The paper attempts at presenting diversity in discourse research and defining educational discourse in its new cognitive-procesual aspect. The analysis is concentrated on formalized educational discourse undergoing ideological influences through mass, public and government supervised education. For the detailed discussion multiperspective method including critical and rhetorical analysis has been proposed acknowledging the separateness of makro and discursive strategies together with their topoi in the common ideological – cognitive mean.
What is the "clash of civilizations"? What are us-group constructions? What is the West? This critical discourse analysis informed by cognitive linguistics answers these questions in detail using a data set comprising more than 100,000 German-language print media articles. It presents highly relevant findings on the use of "we" and "us," as well as on the media production of large social groups and political and cultural global conflicts
The nearly universal access to higher education (HE) in developed countries was once praised as a great democratic achievement, and a basis for both economic development and social mobility. After the onset of the 2008 recession, the narratives changed considerably. The most radical critics of HE propose a partial "deschooling" of society by reversing the process of massification. This paper aims to present a critical discourse analysis (CAD) of the "don't go to college" discourse that became popular in Poland and the United States. I trace the differences in the way the decision to go to college is conceptualized in Poland and the U.S to the differences in dominant political ideologies – democratic and egalitarian in the U.S., paternalistic and conservative in Poland. I also show how recent changes in the actual HE systems put those ideologies at odds with the educational realities of both countries. ; Uniwersalizację dostępu do wykształcenia wyższego uznawano za wielkie osiągnięcie krajów demokratycznych, podstawę dla ich rozwoju gospodarczego i społecznej ruchliwości. Ostatnie lata przyniosły jednak znaczą zmianę w treści narracji dotyczących szkół wyższych. Najbardziej radykalne formy krytyki zawierają sugestię, że konieczne jest dokonanie częściowego "odszkolnienia" społeczeństwa przez cofnięcie procesów umasowienia.Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników krytycznej analizy dyskursu (KAD) odszkolnienia na podstawie źródeł pochodzących z USA i Polski. Zastosowanie KAD pozwala mi pokazać, jak te, z pozoru podobne, narracje mają u swych podstaw dwie przeciwstawne ideologie polityczne – liberalny indywidualizmu w wypadku USA i konserwatywny paternalizm w Polsce. Wskazuję też, w jaki sposób rzeczywista sytuacja absolwentów szkół wyższych stawia w wątpliwość racjonalność prognoz i planów formułowanych w obu odmianach analizowanego dyskursu.
The aim of this article is to analyze the manner in which the chosen Polish weekly news magazines – Newsweek, Polityka and Wprost – presented Africa in the years 2001–2010, mainly the problems of its current situation and prospects for the future, as well as the issue of the most prominent leaders of the continent. Using two research methods – content analysis and discourse analysis – the author establishes that none of the magazines published articles about Africa in a systematic planned manner. The magazines focused mainly on political and security issues. Economy, societies and religions were also on the agenda but to a lesser extent. The problems of the continent were often presented through the activities taken by the dictators – Muammar Gaddafi and Robert Mugabe. As far as the perspectives of Africa for the future are concerned, the most critical and pessimistic was Wprost, whereas Newsweek and Polityka took a more optimistic approach to the issue.
The article presents the results of the analysis of the Polish media discourse on the problem of paedophilia cases and paedophilic acts among the clergy in the years 2013-2019. A particular emphasis in the analysis was placed on the events and components of the process known in social sciences as the moral panic. The study used the method of critical analysis of media discourse (the analysis covered portals known as right-wing, left-wing and liberal) along with the analysis of the existing data. The results of the study show that in Polish society there is a discursive overcoming of the topic of paedophilia and openness to the debate around ways to solve the problem, also on the side of church institutions. Over the past six years, there has been a significant transformation of public discourse on the subject of paedophilia cases of the clergy and postulated ways of solving the problem. The study observed the impact of the symbolic elites - politicians, journalists, members of organizations and people of culture on progressive changes at the level of perception of the phenomenon. During the analysis there was also noticed the process of creating a new enemy in the form of a sexual minority environment and the sexualization of children, which, in the opinion of the examined environments, is expected to increase the scale of paedophilia.
The monograph presents the analysis of the process of constructing national identity in the educational discourse on the example of textbooks. Using the theory and postcolonial discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau, the author reconstructs the discourses involved in the rhetorical construction of national identity and poses the question of inclusion in civic education. The basis for discussion is the analysis of the content of textbooks carried out in the perspective of research on media education (educational media studies), and critical pedagogy. The work combines research on the pedagogical discourse of the linguistic approach. Analysis of rhetorical processes of constructing identity is enriched therefore the analysis of the conceptual metaphors concerning the categories of the nation in terms of George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. Discourse Analysis is conducted on the basis of the method James Paul Gee. An important element of the book are theoretical considerations on the possibility to agree on processes of constructing identity postkolonializmie and discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau.
Główna hipoteza artykułu pt. 'Specjaliści' od UE. O myśleniu potocznym jako granicy poznania wspólnoty europejskiej a sprawa polska brzmi: rozumienie Unii Europejskiej jest kształtowane i wyznaczane przez zdrowy rozsądek (myślenie potoczne). Autor artykułu pokazuje, że kruchość UE jest zakorzeniona w doświadczeniu pornografii demokracji, w której zasady i prawa fundamentalne dla społeczeństwa demokratycznego są wykorzystywane przeciwko obywatelom (por. perspektywa polska czy węgierska). Dlatego zdrowy rozsądek jest traktowany jako granica myśli politycznej. Każdego można w tym kontekście potraktować jako specjalistę od ekonomii, ekologii, spraw międzynarodowych, historii itp. Zdrowy rozsądek urealnia emocje a nie fakty, dlatego można zaobserwować wiele przykładów dyskursów wykluczenia. Jest też inny ważny kontekst: status liberalizmu. Autor artykułu jest przekonany, że myśląc o liberalizmie powinniśmy mieć na uwadze "zwrot biologiczny". ; The main hypothesis of the article titled "Specialists" about European Union. Common sense as the limit of cognition of European community in the context of Polish policy is: understanding of European Union is shaped and determined by common sense (colloquial thinking). The author of the paper shows that the fragility of UE is rooted in the experience of the pornography of democracy where the rules and law fundamental for democratic society are used against citizens (compare with Polish or Hungarian perspective). That is why common sense is treated as the limit of political thought. Everybody in this context can be treated as the specialist of economy, ecology, international affairs, history, etc. Common sense makes emotions much more real than the facts that is why we can observe a lot of examples of the discourses of exclusion. There is also another important context: the status of liberalism. The author of the paper is convinced that in thinking about liberalism we should concern "biological turn".
The paper presents the idea of the "silver economy" as an economic system related to population ageing and highlights the features of this policy idea. The study first describes the discourse and stages of the process of constructing this system by international and national actors of the public policy on ageing. Next, a critical analysis of the dimensions and areas of implementation and development of the silver economy as a policy concept was provided together with a review of its external and internal limitations. The conclusion includes suggestions for the future research directions.
The goal of the article is to indicate the reasons why formulating a new Russian non-imperial identity has failed. Applying the Ontological Security Theory shows the fall of the USSR as a critical situation that undermined the so-called fundamental questions of the Russian identity. The return of the imperial discourse was triggered by ontological anxiety connected to two fundamental questions: social relations with the significant Other and the finitude. The article discusses in detail the latter. Pending anxiety has activated imperial habitus, which is illustrated by the case of the Russian Geographical Association.
This edited book explores prison masculinities, drawing from a wide range of international researchers to highlight how masculinities may divert from the ""hypermasculine"" or macho typology typically found in the prison masculinities literature. The book includes a diverse selection of writing on masculinities ""in"" and ""of"" prison; masculinities experienced by those living within, working, and experiencing prison as well as historical and critical accounts of masculinities from around the world. The contributors highlight how masculinities are experienced in a multitude of ways as is evidenced in both qualitative and quantitative research with men before, during, and after imprisonment; with correctional officers and staff; in the analysis of public records, in the critical examination of Sykes' seminal work; and in historical and contemporary Australian society. Evidenced in writing drawn from Australia, the Dominican Republic, Ukraine, Hong Kong, the United States, Scotland, and the Netherlands, the contributors acknowledge that rather than being fixed, discourses around prison masculinities now include sexuality, gender identity, and diverse understandings around masculinities as strategic, hegemonic, and ever changing. Prison Masculinities is important reading for students and scholars across disciplines, including criminology, sociology, gender studies, law, international relations, history, health, psychology, and education
The article deals with the theory of deliberative democracy, which is considered from an analytical perspective. Its main aim is to identify the primary directive of the rationality of pluralism, which forms the meta- -argumentative level of discourse on deliberative democracy. In the article, we investigate the theoretical path that the idea of deliberative democracy has passed from Rawls' works through those of Cohen to Brian Barry's impartiality. We also refer to critical voices which highlight topics of interest. The main directives that we distinguish within the rationality of pluralism are: equality, justifi cation, procedure and impartiality. We also point out that these directives may lead to inconsistencies in theories of deliberative democracy. We indicate that the plurality of rationalities is an alternative approach to the rationality of pluralism; however, this is not within the scope of our argument in this article.
"Civil society and civic engagement have increasingly become topics of discussion at the national and international level. The editors of this volume ask, does the concept of 'civil society' include gender equality and gender justice? Or, to frame the question differently, is civil society a feminist concept? Conversely, does feminism need the concept of civil society? This important volume offers both a revised gendered history of civil society and a program for making it more egalitarian in the future. An interdisciplinary group of internationally known authors investigates the relationship between public and private in the discourses and practices of civil societies; the significance of the family for the project of civil society; the relation between civil society, the state, and different forms of citizenship; and the complex connection between civil society, gendered forms of protest and nongovernmental movements. While often critical of historical instantiations of civil society, all the authors nonetheless take seriously the potential inherent in civil society, particularly as it comes to influence global politics. They demand, however, an expansion of both the concept and project of civil society in order to make its political opportunities available to all."--Back cover
In the public discourse on issues of international security in the context of threats created by the Russian Federation, such threats are determined primarily by actions below the threshold of "war" (of a hybrid nature) and are made using non-military means, e.g. in relation to cyberspace. Actions of this nature are carried out by the aggressor's special services or groups of hackers and activists associated with them whose aim is to paralyse the functioning of the attacked state (its administration, critical infrastructure). Such activities are multilateral; activity is undertaken in many fields (social media, provocative events, establishing pro-Russian organizations, creating information portals) and is still escalating. The purpose of the research, the results of which are presented in this article, is to identify the activities and assess the impact of Russian information warfare conducted by the Russian Federation in cyberspace in 2014 and 2022 on the security of Ukraine. The research used general-methodological research methods – primarily, analysis and critique of literature. The case study method was used to identify specific examples of information warfare used by the Russian Federation against selected countries in Central and Eastern Europe. Keywords: security, information warfare, cyberspace, Ukraine, Russian Federation Streszczenie: W dyskursie publicznym zagadnienia bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego w kontekście zagrożeń kreowanych przez Federację Rosyjską determinowane są przede wszystkim przez akcje z użyciem działań poniżej progu wojny (o charakterze hybrydowym) za pomocą środków niemilitarnych, m.in. w odniesieniu do cyberprzestrzeni. Działania o takim charakterze prowadzone są przez służby specjalne agresora lub powiązane z nimi grupy hakerów oraz aktywistów, których celem jest paraliżowanie funkcjonowania państwa atakowanego (jego administracji, infrastruktury krytycznej).
Since the ancient times there has been a continuing discourse on the nature and scope of freedom and civic and human right in the more or less liberal democracy. This paper contains a critical analysis and assessment of the most important opinions concerning the both political and economic freedom and the interpretations of that concept in the political practice. This article argues that, contrary to the beliefs of most people, freedom and human rights do not come from nature, but they are the result of the society, s consensus, especially that part of the society, which participates in the elections. The voters agree to allow the winning political party to realize its program also in the respect to freedom and civic (human) rights. On the other hand the politicians try to secure the appropriate equilibrium between the political and economic freedom, which supports the stabilization of a given political system and is conducive to the economic growth. ; Od starożytności trwają dyskusje na temat istoty i zakresu wolności jako podstawowego filaru demokracji. W artykule przedstawiono krytyczną analizę i ocenę najbardziej reprezentatywnych opinii na temat wolności politycznej i ekonomicznej oraz podano przykłady interpretacji pojęcia wolności w praktyce politycznej. Głównym argumentem zawartym w tym artykule jest stwierdzenie, że wolność i swobody obywatelskie w demokracji nie pochodzą od natury, lecz są wynikiem konsensusu większości społeczeństwa, które uczestnicząc w wyborach, godzi się na realizację konkretnego programu zwycięskiej partii politycznej, także w odniesieniu do praw i wolności obywatelskich. Utrzymanie określonej równowagi między wolnością polityczną i ekonomiczną przyczynia się do stabilizacji danego systemu politycznego i stwarza pomyślne warunki dla wzrostu gospodarczego.
