The article demonstrates insufficient use of the taxation tools in the anti-crisis and postcrisis measures complex which is being developed now. The conclusion is made that it is perspective for the national governments to deploy these tools as in current situation taxation seems to be practically the only tool with a national not global character. It is justified that taxes themselves may serve as an effective regulator of social-economic development and may realize anti-cyclic function. Three original concepts are formulated regarding the anticrisis opportunities of taxation which will be useful for the practical search of the most suitable subject for anti-crisis regulation. The article substantiates the necessity to alter the direction of the Russian taxation policy for economic recovery which should be aimed at significant lessening of tax burden to innovative sector by means of decreasing tax rates with the highest anti-crisis potential, by increasing stimulating opportunities of the correcting taxes and by increasing dUferentiation of taxation. Particular suggestions on the adjustment of the modern Russian taxation policy are examined in the article.
The paper outlines the current state of the national economy's regional development. By applying the integral indicators presented in the Methods of monitoring and evaluation of implementation of the state regional policy, the author has rated the development of regions and analyzed a gap in their levels of growth. Through the use of methods for identifying depressed areas of the European Union, the level of regional erosion is determined. On that basis, the necessity of overcoming institutional asymmetries that may arise in the process of creating conditions for dynamic and well-balanced development of Ukraine's regions is pointed out. Based on the comparative analysis of foreign practice of crisis management, key approaches to its implementation are described. It is concluded that crisis management is rather searching for opportunities than expecting or forecasting destructive results and finding adaptive solutions.The article describes the essential determinants of regional crisis management, and sets both long-term and short-term goals for crisis management. A particular attention is paid to the necessity of upgrading of management tools and techniques for regional development. It is pointed out that a system of strategic planning of area development should not be based only "on the achieved results", but should take into consideration crisis initiatives of all sectors of economy and forecast built-in stabilizers that will ensure balanced development. In order to stimulate structural reforms aimed at crisis development of areas, it is necessary to use internal and external financial resources. A special emphasis is placed on the potential grant support and contributions from European structural funds.The practical significance of the research lies in the growing importance of institutional framework and organizational support of crisis management of areas, which should be based on a strategic cross-sectoral partnership.The article proves that crisis management of areas should focus on establishing an enabling environment for inclusive development through support of entrepreneurial initiatives and implementation of investment projects aimed at sustainable and innovative growth of areas; creation of employment opportunities, attraction and retention of highly qualified personnel and maintenance of areas' creative capacities.
The article describes the relationship between the crisis in the economy and the international competitiveness of the enterprise. Indicators of the economic crisis in the country identified, including increasing inflation, rising unemployment, deteriorating balance of payments, declining incomes and more. It is determined that the international competitiveness of the enterprise as an economic category depends on a number of factors, which are proposed to be divided into external and internal. The SWOT-analysis of an estimation of positive and negative factors of influence of economic crisis on maintenance of the international competitiveness of the domestic enterprises is constructed. The negative factors influencing the provision of international competitiveness are singled out: the difficulty of ensuring the positive reputation of the enterprise in the international market, which is associated with the negative political and economic characteristics of the country; high level of tax burden on the domestic market, which reduces the company's income; the inability to improve the quality properties of goods that would meet international standards, due to the large amount of investment that can not be obtained in the process of functioning in a crisis in the country; the negative impact of the macroeconomic situation in the country on the process of entering the international market, etc. The main measures that need to be included in the strategy of ensuring international competitiveness at the enterprise level in order to level the negative effects of the crisis identified.
The purpose of the article is to study the conditions of a political crisis, to analyse the factors of its escalation. For a detailed study of the causes of the political crisis, key achievements of domestic and foreign researchers in this direction were analysed. The article defines the main approaches to explaining the causes of the crisis in the state: economical, elitist and deprivation. The role of deprivation in the development of crisis political processes is revealed. Factors which contribute to the rapid growth of deprivation in society: control of the development of objective conditions that generate dissatisfaction of the population, and information influence. The factors of escalation of political crises are analysed, such as structural stress factors, socio-cultural, regime, accelerating factors, factor of elite fragmentation, factors of mobilization of participation and external factors are distinguished. The role of the human factor in the development of the political crisis is researched. It is proved that explaining the causes of the political crisis can be understood by the motivation of people who have decided to break the usual course of political interactions and resort to atypical forms of political activity. The causes of the emergence and deployment of the political crisis in modern Ukraine are highlighted. It is concluded that the causes of the crisis in Ukraine at the state level can be divided into two: those caused by the hybrid war and those that are systemic and distinguished by their permanence and long-term sustainability.
The purpose of the article lies in than the European refugee crisis of 2015–2018 demonstrated the lack of compliance in practice with the formal principle of solidarity, which should have guided the national governments of the EU member states in the context of migration policy. The general migration strategy of the EU, which was in force at the beginning of the crisis, was created on the basis of the so-called Dublin regulations and have proved ineffective in intensifying migration flows from third-world countries. Among the "first entry countries" (those countries that have "external" EU borders through migrants entered the EU) also was the Republic of Bulgaria. The purpose of the article is studying the impact of the migration crisis on Bulgaria, analyzing its experience as a "first entry country" on the eastern Mediterranean refugee route. Research methods are presented by the historical-system method (to form the holistic view of the various components of the migration crisis), historical-genetic method (to understand the patterns and causal relationships that led to the intensification of migration flows), as well as the law of "call-response" to understand measures organized by the EU institutions and national governments of the European Union (including Bulgaria) to counter the effects of the migration crisis. The principles of historicism and objectivity has been also applied. The scientific novelty lies in the analysis of the Bulgarian experience of overcoming the consequences of the migration crisis during the entire period of the migration crisis in 2015–2018 in Europe. Conclusions. The EU's common migration policy system has proved its ineffective in the face of a conflict between the national interests of the EU member states. The supranational principle of decision was proved to be ineffective in practice in the context of the influx of migrants from countries of another civilizational zone, whose integration into the European socio-cultural space was extremely difficult and required large time ...
The relevance of the research topic is unquestionable according to the importance of the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis" in public and scientific discourses of the European Union and the world. However, according to our observations, existing studies a priori are based on the objective nature of the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis" and almost do not take into consideration its subjective (discursive-cognitive) nature. Thus, the goal of our study is to clarify the impact of perceptions of the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis" on the European integration project (European Union). The research topic is based on systemic and interdisciplinary approaches, as well as on discursive and cognitive approaches, the use of which, to a large extent, have disclosed the subjective nature of the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis". In addition, a number of special scientific methods were used. In particular, descriptive and prognostic, sociological and content analysis, historicalgenetic and problem-chronological, etc. Finally, it has been found that the practical development of this problem depends, to a large extent, on how the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis" is covered at the global, pan-European and national levels. Moreover, even the question of "correct" terminology (as well as the question of related accents and connotations) becomes a "battlefield" of competing discursive practices, through which various actors try to influence the decision-making processes. The campaign for the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union is indicative in this sense. At the same time, the problem of the European Union's unity, that was revealed and strengthened by the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis" is not limited to the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union. It is correctly perceived as a "crisis of EU governance", a "crisis of EU solidarity" and so on. ; Актуальність дослідження не викликає ...
The relevance of the research topic is unquestionable according to the importance of the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis" in public and scientific discourses of the European Union and the world. However, according to our observations, existing studies a priori are based on the objective nature of the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis" and almost do not take into consideration its subjective (discursive-cognitive) nature. Thus, the goal of our study is to clarify the impact of perceptions of the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis" on the European integration project (European Union). The research topic is based on systemic and interdisciplinary approaches, as well as on discursive and cognitive approaches, the use of which, to a large extent, have disclosed the subjective nature of the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis". In addition, a number of special scientific methods were used. In particular, descriptive and prognostic, sociological and content analysis, historicalgenetic and problem-chronological, etc. Finally, it has been found that the practical development of this problem depends, to a large extent, on how the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis" is covered at the global, pan-European and national levels. Moreover, even the question of "correct" terminology (as well as the question of related accents and connotations) becomes a "battlefield" of competing discursive practices, through which various actors try to influence the decision-making processes. The campaign for the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union is indicative in this sense. At the same time, the problem of the European Union's unity, that was revealed and strengthened by the "European migration crisis"/"European refugee crisis" is not limited to the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union. It is correctly perceived as a "crisis of EU governance", a "crisis of EU solidarity" and so on. ; Актуальність дослідження не викликає сумніву з огляду на те значення, яке займає «європейська міграційна криза»/«європейська криза біженців», в публічному та науковому дискурсах Європейського союзу та всього світу. Однак, за нашими спостереженнями, існуючі дослідження апріорі виходять з об'єктивного характеру «європейської міграційної кризи»/«європейської кризи біженців» і майже не розглядають її суб'єктивний (зокрема дискурсивно-когнітивний) характер. Отже метою нашого дослідження є розкриття впливу уявлень про «європейську міграційну кризу»/«європейську кризу біженців» на європейський інтеграційний проект (Європейський союз). В основі дослідження лежать системний і міждисциплінарний підходи, а також дискурсивний і когнітивний підходи, які значною мірою й дозволили розкрити суб'єктивний характер «європейської міграційної кризи»/«європейської кризи біженців». Крім того був застосований ряд спеціально-наукових методів, зокрема дескриптивний і прогностичний, соціологічний і контентаналіз, історико-генетичний і проблемно-хронологічний тощо. Нарешті було встановлено, що від того як «європейська міграційна криза»/«європейська криза біженців» висвітлюється на глобальному, загальноєвропейському та національному рівнях значною мірою й залежить розвиток цієї проблеми на практиці. Більше того, навіть питання «правильної» термінології (а також пов'язаних з нею акцентів і конотацій) стає «полем битви» конкуруючих дискурсивних практик, через які різні актори намагаються впливати на процес прийняття політичних рішень. Показовою в цьому сенсі можна вважати кампанію за вихід Сполученого Королівства з Європейського союзу. Водночас проблема єдності Європейського союзу, яку виявила та посилила «європейська міграційна криза»/«європейська криза біженців», одним лише виходом Сполученого королівства з Європейського союзу не обмежується. Вона, цілком виправданно, усвідомлюється багатьма й як «криза управління ЄС», й як «криза солідарності ЄС» тощо.
Subject of study is the peculiarities of economic relations that develop between the subjects of the international economy in the conditions of the global crisis. The purpose of the article is to update: the process of globalization of the economic sphere in the context of large–scale liberalization of legislative regulation of relations in most countries; aimed at facilitating financial flows and guaranteeing the national regime to foreign capital. Methodology of work – the position of theories of international economics and finance, the concept of sustainable development. On the basis of the system analysis the factors of intrafirm turnover of TNCs influencing character of economic processes in Ukraine are defined. Using the methods of statistical and expert analysis, the prospects for the development of environmentally friendly hydrogen energy in the world are determined. The methods of structuring and synthesis revealed the strengths and weaknesses of the potential for the development of the hydrogen economy in Ukraine. Results of the work –.Conceptualized environmentally friendly hydrogen energy (BE) in: 1. In terms of «hydrogen economy», which includes: 1) production of hydrogen from water using non–renewable energy sources (hydrocarbons, nuclear energy); 2) production of hydrogen using renewable energy sources (biomass); 3) reliable transportation and storage of hydrogen; 4) the use of hydrogen in industry, transport (land, air); 2. Contexts of theoretical discourse: K. Polanyi (Polanyi Karl), Sallins Marshall (Sahlins Marshall) on the violation of the relationship between the concepts of «reciprocity» and «redistribution»; the paradoxes of William Stanley Jevons and Allais Maurice; concepts of G. Tullock, R. Tollison, J. Buchanan, G. Olson on rent and information asymmetry; 3. Within asphacefatronics as a scientific field of security, which is based on energy information processes in biosphere, social, large technical systems 4. Analysis of the state and composition of: mineral resources (SME); mineral ...
Subject of research – Implementation of financial policy of Ukraine and foreign countries to hedge against the risks of coronary crisis. The purpose of writing the article is to determine the measures of budgetary (government) and monetary (central banks) nature of the response to modern challenges of the coronary crisis. The need to combine regulatory and financial capabilities of the government and the central bank in counteracting the coronary crisis in the current and future periods is emphasized. Methodology of work – methods of analysis and synthesis (in systematizing the determinants of constructive influence on the economic security of the state); method of graphic modeling Outcomes – The world is becoming more dependent on fiscal rather than monetary policy. Such a message quite clearly reflects the shift in the focus of public and interstate financial policy. In such conditions, the financial authority of the state is the authority of the budget. This is especially evident in crisis conditions. The previously widespread thesis about the inadmissibility of fiscal dominance in the implementation of monetary policy remains in the past. Not domination, but coordinated cooperation. Growing budget deficits are financed by debt instruments, including partly due to the purchase by the central banks of government bonds (with the possibility of purchasing municipal and corporate). Non–standard problems require non–standard steps to solve them – both nationally and internationally. Reforms of international architecture and a new level of global cooperation must emerge from the crisis. At the national level, economic agents' access to available and potential resources needs to be expanded as a precaution. And the assistance of the state here and the state institutions of power are obligatory. Ukraine's financial system needs a coordinated approach, a financial bridge between the government and the central bank, in which governments and households spend the necessary additional resources from all possible sources ...
Nowadays, media act as a conduit between governmental authorities and the public. The adjusted mechanism of interaction between public authorities and the media, effective and open information policy of the state, filling the information space with key messages today are just some of the main government's tasks in overcoming the crisis. The purpose of this article is to explore the main trends that exist in Ukrainian political and information spheres in order to develop anti-crisis tools for the effective formation of the media reputation of governmental authorities of Ukraine. In the process of research, a number of general scientific and special research methods were used, in particular, structural-functional, comparative, qualitative-quantitative, empirical research, etc. The lack of clear communication strategy, professional anti-crisis structural units for information monitoring and analysis, insufficient diagnostics of citizens' reaction to communication messages and attempts to resolve conflicts and crises situations cause the decrease of Ukraine's reputation in the international arena, makes it impossible for the public authorities to resolve crisis issues and inform the citizens during crisis and emergency situations. As a result of the research, it was stated that there is a lack of articulation of meaningful answers to painful questions and purposeful concentration of media and public attention to help to solve problems instead of spreading destructive sentiments. Under the new conditions of information space globalization and information wars, the state is obliged to bring Ukraine's media legislation to European standards, ensure national interests' preservation, take timely measures to protect vulnerable groups from potentially harmful content, without hindering the right to freedom of speech. Under these conditions, the level of trust in state institutions is dramatically falling and, public authorities should closely collaborate with civil society organizations. One of the key diagnostic methods ...
The article examines the features of international relations in the context of the migration crisis at the present stage. The main objectives of the study were to characterize the historical causes of the current migration crisis in the field of international relations, assess the regulatory framework of migration policy of the European Union, recommendations for improving international relations in the context of the current migration crisis in European countries. The methodology of scientific research is based on the dialectical method, which summarizes all the phenomena and processes that take place in the field of international relations in its relationship and interdependence. In the process of writing the article there were used methods of analysis and synthesis – in the study of the peculiarities of the system of international relations; monographic – when presenting consistent material related to the specified research topic; historical – in describing the causes of the migration crisis; comparison – when assessing the situation in the EU and Ukraine; abstract-logical – in substantiating the logical sequence of events in the international arena, which caused the migration crisis at the present stage of development of society. The result of the study was the generalization of proposals to improve the situation in the field of international relations, the development of recommendations for a common migration policy of European countries and the possibility of involving Ukraine in solving these problems. As conclusions, it is stated that the relationship between European countries is imperfect, and this encourages the leadership of European countries to seek new ways of cooperation in the context of resolving the migration crisis. The significance of the study lies in understanding the need for joint action by Ukraine and the EU to address the migration problem.
Міграційна криза 2015 року в Європі загострила протиріччя в інститутах ЄС. Нездатність і відсутність політичної волі країн членів ЄС підтримати солідарність і організувати спільні дії з врегулювання ситуації викликала негативні наслідки як для Союзу, так і для окремих країнучасниць, що виразилися в зростанні популістських рухів, які маніпулюють фобіями європейського суспільства. Ще з кінця 1990-х років ЄС прагне розвивати так званий «зовнішній вимір» співпраці з питань імміграції та надання притулку, що полягає в спробах управляти міграцією за допомогою співпраці з третіми країнами. В цілому існує 2 концепції «зовнішнього виміру»: перша полягає у виведенні традиційних інструментів контролю міграції (національних і союзних) на міжнародний рівень, друга - в запобіганні причин міграції та потоків біженців через сприяння розвитку третіх країн і вдосконалення інструментів зовнішньої політики. Обидва підходи є взаємодоповнюючими, а їх реалізація може позитивно позначитися на контролі міграційних потоків, захисту біженців та відносинах ЄС з третіми країнами, де Туреччина і Північна Африка є пріоритетними напрямами співпраці. Крім кризи солідарності і відсутності чітко вироблених механізмів взаємодії, особливість міграційної політики ЄС полягає в її багаторівневому і багатофакторному характері. У зв'язку з цим, прийняті ЄС заходи для вирішення кризи біженців 2015 року не є панацеєю і не виключають повторення подій. Проте в пріоритетах політики і дипломатії ЄС намітилося явне зрушення на користь більш жорсткого реагування на міграційну ситуацію. Головною турботою ЄС є вже не права людини, демократія або хороші відносини з сусідніми державами (наприклад, Туреччиною), а підтримка цілісності і порядку в країнах ЄС. Таким чином, реалістичне мислення, пов'язане з виживанням наднаціонального утворення, превалює над економічними міркуваннями, міжнародними відносинами та ін.
Міграційна криза 2015 року в Європі загострила протиріччя в інститутах ЄС. Нездатність і відсутність політичної волі країн членів ЄС підтримати солідарність і організувати спільні дії з врегулювання ситуації викликала негативні наслідки як для Союзу, так і для окремих країнучасниць, що виразилися в зростанні популістських рухів, які маніпулюють фобіями європейського суспільства. Ще з кінця 1990-х років ЄС прагне розвивати так званий «зовнішній вимір» співпраці з питань імміграції та надання притулку, що полягає в спробах управляти міграцією за допомогою співпраці з третіми країнами. В цілому існує 2 концепції «зовнішнього виміру»: перша полягає у виведенні традиційних інструментів контролю міграції (національних і союзних) на міжнародний рівень, друга - в запобіганні причин міграції та потоків біженців через сприяння розвитку третіх країн і вдосконалення інструментів зовнішньої політики. Обидва підходи є взаємодоповнюючими, а їх реалізація може позитивно позначитися на контролі міграційних потоків, захисту біженців та відносинах ЄС з третіми країнами, де Туреччина і Північна Африка є пріоритетними напрямами співпраці. Крім кризи солідарності і відсутності чітко вироблених механізмів взаємодії, особливість міграційної політики ЄС полягає в її багаторівневому і багатофакторному характері. У зв'язку з цим, прийняті ЄС заходи для вирішення кризи біженців 2015 року не є панацеєю і не виключають повторення подій. Проте в пріоритетах політики і дипломатії ЄС намітилося явне зрушення на користь більш жорсткого реагування на міграційну ситуацію. Головною турботою ЄС є вже не права людини, демократія або хороші відносини з сусідніми державами (наприклад, Туреччиною), а підтримка цілісності і порядку в країнах ЄС. Таким чином, реалістичне мислення, пов'язане з виживанням наднаціонального утворення, превалює над економічними міркуваннями, міжнародними відносинами та ін.
The main task of this paper is to start the discovering of complex reality of interwoven linksand relations between the sphere of higher education, globalizing world economy and their «crisis».All current anti-crisis measures will remain fictitious and counterproductive until they take intoaccount deep material structures and relations that underlie the world of «financial» & «economic»relations and exchange & transaction. These relations and their structures produce and reproducethemselves by financial-economic transactions. For existence and reproduction of these relationsthey require «antropo-production» activities in functions of higher education and professions. Inorder to overcome the «crisis», we must move beyond the world political economy, we need todisclose these deep structures and relations (of university, world economy and «economiceducation») and set our world free for development through thoughtful redesign and reconstructionof these structures.