Suchergebnisse

Culture has several meanings: civilization, creation, knowledge, life… We analyze how each one suffers the so-called crisis of culture. Civilization lives the crisis as «liquidity», according to Bauman's diagnosis, with significant negative impact on education. The creation and enjoyment of cultural products, such as museums, suffer its crisis as fragility resulting from the civilization crisis, notably in the form of consumerist banality or pure entertainment. Culture as knowledge and as life is analyzed under the joint notion «humanistic culture». This, which in turn is creation, knowledge and life has its specific corruption in the elitist knowledge, merely theoretical. The hallmark of genuine humanism contains an essential component, the dimension of ethical and political commitment. The crisis in the humanistic studies, noted by Nussbaum, threats the values of humanistic culture; in particular is a political risk, because democracy is a system that needs to sustain and improve the values of humanistic culture. In the background, and beyond the differences between the cultural meanings, there is a unique cultural crisis, a crisis of ethics and politics at a time ; Cultura tiene diversos significados: civilización, creación, conocimiento, vida… Analizamos de qué forma cada uno sufre la llamada crisis de la cultura. La civilización vive la crisis como liquidez, según el diagnóstico de Bauman, con importante efecto negativo sobre la educación. La creación y el goce de los productos culturales, como los museos, sufren su crisis como fragilidad derivada de la crisis anterior, especialmente en forma de banalidad consumista o puro entretenimiento. La cultura como conocimiento y como vida son analizados desde la noción conjunta de «cultura humanística». Esta, que a su vez es creación, conocimiento y vida, tiene una corrupción propia en la erudición elitista, en el conocimiento meramente teorético. El sello del humanismo genuino contiene un componente esencial, su dimensión de compromiso ético y político. La crisis ...

Culture has several meanings: civilization, creation, knowledge, life… We analyze how each one suffers the so-called crisis of culture. Civilization lives the crisis as «liquidity», according to Bauman's diagnosis, with significant negative impact on education. The creation and enjoyment of cultural products, such as museums, suffer its crisis as fragility resulting from the civilization crisis, notably in the form of consumerist banality or pure entertainment. Culture as knowledge and as life is analyzed under the joint notion «humanistic culture». This, which in turn is creation, knowledge and life has its specific corruption in the elitist knowledge, merely theoretical. The hallmark of genuine humanism contains an essential component, the dimension of ethical and political commitment. The crisis in the humanistic studies, noted by Nussbaum, threats the values of humanistic culture; in particular is a political risk, because democracy is a system that needs to sustain and improve the values of humanistic culture. In the background, and beyond the differences between the cultural meanings, there is a unique cultural crisis, a crisis of ethics and politics at a time ; Cultura tiene diversos significados: civilización, creación, conocimiento, vida… Analizamos de qué forma cada uno sufre la llamada crisis de la cultura. La civilización vive la crisis como liquidez, según el diagnóstico de Bauman, con importante efecto negativo sobre la educación. La creación y el goce de los productos culturales, como los museos, sufren su crisis como fragilidad derivada de la crisis anterior, especialmente en forma de banalidad consumista o puro entretenimiento. La cultura como conocimiento y como vida son analizados desde la noción conjunta de «cultura humanística». Esta, que a su vez es creación, conocimiento y vida, tiene una corrupción propia en la erudición elitista, en el conocimiento meramente teorético. El sello del humanismo genuino contiene un componente esencial, su dimensión de compromiso ético y político. La crisis de los estudios humanísticos, señalada por Nussbaum, pone en riesgo los valores de la cultura humanística; en este riesgo se subraya especialmente el riesgo político, porque la democracia es un sistema que necesita para su sostenimiento y mejora los valores de la cultura humanística. En el fondo, y más allá de las diferencias entre registros culturales, hay una única crisis de la cultura, que es una crisis ética y política a la vez

Culture has several meanings: civilization, creation, knowledge, life… We analyze how each one suffers the so-called crisis of culture. Civilization lives the crisis as «liquidity», according to Bauman's diagnosis, with significant negative impact on education. The creation and enjoyment of cultural products, such as museums, suffer its crisis as fragility resulting from the civilization crisis, notably in the form of consumerist banality or pure entertainment. Culture as knowledge and as life is analyzed under the joint notion «humanistic culture». This, which in turn is creation, knowledge and life has its specific corruption in the elitist knowledge, merely theoretical. The hallmark of genuine humanism contains an essential component, the dimension of ethical and political commitment. The crisis in the humanistic studies, noted by Nussbaum, threats the values of humanistic culture; in particular is a political risk, because democracy is a system that needs to sustain and improve the values of humanistic culture. In the background, and beyond the differences between the cultural meanings, there is a unique cultural crisis, a crisis of ethics and politics at a time ; Cultura tiene diversos significados: civilización, creación, conocimiento, vida… Analizamos de qué forma cada uno sufre la llamada crisis de la cultura. La civilización vive la crisis como liquidez, según el diagnóstico de Bauman, con importante efecto negativo sobre la educación. La creación y el goce de los productos culturales, como los museos, sufren su crisis como fragilidad derivada de la crisis anterior, especialmente en forma de banalidad consumista o puro entretenimiento. La cultura como conocimiento y como vida son analizados desde la noción conjunta de «cultura humanística». Esta, que a su vez es creación, conocimiento y vida, tiene una corrupción propia en la erudición elitista, en el conocimiento meramente teorético. El sello del humanismo genuino contiene un componente esencial, su dimensión de compromiso ético y político. La crisis de los estudios humanísticos, señalada por Nussbaum, pone en riesgo los valores de la cultura humanística; en este riesgo se subraya especialmente el riesgo político, porque la democracia es un sistema que necesita para su sostenimiento y mejora los valores de la cultura humanística. En el fondo, y más allá de las diferencias entre registros culturales, hay una única crisis de la cultura, que es una crisis ética y política a la vez

Session: II-A: Critical issues in Russian Politics. Presenter: Anna Dean, Ohio State University - "The Russian Population Crisis".

This paper presents results from a comparative and qualitative discourse-historical analysis of governmental crisis communication in Austria, Germany, France, Hungary and Sweden, during the global COVID-19 pandemic lockdown from March 2020 to May 2020 (a 'discourse strand'). By analysing a sample of important speeches and press conferences by government leaders (all performing as the 'face of crisis management'), it is possible to deconstruct a range of discursive strategies announcing/legitimising restrictive measures in order to cope with the COVID-19 pandemic where everybody is in danger of falling ill, regardless of their status, position, education and so forth. I focus on four frames that have been employed to mitigate the 'dread of death' (Bauman, 2006) and counter the 'denial of death' (Becker, 1973/2020): a 'religious frame', a 'dialogic frame', a frame emphasising 'trust', and a frame of 'leading a war'. These interpretation frameworks are all embedded in 'renationalising' tendencies, specifically visible in the EU member states where even the Schengen Area was suddenly abolished (in order to 'keep the virus out') and borders were closed. Thus, everybody continues to be confronted with national biopolitics and body politics (Wodak, 2021).

In this article we analyze the process of monetary integration in Europe, identifying the structural determinants and the dysfunctional elements in the institutions of the European Union. Secondly, we explain two prevailing discourses that fail in interpreting the events: on the one hand, a purely ideological position that see integration as a process of convergence that should not be interfered with; on the other hand, a purely idealist perspective, according to which the ideal of integration will prevail over any contradiction engendered by the institutional system. The combination of these two perspectives helped justify post crisis interventions (fiscal consolidation) and the institutional design that followed, which eventually aggravated the macroeconomic instability in the area. ; Este artículo analiza la integración monetaria europea, los determinantes estructurales y los elementos disfuncionales de las instituciones de la Unión. Además, revisa dos lecturas que fallan al interpretar los acontecimientos: una interpretación ideológica que ve en la integración un proceso de convergencia que no se debe interferir, y una visión idealista que sostiene que la integración debe prevalecer sobre toda contradicción generada a nivel institucional. Su combinación sirvió para justificar las intervenciones poscrisis (la austeridad) y la construcción institucional posterior, que agravaron la inestabilidad macroeconómica en Europa.

Disaster researchers do not make much use of the term "crisis" and when they do, it is often used as a synonym for "disaster". We argue that the use of these terms implies differences in analytical perspective. In this chapter, we outline the crisis approach and explain how it is different from a disaster approach. The crisis approach is fundamentally interdisciplinary in nature, drawing together insights from public administration, sociology, psychology and political science. We explicate the underlying assumptions of this approach and show that this approach helps to recognize the most important challenges for political and administrative leaders during crises and disasters. We argue that the crisis and disaster perspectives are largely complementary and mutually informative.

Croatia is becoming the 28th member of the European Union on July1st, 2013. Croatia has gone a long way from a socialist republic to an independentcountry recognized as one of the economic tigers of the Western Balkans in thefirst decade of the 21st century.Croatia has been hit by the global crisis, which turned out to be a huge externalshock for the region of the Western Balkans. Although it does not enter theeconomy through the direct channels, as local banks have not been engaged intoxic assets trade, but indirect channels, like the decrease of FDI, which deepensforeign trade deficits, slow credit growth or decrease of remittance which lead toeconomic disturbances during the last phase of the European integration process.Small economies, like Croatia, are exposed much more to the effects of any disturbanceson the international scene. They are dependent on foreign trade and the inflow of FDI, while their demand and inflation rate are affected by the pace of changes in big economies.The article addresses the problem of economic development in the countrywhich needs to deal with a problem of the economic crisis infection and the EUintegration process. The article studies the economic situation in Croatia which is the consequence of a recovery plan undertaken by the Croatian government. ; Croatia is becoming the 28th member of the European Union on July1st, 2013. Croatia has gone a long way from a socialist republic to an independentcountry recognized as one of the economic tigers of the Western Balkans in thefirst decade of the 21st century.Croatia has been hit by the global crisis, which turned out to be a huge externalshock for the region of the Western Balkans. Although it does not enter theeconomy through the direct channels, as local banks have not been engaged intoxic assets trade, but indirect channels, like the decrease of FDI, which deepensforeign trade deficits, slow credit growth or decrease of remittance which lead toeconomic disturbances during the last phase of the European integration process.Small economies, like Croatia, are exposed much more to the effects of any disturbanceson the international scene. They are dependent on foreign trade and the inflow of FDI, while their demand and inflation rate are affected by the pace of changes in big economies.The article addresses the problem of economic development in the countrywhich needs to deal with a problem of the economic crisis infection and the EUintegration process. The article studies the economic situation in Croatia which is the consequence of a recovery plan undertaken by the Croatian government.

Croatia is becoming the 28th member of the European Union on July1st, 2013. Croatia has gone a long way from a socialist republic to an independentcountry recognized as one of the economic tigers of the Western Balkans in thefirst decade of the 21st century.Croatia has been hit by the global crisis, which turned out to be a huge externalshock for the region of the Western Balkans. Although it does not enter theeconomy through the direct channels, as local banks have not been engaged intoxic assets trade, but indirect channels, like the decrease of FDI, which deepensforeign trade deficits, slow credit growth or decrease of remittance which lead toeconomic disturbances during the last phase of the European integration process.Small economies, like Croatia, are exposed much more to the effects of any disturbanceson the international scene. They are dependent on foreign trade and the inflow of FDI, while their demand and inflation rate are affected by the pace of changes in big economies.The article addresses the problem of economic development in the countrywhich needs to deal with a problem of the economic crisis infection and the EUintegration process. The article studies the economic situation in Croatia which is the consequence of a recovery plan undertaken by the Croatian government. ; Croatia is becoming the 28th member of the European Union on July1st, 2013. Croatia has gone a long way from a socialist republic to an independentcountry recognized as one of the economic tigers of the Western Balkans in thefirst decade of the 21st century.Croatia has been hit by the global crisis, which turned out to be a huge externalshock for the region of the Western Balkans. Although it does not enter theeconomy through the direct channels, as local banks have not been engaged intoxic assets trade, but indirect channels, like the decrease of FDI, which deepensforeign trade deficits, slow credit growth or decrease of remittance which lead toeconomic disturbances during the last phase of the European integration process.Small economies, like Croatia, are exposed much more to the effects of any disturbanceson the international scene. They are dependent on foreign trade and the inflow of FDI, while their demand and inflation rate are affected by the pace of changes in big economies.The article addresses the problem of economic development in the countrywhich needs to deal with a problem of the economic crisis infection and the EUintegration process. The article studies the economic situation in Croatia which is the consequence of a recovery plan undertaken by the Croatian government.

This report discusses the West African country of Mali that faces multiple overlapping crises. The country's political leadership has been uncertain and disputed since a military coup on March 22, 2012, overthrew a democratically elected government in the capital, Bamako.

El artículo se propone reconstruir algunas narrativas teóricas sobre la juventud, articuladas en torno al concepto de crisis. Para ello, repasa las aportaciones de cinco autores del siglo XX, provenientes de distintas disciplinas, escuelas teóricas y coyunturas de crisis: Erik H. Erikson (1968) y su teoría sobre la juventud como "crisis normativa"; Stanley G. Hall (1904) y su teoría sobre la adolescencia como fase de "tempestad y estímulo"; Antonio Gramsci (1929-31) y su teoría sobre juventud, hegemonía y crisis de autoridad; Margaret Mead (1970) y su teoría sobre la capacidad prefigurativa de la crisis juvenil; Dick Hebdige (1979) y su teoría sobre el punk como metáfora de la crisis. El artículo concluye preguntándose qué elementos de estas teorías deben descartarse y cuáles pueden rescatarse, para comprender la metamorfosis de la condición juvenil tras las secuelas de la última crisis y para diseñar políticas públicas y privadas más efectivas para enfrentarla. El texto incorpora un postscriptum sobre la crisis del coronavirus. ; The article proposes to reconstruct some theoretical narratives about youth, articulated around the concept of crisis. For this, it reviews the contributions of five authors of the twentieth century, from different disciplines, theoretical schools and crisis situations: Erik H. Erikson (1968) and his theory on youth as "normative crisis"; Stanley G. Hall (1904) and his theory on adolescence as a "storm and stress" phase; Antonio Gramsci (1929-31) and his theory on youth, hegemony and crisis of authority; Margaret Mead (1970) and her theory on the prefigurative capacity of the youth crisis; Dick Hebdige (1979) and his theory about punk as a metaphor for the crisis. The article concludes by asking what elements of these theories should be discarded and which can be rescued, to understand the metamorphosis of the juvenile condition after the aftermath of the last crisis and to design more effective public and private policies to face it. The text incorporates a postscriptum about the crisis of coronavirus. ; El artículo surge de las sinergias generadas por la Red de Excelencia sobre Juventud y Sociedad – REJS 2.0, Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades, de la que soy IP [CSO2015-71988-REDT y CSO2017-90618-REDT]; así como de dos proyectos de investigación, uno nacional: La implantación de la Garantía Juvenil en España: Jóvenes, trabajo y futuro – GARJUVE, Ministerio de Economía y Competividad [CSO2015-66901-R]; y otro europeo: Cultural Narratives of Crisis and Renewal – CRIC, European Union: Horizon-2020 [H2020-MSCA-RISE-2014-645666]. Su redacción y revisión se ha hecho en el marco del proyecto Transnational Gangs as Agents of Mediation – TRANSGANG, financiado por el European Research Council [H2020-ERC-AdG-742705].

If there is a crisis in higher education today, how should we respond to it? The polar opposite answers are, either better technical education that would prepare graduates for immediate successful employment; or a broad humanities and social science education, preparing graduates for leadership in democratic societies. Without taking sides in this multi-position debate, I try to show here how both extremes, rightly understood, can contribute to the improvement of democratic societies today.

This essay examines the questions raised by the present financial crisis through an enquiry into the institutional foundations of American finance. We view with some skepticism strong claims concerning the disastrous outcome for the structural dynamism of the global financial system and America's position in it. Many critical political economists tend to take the system of global financial markets as their point of departure and then locate the US in this system. Such approaches, however, generally fail to do justice to the decades-long build up of US financial power and do not capture many of the organic institutional linkages through which the American state is connected to the world of global finance and which are responsible for its imperial sprawl. In many ways, financial globalization is not best understood as the re-emergence of international finance but rather as a process through which the expansionary dynamics of American finance took on global dimensions. Because the present system of global finance has been shaped so profoundly by specifically American institutions and practices, it will not do to evaluate the changes and transformations of this system on the basis of either an abstract, generic model of capitalism or mere extrapolations from conjunctural crises. Crisis and instability are part and parcel of the dynamics of imperial finance and so are the managerial capacities developed by the US state. The most important questions that should occupy critical political economists therefore have to do not with what appear to be external challenges to US financial power (or the putative opportunities for progressive change opened up by them), but rather relate to the ways in which the imperial network of intricate, complex and often opaque institutional linkages between the US state and global finance is managed and reproduced. ; This essay examines the questions raised by the present financial crisis through an enquiry into the institutional foundations of American finance. We view with some skepticism strong claims concerning the disastrous outcome for the structural dynamism of the global financial system and America's position in it. Many critical political economists tend to take the system of global financial markets as their point of departure and then locate the US in this system. Such approaches, however, generally fail to do justice to the decades-long build up of US financial power and do not capture many of the organic institutional linkages through which the American state is connected to the world of global finance and which are responsible for its imperial sprawl. In many ways, financial globalization is not best understood as the re-emergence of international finance but rather as a process through which the expansionary dynamics of American finance took on global dimensions. Because the present system of global finance has been shaped so profoundly by specifically American institutions and practices, it will not do to evaluate the changes and transformations of this system on the basis of either an abstract, generic model of capitalism or mere extrapolations from conjunctural crises. Crisis and instability are part and parcel of the dynamics of imperial finance and so are the managerial capacities developed by the US state. The most important questions that should occupy critical political economists therefore have to do not with what appear to be external challenges to US financial power (or the putative opportunities for progressive change opened up by them), but rather relate to the ways in which the imperial network of intricate, complex and often opaque institutional linkages between the US state and global finance is managed and reproduced.

The following article aims to expose the general variables of the Brazilian economic-political crisis, which began in 2013 and is currently in force. The aim is to expose and analyze: a) the different interpretive aspects of the crisis; b) the historical structures of political power and their institutional framework; c) the structural determinants of the economic crisis and the political-economic contradictions of the Social-developmentalist model. The analysis concludes that the current crisis obeys to a multidimensional dynamic and is the product of the deepening structural and institutional contradictions implied in an inconclusive democratizing pact, which became a process of de-democratization. ; El siguiente artículo tiene como objetivo exponer las variables generales de la crisis económico-política brasileña, iniciada en el año 2013 y vigente en la actualidad. Se pretenden exponer y analizar: a) las diversas corrientes interpretativas de la crisis; b) las estructuras históricas de poder político y su marco institucional; c) las determinantes estructurales de la crisis económica y las contradicciones político- económicas del modelo social-desarrollista. El análisis concluye que la crisis actual obedece a una dinámica multidimensional y es el producto de la profundización de las contradicciones estructurales e institucionales implicadas en un pacto democratizador inconcluso, que devino en un proceso de desdemocratización.

This study is the product of reflection developed by the authors from a) observation of the manifestations of 15M Movement and Jornadas de Junho in Spain and Brazil, respectively b) analysis of secondary sources from statistics and communication mechanisms and dissemination of activities (websites and mass media). The main objective of the study is a comparative analysis between the two movements reviewing similarities and differences in relation to the contexts of origin and their developments. Although differences between the two protests in regard to the economic and political situation, as well as differences in the trigger for the protests are observed, if we look at the repertoire, contents and frameworks of interpretation, one could observe both protests as manifestations of a cycle of global protest rooted in the current phase of international capitalism. ; El presente estudio es producto de la reflexión desarrollada por los autores a partir de a) la observación de las manifestaciones del Movimiento 15M y de las Jornadas de Junho en España y Brasil, respectivamente y b) el análisis de fuentes secundarias procedentes de estadísticas y de mecanismos de comunicación y difusión de actividades (websites y mass media). El principal objetivo del estudio es realizar un análisis comparativo entre los dos movimientos, revisando similaridades y diferencias en relación a los contextos de origen y sus desarrollos. Aunque se observan diferencias entre ambas protestas en cuanto a la coyuntura económica y política, así como al detonante de las protestas, si atendemos a los repertorios, contenidos y marcos de interpretación, se podrían observar ambas protestas como manifestaciones de un ciclo de protesta global que tiene sus raíces en la actual fase del capitalismo internacional.