analysis on Habitus: Szelenyi's Researches in Eastern Europe --- p.18 ; The Transfer Mechanism of Cultural Capital --- p.22 ; The Poverty Cycle: Lewis's Culture of Poverty --- p.28 ; Chapter III. --- Methodological Design --- p.31 ; Chapter IV. --- Before 1978,the Idol of Collectivism --- p.33 ; Influences from Parents' Generation --- p.36 ; Occlusive Living Circumstance and Personality --- p.40 ; Insensitive to Education --- p.42 ; Satisfaction with the Lives --- p.46 ; Distributed Education Chances and Good Job Positions --- p.49 ; Send Down Recommendation to Colleges --- p.51 ; Big State-Owned Factories and Good Job Positions --- p.57 ; Work In the Factories --- p.60 ; Value Attached to Hard Work --- p.61 ; Lack of Confidence and Impetus --- p.63 ; Ineffectual Intercommunication --- p.66 ; Limited Horizon --- p.70 ; Chapter V. --- After 1978,Under Marketization --- p.75 ; Reformation of Enterprises and Its Effects on My Interviewees --- p.76 ; The Unconsciousness to the Coming of Crisis --- p.77 ; Good Working Ability? --- p.82 ; After Lay-off --- p.85 ; Chapter VI. --- The Next Generation --- p.87 ; Chapter VII. --- Discussion --- p.92 ; Chapter VIII. --- Appendices --- p.98 ; Chapter IX. --- References --- p.100