Suchergebnisse

by Chau Ho Wai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-140). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.iv ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.v ; ABBREVIATIONS --- p.vi ; CHAPTER ; Chapter ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The Question: How the civil-military relations evolved during the post-Deng era? ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Case of the 1996 Taiwan Straits Crisis ; Chapter 1.3 --- Framework: Allison's Model of Decision-Making ; Chapter 1.4 --- Data and Organization ; Chapter TWO --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Non-Communist Regimes ; Chapter 2.2 --- Communist Regimes ; Chapter 2.3 --- Post-Communist World ; Chapter 2.4 --- Military Politics in China ; Chapter THREE --- INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF PLA: FROM DENG TO POST-DENG ERA --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.1 --- PLA in the Deng Era ; Chapter 3.2 --- PLA in the Post-Deng Era ; Chapter 3.3 --- "Professionalization, Differentiation and Institutionalization" ; Chapter FOUR --- ORGANIZATIONAL INTERESTS OF PLA IN THE TAIWAN STRAITS CRISIS --- p.64 ; Chapter 4.1 --- The War Games and the Policy Handle ; Chapter 4.2 --- Employing the Organizational Process Model ; Chapter 4.3 --- Organizational Interests and Demands of the PLA ; Chapter 4.4 --- Information Processing of the PLA ; Chapter 4.5 --- Resource Acquisitions of the PLA ; Chapter FIVE --- BRINGING THE PLA INTERESTS INTO GOVERNMENTAL POLITICS --- p.100 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Employing the Governmental Politics Model ; Chapter 5.2 --- Perspectives of Jiang Zemin and PLA on the Taiwan Question ; Chapter 5.3 --- Political Pulls and Hauls in the Taiwan Straits Crisis ; Chapter 5.4 --- Legitimacy and Leadership Succession ; Chapter SIX --- CONCLUSION --- p.126 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Summary of Findings ; Chapter 6.2 --- Prospects of Future Research ; BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.134

Lam Kwan Heung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendices in English with some Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii-iv ; Acknowledgement --- p.v ; Table of Contents --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.7-22 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methods --- p.23-35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- An Overview on Hainan --- p.36-46 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Framing of Hainan --- p.47-92 ; Chapter ´Ø --- International law and order ; Chapter ´Ø --- U.S. peacekeeping surveillance ; Chapter ´Ø --- Victimized U.S ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Framing of China --- p.93-125 ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's skewed media ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a problematic communist state ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a secretive military power ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's aggression towards Taiwan ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's buying off U.S. politicians ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion --- p.126-134 ; Bibliography --- p.135-137 ; Appendices --- p.138-182

本研究从超常规色彩强烈的重大灾害危机处置入手,分析当代中国动员体制在改革时代的变化特征,以此为切入点来考察动员这项"革命制度遗产对当代中国政治的影响。本研究以中国政府在地震领域的危机动员实践作为实证案例,从1949年以后的不同时期选取四场震例进行纵向比较,以此来把握中国政府在危机条件下启动的政治动员在不同的政治发展阶段会呈现出什么样的整体特点。中国在地震领域的危机动员实践能够证明,中国的政治动员体制比传统动员政治研究假定的要更具动态性。兴起于革命时代的政治动员在进入改革时代以后依然能够延续,并没有随着乌托邦意识形态、计划经济乃至全能主义体制的整体瓦解而走向直线衰落。至少作为中国政府独特的公共危机处置手段,政治动员在改革时代呈现出的变化轨迹是复杂的,成形于全能主义时期的动员政治元素在改革时代不仅没有直接衰败,在某些阶段还重新获得了发展动力,能够与改革时代出现和或者强化的动员模式并存。本研究通过观察中国政府跨越不同政治经济发展阶段的地震危机动员实践发现,中国政府涉灾财政能力和行政能力的发展均衡程度,以及中国政治精英对国家在灾害治理领域角色定位的认知变化,能够对中国政府的地震危机动员模式产生重要影响;既包括s新模式兴起和旧模式衰落,也包括新旧模式的共存。而且,尽管国家能力和国家意愿之间没有必然关联,可是一旦两个因素出现比较同步的增强,还能够为这种"革命制度遗产在改革提供新的制度化动力,促成动员模式更进一步的变化。本研究的结论是,只要作为关键动员主体的中共政权在规范和结构上保持相对稳定,政治动员仍将会是中国政府重要的危机管理工具。而且随着中国政府有更强的意愿和能力来承担公共服务供给职责,政治动员形式和内涵都会有所改变。曾经具有很强非正式和应急色彩的政治动员不仅会变得越来越常态化,而且还会成为正规、任务内容更加广泛的中国涉灾公共治理体系的重要组成部分。 ; This research investigates the dynamics and resilience of China's politlical moblization by making hsitrocial comparison of Chinese government's management of earthquake disasters across four decades. The author selects four major earthquake catastrophesTangshan, Lancang-Gengma, Lijiang, and Wenchuanfrom different historical periods to examine how Chinese government mobilized different types of subjects to contain and control crises under different political, social, and economic conditions. Based upon participatory and non-participatory observation, interviews, and extensive document analyses, this research reveals that China's political mobilization, at least in the issue area of catastrophe management, has demonstrated a more complicated trajectory of change than predicted by most mainstream politilcal theories, espeically in the post-revolutionary era featured by increasing socio-economic pluralization and political liberalization. Insitutional elements promoting mass particpation and self-sufficience thriving in the revolutionary stage not only continue to function in the reform era, but also coexist with newly emerged mobilizational elements featured by increased state dominance, formal legal procedures, and professional expertise. ...

Preliminary Material -- Chapter One Demographic Changes During the Period of the Twelfth Five-Year Plan and Predictions for Population Development /Ying Hu , Fang Cai and Yang Du -- Chapter Two Low Fertility and Related Theoretical Issues in China /Zhigang Guo -- Chapter Three How China Tackled the Global Financial Crisis /Fang Cai , Yang Du and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Four Public Investment and Employment: An Empirical Analysis /Jie Cheng and Dewen Wang -- Chapter Five Growing Pains: What Employment Dilemma Does China Face at Its Lewis Turning Point? /Fang Cai -- Chapter Six The Impact of the Financial Crisis on Employment in Small and Medium Enterprises /Yaowu Wu and Yang Du -- Chapter Seven Changes in Industrial Location and Labor Flows in China /Fang Cai , Meiyan Wang and Yue Qu -- Chapter Eight Population, Industrial Development, and Employment in Chinese Urbanization /Yang Du and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Nine Has Labor Migration Really Not Narrowed the Rural-Urban Income Gap? /Fang Cai and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Ten Emission Reduction Compatible with Economic and Employment Growth /Fang Cai , Yang Du and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Eleven The New Elements of China's Labor Market in the Post-Financial-Crisis Era /Fang Cai and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Twelve Reform of the Hukou System and Unification of Rural-Urban Social Welfare /Fang Cai -- Index.

謝尚偉. ; "2008年8月". ; "2008 nian 8 yue". ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-218). ; Abstracts in Chinese and English. ; Xie Shangwei. ; Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.7 ; Chapter (一) --- 緒 言 --- p.7 ; Chapter (二) --- 「西南事變」與「兩廣事變」 --- p.17 ; Chapter (三) --- 前人研究概論 --- p.21 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 國民黨廣東地方政權的特徵 --- p.47 ; Chapter (一) --- 革命正統與半獨立實況間的矛盾 --- p.50 ; Chapter (二) --- 現代國家建構與地方政權 --- p.54 ; Chapter (三) --- 直達基層的軍事教化 --- p.60 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 思想灌輸 --- p.73 ; Chapter (一) --- 地方主義與國家主義的悖理 --- p.76 ; Chapter (二) --- 效忠黨國與叛逆中央的矛盾 --- p.91 ; Chapter (三) --- 保守思想與時代潮流的背離 --- p.104 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 社會控制 --- p.117 ; Chapter (一) --- 軍事化的地方行政系統 --- p.120 ; Chapter (二) --- 整飭學風 --- p.130 ; Chapter (三) --- 國民革命與專制統治 --- p.140 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 軍事動員 --- p.147 ; Chapter (一) --- 第一集團軍為主軸的廣東武裝力量 --- p.151 ; Chapter (二) --- 派系整肅與嫡系獨大 --- p.160 ; Chapter (三) --- 動員的失效 --- p.170 ; Chapter 第六章 --- 結語:對國民黨地方政權統治危機的審視 --- p.184 ; 參考書目 --- p.193

The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

Au-Yeung Chi-ying. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includqes bibliographical references (leaves 143-161). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION ; The Issue --- p.1 ; The Case of Sun Ben wen --- p.10 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- CULTURE AND SOCIAL CHANGE ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Cultural Environment and Social Life --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Social Change As Cultural Change --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Culture and Social Change in Modern China --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Social Progress: Towards a Modern Society --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Social Reconstruction: Man Made Social Changes --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.7 --- Conclusion --- p.39 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- SOLVING SOCIAL PROBLEMS IN MODERN CHINA: CULTURE AND POLITICS ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.41 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Defining Social Problems --- p.43 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Cultural Maladjustment: The Cause of Social Problems in Modern China --- p.44 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Rural Problem: A Cultural Problem --- p.50 ; Economic Problems ; Educational Problems ; Problems of Public Health ; Problems of Collective Organizational Forms ; Chapter 3.5 --- Rural Problem: A Political Problem --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.6 --- Conclusion --- p.62 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- "SOCIOLOGISTS AND THE STATE: THE CASE OF THE SOCIOLOGY DEPARTMENT, NATIONAL CENTRAL UNIVERSITY" ; Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.64 ; Chapter 4.2 --- "Establishment of the Sociology Department, 1928 " --- p.65 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Closures of the Sociology Department in the 1930s --- p.73 ; The 1932 Crisis ; The 1936 Crisis ; Chapter 4.4 --- "The Ministry of Society and the Re-opening of the Sociology Department, 1941 " --- p.82 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Conclusion --- p.89 ; Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- LIMITED ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE ACADEMIC SOCIOLOGISTS IN REPUBLICAN CHINA ; Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.92 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Sun Benwen's Cultural Eclecticism --- p.93 ; Liang Shuming's Cultural Conservatism ; Chen Xujing's Wholesale ...