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The Christian (Catholic) tradition has taken deep roots in Croatia. The new political structure has enabled the revival of the Catholic tradition not only at the level of human rights & freedoms but at the level of political activism as well (Christian-democratic parties). Christian values, important for the economic, political, cultural, & moral life, which have been advocated by the Catholic Church in its social teachings, are no longer marginalized in Croatia. On the other hand, liberal values of democratic capitalism of the West have also significantly increased its sway over Croatian economy & politics. Although the recent history of the relation between liberalism & Christianity does not give evidence of their mutual respect regarding freedom & democracy (but of a critical distance, rather), the reality of democratic capitalism (US, for example) points to the necessity of establishing new relations. Croatia is a suitable space in which the relationship between the liberal & the Catholic values may change from the critical to the constructive distance. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Christian (Catholic) tradition has taken deep roots in Croatia. The new political structure has enabled the revival of the Catholic tradition not only at the level of human rights & freedoms but at the level of political activism as well (Christian-democratic parties). Christian values, important for the economic, political, cultural, & moral life, which have been advocated by the Catholic Church in its social teachings, are no longer marginalized in Croatia. On the other hand, liberal values of democratic capitalism of the West have also significantly increased its sway over Croatian economy & politics. Although the recent history of the relation between liberalism & Christianity does not give evidence of their mutual respect regarding freedom & democracy (but of a critical distance, rather), the reality of democratic capitalism (US, for example) points to the necessity of establishing new relations. Croatia is a suitable space in which the relationship between the liberal & the Catholic values may change from the critical to the constructive distance. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

Kant's philosophy of religion is inseparably linked with his onto-gnoseological & ethic concepts. The author explains his concept of religion within the limits of practical reason as well as his theoretical agnosticism. We can only have certain ideas & beliefs about the transcedental, God, & immorality of the soul -- they are solely the notions of practical reason -- but we cannot have any theoretical knowledge. The author shows how the absence of critical awareness about the possibility of rational cognition leads to various kinds of dogmatism. Adapted from the source document.

Kant's philosophy of religion is inseparably linked with his onto-gnoseological & ethic concepts. The author explains his concept of religion within the limits of practical reason as well as his theoretical agnosticism. We can only have certain ideas & beliefs about the transcedental, God, & immorality of the soul -- they are solely the notions of practical reason -- but we cannot have any theoretical knowledge. The author shows how the absence of critical awareness about the possibility of rational cognition leads to various kinds of dogmatism. Adapted from the source document.

The article distinguishes two ways in which Heidegger can be a subject of research. In one type of research, he is a historical figure of political events, & as such a subject of history as a science. Such research has to satisfy the scientific criteria of historiographical method regardless of how critically it treats its subject. In the second type, the subject are Heidegger's work & the philosophical motives of his political involvement at the start of the Nazi regime in 1933/34. An analysis has in both cases come up with some sloppy scientific procedures & shown that frequently the a priori assumptions get the upper hand, & tend to lean in favour of proving his guilt. A brief introductory overview of the debate is followed by a concise historical outline of the stages in this controversy, & then by an excursus about the essence of the scientific method, & finally by a critical review of the works of some historians which serves the author to demonstrate how it is possible for research to get off the right track when not respecting the criteria & the standards of the scientific method. The second part focuses on the question of the interpretation of the relationship between philosophy & political activism. The thesis (with critical references to some recent ideas by Fried, Kisiel, Thoma) is that the philosophical motives of Heidegger's "leap" into politics should primarily be sought in the methodological dimensions of his work, primarily in those linked to the problems of grounding, & not so much in certain notional concordances of his categories with the Nazi terminology & concepts. 54 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author defines the state of law as a typical product of German political culture that corresponds to, but also differs from, both the experience of the English rule of law & that of the French l'Etat-Nation. The author pays particular attention to the issue of the legitimacy of the sate of law. He focuses on two different approaches to this issue in the works of Volker Gerhardt & Ernst Wolfgang Bockenford. Following a critical analysis of their fundamental assumptions the author goes on to divulge the thesis on the necessity of a balance between rights & power in the functioning of modern political systems. 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article is a critical analysis of Husserl's essay, "The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology" (1937). The author first outlines Husserl's diagnosis of the crisis of science, philosophy, & culture, followed by the elements & the mechanisms of that crisis. The root of the crisis of European science & culture lies in foregoing the genuine productive humanity. The authentic humanity cannot be based nor explained from its objectifications but solely through the analysis of its productive imagination. The author also deals with the crisis of spiritual sciences, which he claims have brought about the loss of insight into the ultimate purpose of the existence of Europe as a brainchild of the historical humanity. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines Haberle's theory of constitution in five parts: (1) the concept of the constitution; (2) the constitution as a public process; (3) the constitution as culture; (4) the "fifth" method of interpretation; (5) critical objections. With this division the author covers, if not all, then at least the essential features of Haberle's concept of the constitution. In the author's opinion, Haberle, after Savigny, worked out a new principle for interpreting the constitution -- the cultural principle. At the time of the decline of nation-states & the era of intensive international concurrence of constitutions, this principle -- apart from the classic methods of the interpretation of constitutions -- has been gaining importance. Finally, the author looks into the controversies triggered by Haberle's theory of constitutions. Adapted from the source document.

The critical function of the Church & theology throws some light on the general nature & place of criticism in human relations, & particularly on the role of opposition in politics. From the standpoint of the Church & theology the role of opposition is not untoward in itself, it is a positive component of political life in democracy. The article lists a number of major civilizational problems that require the useful & necessary criticism by the Church & theology. It is also the opposition's duty to use their political clout to make key political protagonists pay due attention to the Church & theology & in this way enable them to fulfill their positive social role. The opposition's activities should be founded on truth, justice, & the exclusion of hatred & even love (utopia?). Adapted from the source document.

The first translation of Mill's paper Podredenost zena (1869) has been recently published in Croatia. This work marks a break with the patriarchal paradigm within the liberal tradition. By tying the realization of liberal ideas of freedom & individualism to the elimination of inequality between the sexes, Mill gave back to liberalism its original critical & emancipatory character. Using this as the starting point, the article deals with the understanding of women's rights within the intellectual-political tradition Mill belonged to; sheds some new light on the nature & the meaning of his relationship with Harriet Taylor; & reconstructs Mill's theory on the equality of women in the context of his entire oeuvre. In the fourth & final part, the author looks into the relevance of Mill's ideas & points to certain intricacies & contradictions in his views. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The first translation of Mill's paper Podredenost zena (1869) has been recently published in Croatia. This work marks a break with the patriarchal paradigm within the liberal tradition. By tying the realization of liberal ideas of freedom & individualism to the elimination of inequality between the sexes, Mill gave back to liberalism its original critical & emancipatory character. Using this as the starting point, the article deals with the understanding of women's rights within the intellectual-political tradition Mill belonged to; sheds some new light on the nature & the meaning of his relationship with Harriet Taylor; & reconstructs Mill's theory on the equality of women in the context of his entire oeuvre. In the fourth & final part, the author looks into the relevance of Mill's ideas & points to certain intricacies & contradictions in his views. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author presents Petitt's reaction to the central dichotomy that ensues from MacIntyre's thinking about politics on the borderline between the liberal thought (as the continuation of the Enlightenment) & the communitarian thought (Aristotelianism-inspired but characteristic of the anti-enlightenment, romantic tradition). Petitt considers that dichotomy mystifying, since it conceals other interesting alternatives, such as pre-liberal, republican political thought. He tries to prove the republican tradition worthy of serious consideration & claims that it can be evolved into a truly appealing political stance. The author concisely describes liberalism & communitarianism as seen by MacIntyre & Petitt. Then he goes on to describe republicanism, as seen by Petitt. And finally, the author lists critical objections to Petitt's description of republicanism due to which that political alternative does not seem as attractive as Petitt claims. Adapted from the source document.

The author gives a critical review of the perception of comparative politics in the programs of the Faculty of Political Science. The perception is based on the assumption that comparative politics is a subdiscipline of international politics. Contrary to this, the author claims that (1) comparative politics is not a subdiscipline of international politics but a separate discipline of political science in its own right that has gained academic legitimacy together with political theory & international & national politics; (2) both international & national politics can be the subject of comparative research; & (3) the methodology of research, not the subject matter, is essential for the definition of comparative politics. These premises are drawn from an outline of the theoretical & methodological evolution of this discipline & the account of its current state. The author uses these to highlight the academic & organizational problems of comparative politics in Croatia. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.