Suchergebnisse

The issue of mass migration to the European Union, although it has been present in the public space for several years, is still topical. Following the population movements in Europe and the massive influx of migrants from the Middle East to the borders of the European Union, the accumulation of which occurred in 2015, a number of phenomena related to the so-called migration crisis have been subject to research analysis. The aim of the considerations undertaken in this case study is to present the way in which Poland's position towards the EU's proposals for solving the migration crisis has evolved. A content analysis of the literature on the subject and the legal acts provided an answer to the question of how Poland's attitude changed after the 2015 parliamentary elections. And what factors underpinned the change of approach regarding the reception of refugees. This study uses mainly theoretical research methods such as analysis, which includes content analysis of the literature and available documents, and statistical studies on the research phenomenon. The analysis of the problem leads to the reflection that the proposal for a solution to the EU migration crisis has divided both the European Community and many other countries. In the face of a crisis, solidarity with the community and responsibility for the security of citizens were at stake. In 2015, this issue aroused a lot of emotion during the ongoing political campaign in Poland and was part of the electoral game. The victorious party and the new government have unequivocally rejected the idea of relocation, confirming that security is their overriding priority.

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive
approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of
political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process Sweden's immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources
utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.

This paper's objective is to study the impact of the war in Ukraine on the Eastern policy of the European Union. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to highlight this policy's position in the overall international activity of the EU, as well as its characteristic features, main goals, instruments, and two components: the strategic partnership with Russia and the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The substantive part of the paper contains an analysis which, taking into account the implications of the war in Ukraine, is intended to justify three research hypotheses. They concern: the complete failure of the strategic partnership with Russia, then the serious crisis of the EaP and, finally, the possibility of achieving success in the Eastern policy in the form of Ukraine's accession to the EU. As indicated in the conclusion, this would provide the European Union with a permanently strong position in Eastern Europe.

This article focuses on the solidarity of EU member states with the so-called "front" country, Greece, which found itself during the migration crisis in 2015 and in the following years on the most burdened East-Mediterranean route, i.e. the route by sea from Turkey to Greece and onwards to various European Union countries. Refugees from Syria but also from Iraq and
Afghanistan continue to arrive along this route. The destinations for boats carrying immigrants and refugees via Turkey to Greece are the islands in the Aegean Sea including the island of Lesbos whereon the infamous Moria camp still plays a special role. The island which hosts Moria is the subject of European solidarity research with Greece. The structure of this article consists of three parts. The fi rst discusses the principle of solidarity which, like any community, lies at the heart of the European Union. Part Two deals with the migration crisis and its challenges regarding the solidarity of EU Member States from Greece. The third part focuses on the humanitarian consequences of the lack of solidarity between EU member states and Greece. The source material is scientifi c publications on the EU, information from EU portals and press agencies and their recordings of developments in Greece related to the infl ux of immigrants along the Eastern Mediterranean route along with the author's own observations
of the Moria camp during a visit at the end of November 2019. This article also partly refers to the new humanitarian challenges arising in the context of the situation of immigrants on their way to Europe during the Coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19).

The article provides an analysis of the powers of the President of the Republic of Poland, which may have an impact on counteracting and moderating constitutional crises and constitutional rot. It aims to describe the potential actions that the head of state may take in a constitutional crisis to restore the stabilization of the state and the constitutional order with its values. The study also includes a reflection on the influence of the style of the presidency on the effectiveness of arbitration.

In this article, we analyse the impact of disruptive media events on the perceived value of diversity in editorial practices, with a specific focus on the Polish media debate following the onset of the Ukrainian-Russian war in February 2022. We do this based on a unique dataset derived from in-depth interviews with eight editors representing four different newsrooms conducted before, immediately after, and approximately one year after the start of the war. Our research answers the question of whether newsrooms can defend the value of diversity during the coverage of war and crisis. We also assess the impact of the changed geopolitical context, characterised by nation-building mobilisation and public sentiments of solidarity with Ukrainians, on editorial decisions to mute, delay, or opt out of publishing certain stories. We contribute to research on the epistemologies of journalistic news production during times of crisis, news diversity, and the role of the media in democratic societies.

The social economy sector is an important area of public policy implementation in social assistance and the labor market. Social economy entities have instruments of public financial support at their disposal, including returnable ones, enabling them to develop and achieve economic and social goals. During the COVID-19 pandemic, they received new support instruments of a unique nature compared to the existing solutions. An important issue is the flexibility of public policy responses and the ability to jointly - the public authority and the non-profit stakeholder community - to develop and implement support to protect this sector, which is sensitive to economic crises resulting from the consequences of operating restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic. The social enterprise, or more broadly social entrepreneurship, is certainly one of the most fascinating innovations of recent decades, still eluding theoretically satisfactory explanation.

This article analyzes the most important political, social, ethical problems of modern society – lies in the media, "fake news" as an indicator of the degradation of the media, civil society institutions, and the authorities. The article analyzes the information processes of modern society, states the influence of fake news on political processes. The article reveals the importance of the political culture of society and the negative perception of fake news. This phenomenon is considered in the context of the informational picture of the world, the need of the authorities to abuse the institution of journalism as an agent of influence and manipulation of public opinion. The study notes the role of the linguistic factor in the implementation of the functions of manipulating society, reducing the level of citizens' trust in the state. The article attempts to reveal the role of social networks in promoting fake news. On the example of the secondary interpretation of the results of a sociological survey in the United States, the negative perception of fake news by society is revealed. The survey results indicate the growth of inequality and prejudice in society. The article concludes about the social turbulence of the processes of modern society.

This paper explores the role played by the EU in addressing the crisis in Mali. The analysis briefly covers the causes and the outbreak of the crisis, the Frenchled intervention and the role of regional organisations and the UN's response. The aim is to explore the evolution and humanitarian consequences of the Malian crisis with particular concern for the role played by the EU. The paper concludes with a brief analysis of the limitations of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy and the lack of political will to generate a concrete fast response as in the case of Mali. ; This paper explores the role played by the EU in addressing the crisis in Mali. The analysis briefly covers the causes and the outbreak of the crisis, the Frenchled intervention and the role of regional organisations and the UN's response. The aim is to explore the evolution and humanitarian consequences of the Malian crisis with particular concern for the role played by the EU. The paper concludes with a brief analysis of the limitations of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy and the lack of political will to generate a concrete fast response as in the case of Mali.

The aim of this article was to portray the complexity of the crisis/war in Ukraine, an event that has shaken Europe more than any other since World War II. The complexity of the crisis could be located in the involvement of external powers (Russia, US, NATO, EU, Turkey, etc.). Zbigniew Brzezinski throws light on the geopolitical significance of Ukraine in the context of the tendency of great powers to secure dominance in Eurasia. Brzezinski assigned Ukraine as a "pivotal" figure on the "Eurasian chessboard" due to its vital geostrategic position, major resources, access to the Black Sea, and importance for Russian strategic interests. In terms of a realist perspective and geopolitical thoughts, Brzezinski's writings still represent a valuable asset in the analysis of the current crisis in Ukraine.

The European Union has experienced major crises of massive influx of third-country nationals across its external borders in the last decade alone. The first of these, known as "the peak migration crisis", took place in 2015, while the second, incomparably larger one in 2022 pretends to be "the peak refugee crisis". Undoubtedly, both have had an unprecedented impact on the crossing of EU borders and, at the same time, have significantly affected the functioning of the "area without borders". However, such significant crises have caused a great degree of terminological confusion, concerning the terms refugee and migrant. In addition, the scale of the influx of Ukrainian citizens into the European Union has surpassed any previous numbers that were described as a crisis and which the EU has ever tried to deal with. The aim of this article is to provide a trial of comparative analysis of these phenomena in the context of their impact on the functioning of the "area without borders".

he COVID-19 pandemic affected both developed and developing countries, but its effects primarily affected the poor and people at risk of social and professional exclusion, e.g. people with disabilities, especially those staying in nursing homes, refugees and migrants, and finally people in crisis homelessness. The aim of the study is to discuss selected problems and examples of good practices implemented in Poland during the pandemic with regard to two target groups, i.e. people in a homelessness crisis and residents of social care homes, i.e. groups most exposed to the effects of SARS-CoV-2, including due to age, health problems and greater susceptibility to disease.

The pandemic is an accelerator of economic, technological and social changes. Despite pessimistic forecasts, Poland went unscathed by the pandemic crisis, which is the general conclusion of the article. This is evidenced both by economic data and market statistics. The first part of the article focuses on the economic background of the changes. The second one diagnoses the state of the Polish labor market, which is the main subject of the article. In the following sections author analyses the social consequences of the crisis, and on this basis, draws conclusions about the prospects of the Polish labor market after the pandemic.

The aim of article is to answer the questions: what is the public perception of the terms 'refugee' and 'migrant'? as well as In the light of opinion polls, are these terms equivalent or do they have a different connotation (linguistic content) and denotation (scope)? The starting point for the analysis is the identification of the dictionary-encyclopaedic, statistical and formal-legal meanings of these names. The analysis presented in the article is based on the results of the public opinion research "Social perception of refugees from Ukraine, migrants and actions taken by the Polish state", which was carried out between 2022 and 2023 by the research LAB managed by the author. In order to holistically reconstruct the social perception of 'refugees' and 'migrants', the author developed a multidimensional indicator (index), which he called the Social Perception of Migrants Index (SPMI). The result of the analysis is the identification of the constitutive features of the names 'refugee' and 'migrant' as well as their denotation. The author also proposes to introduce a new concept concerning the migration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border and the refugee crisis on the Polish-Ukrainian border, which he called a 'hybrid humanitarian crisis'.

The author of the book raises the problem of fast automation of production and the crisis of capitalism. He analyzes the space of possibilities and wonders about the vision of the future, presenting two utopias and two antiutopias.