Suchergebnisse

The discussion about the character & actual role of the parliament in Croatia does not easily differentiate political & scientific opinions, which is in accord with the experiences of advanced democracies. The author considers a scientific debate possible, however, if it is fundamental in the comparative method, & formulates three comparative starting points for such a debate. First, the historical role of the parliament as a symbol of Croatian statehood must be considered. The author considers that in the second half of the 19th century, the power of the governor (ban) was significantly more important in the preservation of Croatian sovereignty than the parliament. Second, a critical grading of the socialist theories on the rule of representative assembly is necessary. These have considerable influence on policy & theoretical discussion in postsocialist countries. Third, caution must be used in approaching Western-style parliamentarism, where the seat of power is in the executive, & the parliament plays only a minor control function. The author suggests that discussion about the Croatian parliament concentrate on increasing constitutional & functional possibilities & roles; eg, through institutions of parliamentary investigations, interpellations, & ombudsman. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the link between Kant's 'Perpetual peace' and the democratic peace paradigm with which contemporary International Relations are being interpreted. In doing so, the monadic and dyadic versions of liberal theory of democratic peace are explained through the institutional-structural and cultural-normative models. The theory of democratic peace is critically analyzed, with emphasis on the causal relationship between the independent variable, the democratic regime, and the dependent variable, peace. Empirical studies of cases in which the crises among democratic states have not resulted in war are also questioned, which brings into doubt the causal logic of the theory itself. In critical thought about the democratic peace theory, special emphasis is placed on the realistic interpretation of causes that are believed to contribute to democratic peace, as well as on the existence of the so-called 'democratic war'. There exist a number of factors explaining this foreign policy behavior of democracies and their hiding behind the theses of the theory of democratic peace. An example is the position of power that democracy occupies in International Relations, with which, aside from liberal dependent variables, realistic variables must be taken into account as well, such as the concentration of power, economic interdependence and national interest. Adapted from the source document.

This is a critical analysis of the normative stipulations of the 1990 Constitution of the Republic of Croatia & their reformulations regarding certain provisions on sovereignty in the Basic Provisions. The author shows that these provisions -- which either identify the state & the people as the holders of sovereignty (1990) or envision them as the two subjects of sovereign power -- imply a certain concept of the state (the state of power) that was first institutionalized in the 15th century & later evolved into a state of law. Taking the Western experience as the criterion for assessing Croatian constitutional changes, the author claims that the 1990 Constitution focused on resolving the issues that Europe tackled as far back as the 15th century (legal peace & personal security), while the later additions focused on the problems that Europe dealt with between the 17th century & the 19th century (the division of power, parliamentarism). The third & the fourth phases in the development of the modern state, democracy, & the welfare state, are not on the Croatian agenda yet. The author concludes that in its fundamental provisions & values (which have remained unchanged), the Constitution does not offer a conceptually adequate normative framework for establishing a democratic polity. Adapted from the source document.

Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology, & psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted & published between 1980 & 1990 &, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical & dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic & later political, gave rise to social unrest, which soon turned into general agitation. The powerful presence of the authoritarian structure of personality in these territories, the enduring xenophobia that, in combination with the appropriate ideological manipulation, easily leads to open inter-ethnic conflicts, the lack of both an adequate political culture & the democratic mechanisms of overcoming conflicts, within the context of decrepitude of an ideological project in a multiethnic community rife with historical conflicts, inevitably led into open conflicts. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

In the contemporary world, art education provides the possibilities for the development of pupils' creativity, critical thinking, and critical attitude towards art and culture. However, "the disenchantment of the world" makes "aesthetics" a need to be continuously defined in the present age. The narrow and one-sided nature of traditional aesthetics has become increasingly apparent, and it is difficult for the ideals of beauty and art to provide reliable support for the development of aesthetics. In the late 1980s, perceptual knowledge became a frequently discussed and meaningful keyword in aesthetics research and education. Creativity comes from perceptual knowledge. Creativity is based on popular art training and aesthetic education. Creative thinking should be achieved through the process of diversification to form an area with multi-faceted and abstract structure. Because art has an essential quality (Timbre), I proposed a visual art and aesthetics project based on the implementation of artistic objectives in the teaching of visual arts and the aesthetic encounter of politics, society, history, culture and the environment. The experimental programme was performed at National Taiwan Museum of Fine Arts. The results of the research confirmed that implementation of aesthetic perception education can have a positive impact on students' views of art and on the overall popularity of related learning. Examples of education in aesthetic experience and aesthetic perception can be used as guidelines for the implementation of art and multicultural education. Well-rounded and open-minded education (from politics, society, history, culture and the environment, etc.) has become the door to the continuous development of intelligence and thinking. ; Umjetničko obrazovanje u suvremenom svijetu pruža mogućnosti za razvoj kreativnosti, kritičkoga mišljenja i kritičkoga stava učenika prema umjetnosti i kulturi. Ipak, razočaranje u svijetu čini estetiku potrebom koju u sadašnje vrijeme treba kontinuirano definirati. Ograničena i jednostrana priroda tradicionalne estetike postaje sve očitija, stoga je otežan razvoj estetike na pouzdanoj osnovi ideala ljepote i umjetnosti. Kasnih 1980-ih godina perceptivno znanje postalo je ključni pojam o kojemu se često raspravlja u sklopu istraživanja i obrazovanja u području estetike. Kreativnost proizlazi iz perceptivnoga znanja, a zasnovana je na popularnom umjetničkom i estetskom obrazovanju. Kako bi se oblikovalo područje s višestrukom i apstraktnom strukturom, potrebno je razvijati kreativno mišljenje kroz proces diversifikacije. Zbog toga što umjetnost ima esencijalno svojstvo (timbar), predložio sam projekt iz područja likovne umjetnosti i estetike zasnovan na ostvarivanju umjetničkih ciljeva u poučavanju likovne umjetnosti i na estetskom susretu s politikom, društvom, povijesti, kulturom i okolinom. Eksperimentalni program realiziran je u Nacionalnom tajvanskom muzeju likovnih umjetnosti. Rezultati istraživanja potvrđuju da obrazovanje u području estetske percepcije može imati pozitivne učinke na učeničke poglede na umjetnosti i na cjelokupnu popularnost povezanoga učenja. Primjeri razvijanja estetskoga doživljaja i estetske percepcije mogu se koristiti kao smjernice za ostvarivanje umjetničkoga i multikulturnoga obrazovanja. Dobro zaokruženo i otvoreno obrazovanje (od politike, društva, povijesti, kulture, okoline itd.) postalo je prag za kontinuirani razvoj inteligencije i mišljenja.

Josip Zupanov's thesis about the egalitarian syndrome as an obstacle to development is very influential across the social sciences in Croatia. This paper analyses the theoretical and empirical basis of Zupanov's work on radical egalitarianism from the late 1960s. He developed the theory in three key publications 'The producer and risk' (1967), 'Economic aspirations and the social norm of egalitarianism', which he published with Darinka Tadic (1969), and finally 'Egalitarianism and industrialism' (1969), repeating it in his later work. The analysis reveals important weaknesses in the empirical foundations and theoretical inferences of Zupanov's thesis of radical egalitarianism. Secondly, contextualising his work into the late 1960s re-examines the widely held view about his work as critical of the regime, showing that his theses about the homo oeconomicus were part of a liberal reform wing that openly advocated market solutions at the time of his writing. Thirdly, his work is related to the concept of 'deviant' modernization in Yugoslavia, which assumes that all societies converge to a capitalist model of development. This approach is criticised from the perspective of multiple modernities, according to which modernization is not a linear trajectory towards a hegemonic model, but an open ended process that necessarily takes shape in context-specific constellations. Adapted from the source document.

This article reconstructs and interprets Bakaric's views on the causes of reproduction of extensive economic development in Yugoslavia in the historical context. Emphasis is put on Bakaric's political-economic criticism of the ideology and practice of Yugoslav socialism. His research into the causes of the economic structure's lack of balance and the consequences thereof starts from the etatist relations of production, which were the basic framework and an insurmountable obstacle to the possibility of their liberalization. He found the causes of imbalance in the bureaucratic relations and in the basic motives of the governing stratum to ensure -- through incessant new big investments -- mass employment, improvement of the standard of living, additional influx to the budget and preservation of the monopoly of party power. A long process of gradual, slow and uneven development of self-government in an unequally developed multiethnic community did not make it possible to break out of the vicious circle. Frequent normative and organizational changes concealed constant political debates and conflicts regarding budget distribution and fiscal solidarity among the republics and regions. Bakaric was critical towards the governing stratum, which focused on distribution instead of fulfilling prerequisites for far-reaching changes of the economic and social system, and this resulted in a general crisis and in the collapse of the Yugoslav model of socialism. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the reasons for critical reconsideration of contemporary globalization theories at the beginning of the 21st century. An attempt at a paradigm transformation of the social, political and cultural development shows that the possible end of globalization -- as (1) a neoliberal ideology, (2) social paradigm of world development and (3) modernization strategy of transformation of the global age -- points out how the complex concept of culture is pertinent for all the relevant end-of-globalization theories. Now that culture has become both means and end of identity in a global age, we are left with the task to consider why the postmodern concept of culture, has in its plural meanings, been deconstructed in a biopolitical nexus of power. Theories of a turning point at all levels, at which a relation to space and time is established in the global world, point out to the comprehensive transformation of humanity and its social and cultural environment. Through analysis of the complexity of culture (Urry), biopolitics as the end of identity and three attempts at a critique of globalization as the end of history in the works of Wallerstein, Harrison and Rosenberg, the author concludes that culture as an empty hologram of power is not an alternative to globalization, but only its self-organizing system of ideological hegemony. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the reasons for critical reconsideration of contemporary globalization theories at the beginning of the 21st century. An attempt at a paradigm transformation of the social, political and cultural development shows that the possible end of globalization -- as (1) a neoliberal ideology, (2) social paradigm of world development and (3) modernization strategy of transformation of the global age -- points out how the complex concept of culture is pertinent for all the relevant end-of-globalization theories. Now that culture has become both means and end of identity in a global age, we are left with the task to consider why the postmodern concept of culture, has in its plural meanings, been deconstructed in a biopolitical nexus of power. Theories of a turning point at all levels, at which a relation to space and time is established in the global world, point out to the comprehensive transformation of humanity and its social and cultural environment. Through analysis of the complexity of culture (Urry), biopolitics as the end of identity and three attempts at a critique of globalization as the end of history in the works of Wallerstein, Harrison and Rosenberg, the author concludes that culture as an empty hologram of power is not an alternative to globalization, but only its self-organizing system of ideological hegemony. Adapted from the source document.

Each election year in Croatia is an occasion for comparing the social guidelines & the practice. To what extent is the policy of gender equality applied to the participation of women in political decision-making at the parliamentary level in Croatia? Modest results are not an exception: almost in all countries there is the gap between the two. Nevertheless, the extent of the participation in older democratic countries is on the average somewhat higher, which can be attributed to the influence of the egalitarian concept of gender roles & the proportional electoral system. In younger democratic countries, including Croatia, the average is somewhat lower due to the significance of socio-economic factors. In some countries a higher level of participation can for the time being be achieved only via the mechanisms of affirmative action i.e. quotas. Therefore, for Croatia it is essential to achieve the "critical mass" of women in its parliament, which can be brought about by introducing quotas at the party level, by democratic selective procedures of nominating candidates, & by putting up candidates of both genders on the party lists, which means that the highest percentages of women in the parliament can be expected from modern parties promoting the deliberate regulation of the above processes. References. Adapted from the source document.

Defense strategy is a critical component of the politics of national security that includes the political/military chain of resources, goals, & the theory of a given country on how to best "carry out" security for itself. Ideally, this includes an explanation of why that theory is expected to function. The defense strategy as a component of the politics of national security must identify possible threats for the country & must invent political, economic, military, & other means for elimination of these threats. Considering possible responses, defense strategies can be grouped into three categories: offensive, defensive, & deterrent. The goal of offensive strategies is to disarm the opponent -- to destroy his armed forces. The goal of defensive strategy is to not allow the opponent to reach his desired objectives. In the deterrent strategy when one punishes the attacker (aggressor) -- it increases his costs, although it does not decrease one's own. In the creation & development of an army & defense system in Croatia, a defense strategy is profiled that is bounded by the three possibilities outlined above, & limited by the following factors: the national strategy, the military strategy of the opponent, & international pressure. These factors are discussed in greater detail with the aim of determining their influence on the Republic of Croatia's defense strategy, & general defense strategies. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

This is a critical examination of the most elaborate statement of the general will theory. Bosanquet contrasts our "lower," merely "actual" will -- described as a series of momentary & passing, ignorant, routine, commonplace, irrational, barren, mutually conflicting violations -- with our "higher," "true," "real" will, which is a comprehensive & coherent system of stable & long-term, well-informed violations that require self-sacrifice & are expressed in "the great moments of life." His central thesis is that the individuals' "real" will is the "general will" of the community that has been internalized & makes up the individual's "higher," "better" self. The theory is meant to solve the problem of political obligation by showing that, when obeying the law, the individual obeys only himself/herself, & his/her freedom is not curtailed but rather affirmed. The author argues that Bosanquet's argument fails at both crucial steps: it does not succeed in contrasting our "actual" & our "real" will, nor in identifying the latter with the "general will" of our community. The individual will is not embedded in his/her community law the way the theory makes it out to be, & if we have a moral obligation to obey the law, it is not grounded as much in the "general will" of community as in our own "higher," "true" will. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se razmatra odnos spolnog i jezičnog te njihov međusobni utjecaj unutar područja političke filozofije, lingvistike i teorije teksta, u pojedinim djelima Adriane Cavarero. Najprije se polazi od spoznaja poststrukturalističke teorije teksta, psihoanalitičkog feminizma i psiholingvistike, koje se potom proširuju rezultatima iz područja političke filozofije, s posebnim naglaskom na antičke tekstove. Analizom odabranih ulomaka Cavarerina opusa otvorit će se pitanje odnosa rodnog, spolnog i tekstualnog. Na temelju kritičkog čitanja Cavarerinih djela, teorijske literature i rezultata analize polaznih i ciljnih tekstova, donijet će se zaključak o utjecaju spolnosti na jezik i kulturu, odnosno o utjecaju jezika i kulturnih simbola na društvene i rodne uloge. ; The paper examines the relationship between the sexual and linguistic and their mutual influence within the fields of political philosophy, linguistics, and theory of text, in selection from Adriana Cavarero's work. First, we begin from the knowledge of poststructuralist text theory, psychoanalytic feminism and psycholinguistics, which are later expanded with the results from political philosophy with special emphasis on ancient texts. Cavarero's texts are being analysed to describe the features through which the relationship between gender, sex and text is established. Through a critical exploration of Cavarero's texts and previous theoretical discussions and the analysis results, a conclusion about the influence of the sexual on language and culture and the influence of language and cultural symbols on social and gender roles is reached.

This article is an enquiry into television news selection, which scrutinizes the question of journalists' professionalism in selecting, producing & presenting the news, by putting it in critical relation to the issues of reception, the influences of politics & of commercial interests. Taking the route of identifying t~ key production, technological, & representational vectors, the study offers the elemental scope of professional criteria applied in news selection & production. On the basis of the main theories of news selection, including the key theory of Galtung & Ruge, & on the basis of her own research of news selection in the main television newscasts in Croatia (with special attention given to the central public service television news program "Dnevnik"), the article suggests that the structures of programs, journalistic forms & individual news texts correspond to the values ingrained in the classical postulates of television journal-ism theory, in the form of applied news factors. The article discusses the influence of political & commercial interest on TV news content & the ways in which technology changes the news flow. This study recognizes the need for a continuing redefinition in the realm of news theory, if it is to meet the serious institutional & production changes that news selection undergoes in the present age. Finally, further research is recommended in the direction of elevating the professional standards of Croatian television journalism to a higher level. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je razviti model koji povezuje motive, zapreke i očekivane ishode od implementacije tehnologija Industrije 4.0. Prvo, cilj je bio utvrditi opseg upotrebe tehnologija Industrije 4.0, a zatim istražiti motive, očekivane ishode (kratkoročne i dugoročne) i njihov odnos. Identificirane su zapreke za implementaciju novih tehnologija u hrvatskim kompanijama. Uzorak je obuhvaćao 91 kompaniju koje su do 2020. godine primijenile nove tehnologije. Podaci su prikupljeni alatima za provođenje anketa na daljinu. Rezultati pokazuju da anketirane kompanije razmatraju nove tehnologije iz nekoliko proaktivnih razloga, ali prije svega naglašavaju očekivane dugoročne strateške koristi nad kratkoročnom učinkovitošću. Manjak ljudskih resursa najvažnija je zapreka u primjeni novih tehnologija. Rad pruža nekoliko preporuka za menadžere. ; The aim of this study was to develop a model that links the motives, obstacles and expected outcomes of Industry 4.0 implementation. First, it aimed to determine the extent of use of Industry 4.0 technologies and then to investigate the motives, expected outcomes (short and long-term), and the relationship between them. Obstacles to the implementation of new technologies in Croatian companies were identified. The sample comprised 91 companies that had implemented new technologies by 2020. Data were collected using on-line surveying tools. The results show that the surveyed companies are considering new technologies for several proactive reasons, and primarily stress the expected long-term strategic benefits over short-term efficiency. The lack of human resources is the most critical obstacle in the implementation of new technologies. The paper provides several managerial implications.