Suchergebnisse

The aim of this paper is to present the Frankfurt School's critique of mass culture. The authors particularly seek to demonstrate that critical theory provides a specific interpretation of Marxist philosophy, reinterprets some of its central economic and political notions such as production, distribution, fetishization, consumption and also attempts to illuminate the place and the role of culture industry within global culture. As a conclusion it is argued that the Frankfurt School's approach, while it is still useful to social science programs, tends to be overlooked by social theorists.

Tekst przedstawia analizę polityki energetycznej Polski zarówno w wymiarze instytucjonalno-normatywnym (policy), jak i w wymiarze szerszych działań politycznych (politics). W związku z próbą analizy dokumentów o charakterze planistycznym przygotowywanych przez Ministra Gospodarki (tzw. "polityka energetyczna państwa") punktem wyjścia sąkwestie prawne wynikające z Ustawy prawo energetyczne. W tekście przedstawione zostały w ogólnym zarysie główne założenia Polityki energetycznej do 2030 r i niekompletnego jeszcze w 2015 r. Projektu Polityki energetycznej do 2050 r. Ujęcie instytucjonalno-normatywne zostało wzbogacone analizą wybranych problemów mających znaczenie dla kierunków polityki energetycznej i bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Polski. Ponadto w tekście podjęto się odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: (1) W jakim zakresie status prawny dokumentu "polityka energetyczna państwa" wpływa na niski poziom realizacji założeń celów strategicznych w energetyce?, (2) W jakim zakresie brak faktycznej odpowiedzialności podmiotów politycznych wpływa na brak realizacji celów strategicznych "polityki energetycznej państwa"?, (3) Jakie działania należy podjąć w celu prowadzenia spójnej i efektywnej polityki energetycznej w Polsce? ; The text presents an analysis of the Polish energy policy, which takes into account its both aspects: the institutional and normative aspect (policy), and the context of political activities involved (politics). As the text analyses the planning documents preparedby the Minister of Economy (the so-called "State's energy policy"), the starting point for this analysis are the legal issues ensuing from the Energy Law Act. The text outlines the major assumptions of the Energy Policy till 2030 as well as the general provisions of the incomplete, as of the year 2015, Project of the Energy Policy till 2050. The institutional and normative context has been supplemented with an analysis of selected issues significant for the directions in the development of the energy policy and the energy security in Poland. Moreover, the text addresses the following questions: (1) to what extent does the legal status of the document "the State's energy policy" contribute to the poor achievement of the strategic goals in the energy sector?, (2) to what extent does the lack of actual responsibility of the political subjects contribute to the lack of the realisation of strategic goals put forward in the "State's energy policy"?, (3) what actions should be undertaken in order to administer a cohesive and effective energy policy in Poland?

The proclamation of a new state named Ukraine in 1991 changed the geopolitical situation in Europe because it entered the circle of the six largest countries of the continent. Already in 1994 Ukraine signed an agreement with the EU on partnership and cooperation. In the period 1998 2015, 15 meetings of EU and Ukraine on joining the European structures took place. Although the Copenhagen criteria haven't been met, the association agreement was signed and ratified by several EU Member States. As a result of many internal processes and implementation of politics based on extreme ideologies Ukraine, after only 25 years of its existence, became a fallen state riddled with corruption, an oligarchic-mafia system governed by the neoban derism ideology. It is a country endangered by breakup of its territory or entering the orbit of the influence of Russia; this is what the current war is about. Thus, the efforts of the Ukrainian authorities to join the structures of the EU seem to be completely unrealistic and useless. ; Proklamowanie nowego państwa o nazwie Ukraina w 1991 roku zmieniło sytuację geopolityczną w Europie, ponieważ weszło ono do grona sześciu największych państw kontynentu. Już w 1994 roku Ukraina podpisała z UE układ o partnerstwie i współpracy. W latach 1998–2015 odbyło się piętnaście spotkań Ukraina–UE w celu wejścia tego państwa do struktur europejskich. Mimo niespełnienia przez nie kryteriów kopenhaskich, podpisano umowę stowarzyszeniową, ratyfikowaną przez część państw UE. W wyniku wielu procesów wewnętrznych i realizacji polityki według zasad skrajnych ideologii, Ukraina po ćwierćwieczu istnienia, stała się państwem upadłym, przeżartym przez korupcję, system oligarchiczno-mafijny i ideologię nacjonalizmu. Jest to państwo zagrożone rozpadem swego terytorium lub wejściem w orbitę wpływów Rosji, o co toczy się obecna wojna. Dążenia władz Ukrainy do wejścia w struktury UE są więc całkowicie nierealne i bezprzedmiotowe.

Proklamowanie nowego państwa o nazwie Ukraina w 1991 roku zmieniło sytuację geopolityczną w Europie, ponieważ weszło ono do grona sześciu największych państw kontynentu. Już w 1994 roku Ukraina podpisała z UE układ o partnerstwie i współpracy. W latach 1998–2015 odbyło się piętnaście spotkań Ukraina–UE w celu wejścia tego państwa do struktur europejskich. Mimo niespełnienia przez nie kryteriów kopenhaskich, podpisano umowę stowarzyszeniową, ratyfikowaną przez część państw UE. W wyniku wielu procesów wewnętrznych i realizacji polityki według zasad skrajnych ideologii, Ukraina po ćwierćwieczu istnienia, stała się państwem upadłym, przeżartym przez korupcję, system oligarchiczno-mafijny i ideologię nacjonalizmu. Jest to państwo zagrożone rozpadem swego terytorium lub wejściem w orbitę wpływów Rosji, o co toczy się obecna wojna. Dążenia władz Ukrainy do wejścia w struktury UE są więc całkowicie nierealne i bezprzedmiotowe. ; The proclamation of a new state named Ukraine in 1991 changed the geopolitical situation in Europe because it entered the circle of the six largest countries of the continent. Already in 1994 Ukraine signed an agreement with the EU on partnership and cooperation. In the period 1998–2015, 15 meetings of EU and Ukraine on joining the European structures took place. Although the Copenhagen criteria haven't been met, the association agreement was signed and ratified by several EU Member States. As a result of many internal processes and implementation of politics based on extreme ideologies Ukraine, after only 25 years of its existence, became a fallen state riddled with corruption, an oligarchic-mafia system governed by the neobanderism ideology. It is a country endangered by breakup of its territory or entering the orbit of the influence of Russia; this is what the current war is about. Thus, the efforts of the Ukrainian authorities to join the structures of the EU seem to be completely unrealistic and useless.

For over ten years Polish-Belarusian political relations have been characterized by a lack of opportunities for real collaboration, caused by the non-democratic nature of the Belarusian political system. The international isolation of its authoritarian regime also influences bilateral relations. In the period from 1996–2008 Poland adopted a principle of critical dialogue in its policy towards Belarus. This implied official criticism of the infringement of human rights and breaking of democratic rules while refraining from a total abandonment of dialogue with the Belarusian authorities, although the level and intensity of this dialogue was significantly diminished. It was assumed that the complete isolation of the Belarusian authorities was not in Polish interests and preferential treatment would help to ensure the fundamental rights of the Polish minority in Belarus. This policy turned out to be ineffective, though, in relation to a state that does not acknowledge the basic principles and laws of international relations. To a large extent, the specific character of the Belarusian political system has been, and will remain, the greatest obstacle in the further development of Polish-Belarusian relations, and will significantly restrict the possibility of building good relations in the future. ; For over ten years Polish-Belarusian political relations have been characterized by a lack of opportunities for real collaboration, caused by the non-democratic nature of the Belarusian political system. The international isolation of its authoritarian regime also influences bilateral relations. In the period from 1996–2008 Poland adopted a principle of critical dialogue in its policy towards Belarus. This implied official criticism of the infringement of human rights and breaking of democratic rules while refraining from a total abandonment of dialogue with the Belarusian authorities, although the level and intensity of this dialogue was significantly diminished. It was assumed that the complete isolation of the Belarusian authorities was not in Polish interests and preferential treatment would help to ensure the fundamental rights of the Polish minority in Belarus. This policy turned out to be ineffective, though, in relation to a state that does not acknowledge the basic principles and laws of international relations. To a large extent, the specific character of the Belarusian political system has been, and will remain, the greatest obstacle in the further development of Polish-Belarusian relations, and will significantly restrict the possibility of building good relations in the future.

For over ten years Polish-Belarusian political relations have been characterized by a lack of opportunities for real collaboration, caused by the non-democratic nature of the Belarusian political system. The international isolation of its authoritarian regime also influences bilateral relations. In the period from 1996–2008 Poland adopted a principle of critical dialogue in its policy towards Belarus. This implied official criticism of the infringement of human rights and breaking of democratic rules while refraining from a total abandonment of dialogue with the Belarusian authorities, although the level and intensity of this dialogue was significantly diminished. It was assumed that the complete isolation of the Belarusian authorities was not in Polish interests and preferential treatment would help to ensure the fundamental rights of the Polish minority in Belarus. This policy turned out to be ineffective, though, in relation to a state that does not acknowledge the basic principles and laws of international relations. To a large extent, the specific character of the Belarusian political system has been, and will remain, the greatest obstacle in the further development of Polish-Belarusian relations, and will significantly restrict the possibility of building good relations in the future.

This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.

Scientific work of Professor Halina Janaszek-Ivaničková (1931–2016) can be placed in three postwar periods of Poland's history, albeit her scientific and organizational work with regard to comparative studies was carried out on a few continents. Her scientific programme, methodological inspirations and message in each of those periods were aimed against regime limitations, but simultaneously pointed to a positive programme suggesting what can be done and what is right. Initiallyher programme could be placed with positivistic message and Bakhtin methodology (studies on Stefan Żeromski and Karol Čapek), only for the first lady of Polish comparative studies to become after a breakthrough Revolutions of 1989 a promotor of postmodernism in Poland and other Slavic countries ("From modernism to postmodernism", 1996). Later she pointed to a "change of paradigm" and foresaw the decline of postmodern formation ("New face of postmodernism", 2002). With a sharp mind she anticipated a radical "turn to the right" which we are now witnessing. In her last years she was working on a monography on Warsaw Uprising (1 August – 3 October 1944) during which her father, colonel Jan Wacław Janaszek, a soldier of antifascism Home Army, died. ; Scientific work of Professor Halina Janaszek-Ivaničková (1931–2016) can be placed in three postwar periods of Poland's history, albeit her scientific and organizational work with regard to comparative studies was carried out on a few continents. Her scientific programme, methodological inspirations and message in each of those periods were aimed against regime limitations, but simultaneously pointed to a positive programme suggesting what can be done and what is right. Initially her programme could be placed with positivistic message and Bakhtin methodology (studies on Stefan Żeromski and Karol Čapek), only for the first lady of Polish comparative studies to become after a breakthrough Revolutions of 1989 a promotor of postmodernism in Poland and other Slavic countries ("From modernism to postmodernism", 1996). Later she pointed to a "change of paradigm" and foresaw the decline of postmodern formation ("New face of postmodernism", 2002).With a sharp mind she anticipated a radical "turn to the right" which we are now witnessing. In her last years she was working on a monography on Warsaw Uprising (1 August – 3 October 1944) during which her father, colonel Jan Wacław Janaszek, a soldier of antifascism Home Army, died.

The subject of consideration and analysis in the article is, among others, an assessment of a legislative process related to the creation of the National Revenue Administration, and a subsequent pragmatics relating to its HR and payroll policy. Studies have shown that a reform of the government administration of public levies in the field of the so-called consolidation of the tax administration, customs service and fiscal control has not been adequately prepared. In this respect, the Author identified main shortcomings of that reform, supporting his views with empirical material. ; Przedmiotem rozważań i analiz w artykule jest m.in. ocena procesu legislacyjnego związanego z utworzeniem Krajowej Administracji Skarbowej wraz z następczą pragmatyką kadrowo-płacową w tym obszarze. Przeprowadzone badania wykazały, że reforma rządowej administracji danin publicznoprawnych w zakresie tzw. konsolidacji administracji podatkowej, służby celnej oraz kontroli skarbowej nie została należycie przygotowana. W tym zakresie autor wskazuje główne jej mankamenty, popierając swoje tezy materiałem empirycznym.