Suchergebnisse

ÖZET1963 Ankara Anlasması ile kararlastırılan, 1973 Katma Protokol'le ayrıntıları belirlenen ve1 Ocak 1996 itibariyle Türkiye ile Avrupa Birligi arasında tam olarak uygulamaya girenGümrük Birligi, Türkiye ekonomisine sekil veren önemli bir faktördür. Bu nedenledir kiözellikle Türk kamuoyunda yogun olarak tartısılmaktadır. Çalısmanın temel amacı buelestirilerin dayandırıldıkları temellere göre kategorizasyonu ve degerlendirilmesidir. Sonuçolarak, Gümrük Birligi'ne yöneltilen elestirilerin ekonomik entegrasyona degil, ekonomikentegrasyonun modeli üzerine yogunlastıgı söylenebilir. Baska bir deyisle, AB ile Türkiyearasında gerçeklesecek bir ekonomik birlik, Türkiye ekonomisi için serbest ticaretten sonraen iyi seçenek olarak kabul görmektedir denebilir. Elestiriler dört ana kategoride toplanmıstır._lk kategoriyi Gümrük Birligi'nin dayandıgı temel üzerine yapılan elestiriler olustururken,ikinci kategoriyi Gümrük Birligi'nin amacı üzerine yapılan elestiriler olusturur. Üçüncü vedördüncü kategoriler ise sırasıyla Gümrük Birligi'nin Türkiye ekonomisi üzerine etkileri ileGümrük Birligi'nin isleyisinden kaynaklı aksaklıklar olusmaktadır. ABSTRACTThe Customs Union was determined by 1963 Ankara Agreement, detailed by 1973 AdditionalProtocol and became effective in 1996 between Turkey an the EC. Since it is one of majorfactors which effect Turkish economy, it has been very criticized in Turkey. The aim of thestudy is to make a categorization and evaluation of these critics. Although, there have beenmany arguments about this issue in Turkey, most of them have not criticize the direction. Thecritics are not generally concentrated on the concept of economic integration itself, but of itsmodelling. In other words, it can be said that there is a general consensus that Turkey'seconomic integration with the EU is the most rational option. There are four basic categoriesregarding the essence of critics about the current CU in Turkey. The first one is critics on thesource of the CU between Turkey and the EU. The second category is constituted by thecritics on the aim of the CU. The third category of the critics on the CU are classifiedaccording to possible effects of the CU on an economy. The fourth category of the critics onthe CU is about the functioning of it.

Özet: Soğuk Savaş dönemi sonrası değişen küresel ve bölge- sel konjonktür ile son dönemde keşfedilen hidrokarbon kaynakları Doğu Akdeniz bölgesinin önemini artırmıştır. Bölgede yaşanmakta olan gelişmeler Akdeniz havzasındaki enerji tablosunu olduğu gibi bölgesel dinamikleri de önemli ölçüde değiştirecek niteliktedir. Di- ğer taraftan, Kıbrıs Uyuşmazlığının denizlere yayılmasının bir sonu- cu olan bölgedeki hidrokarbon kaynaklarının paylaşılması sorunu sahildar ülkeler arasında işbirliği ihtiyacını ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu da son dönemde bölgede yalnızlaşan Türkiye'nin bölgeye ilişkin mevcut politikasını gözden geçirmesini gündeme getirmektedir. Bu çerçe- vede, Türkiye'nin sahildar ülkelerle kuracağı iyi ilişkiler ile bölgede tekrar başat duruma gelmesi, hem Doğu Akdeniz'de hidrokarbon kaynaklarının adil paylaşımını temin edecek deniz alanlarının sınır- landırılmasına yönelik bir anlaşmanın yapılabilmesini hem de diğer sorunların ulusal çıkarlarımıza uygun çözülmesini temin edecektir. Bu kapsamda Doğu Akdeniz'de sahildar devletler arasında kıta sa- hanlığı ve münhasır ekonomik bölge alanlarının sınırlandırması, 'hak- kaniyete uygun çözüme' ulaşmak maksadıyla uluslararası hukuka uygun olarak ve bütün 'ilgili durumlar' dikkate alınarak 'anlaşma' ile yapılacaktır. ; Abstract: The global and regional political atmosphere that changed after the Cold War, together with the recently discovered hydrocarbon resources, have increased the importance of the Eas- tern Mediterranean. Developments taking place in the region are of a significance that can change the energy picture in the Mediterra- nean basin as well as regional dynamics. Furthermore, the problem of sharing the hydrocarbon resources, which has resulted from the extension of the Cyprus dispute to the sea, has revealed the need for cooperation among the littoral states. Therefore, this raises the need for Turkey to review its current policy in the region which at the moment has caused Turkey to be isolated in the region. In this context, Turkey's dominant position for establishing good relations with the littoral states can facilitate the conclusion of an agreement relating to maritime delimitation which will ensure equitable sharing of hydrocarbon resources in the Eastern Mediterranean as well as provide solutions for the other issues in accordance with Turkey's national interests. In this context the delimitation of the continental shelf and exclusive economic zone between litoral states in Estern Mediteranean shall be effected by 'agreement' on the basis of inter- national law and taking account of all the relevant circumstances in order to achieve an 'equitable solution.

Latin Amerika, popu?lizm çalışan araştırmacılar açısından önemli bir araştırma alanı olarak ortaya çıkıyor. Du?nyanın bu bölgesinde, popu?lizmin farklı tu?rlerine rasgelmek mu?mku?n. Üstelik Latin Amerika'da, tarih boyunca, popu?list liderlerin siyasal gu?cu? ele geçirmeyi başardıkları söylenebilir. Elinizdeki çalışma, popu?lizm ve demokrasi arasındaki çatışmalı ilişkiyi incelemek niyetindedir. Bunu yaparken popu?lizm bir siyasal tarz olarak ve liderin merkezi rolu?ne referansla tanımlanacaktır. Bu doğrultuda, Arjantin'de Peron dönemi klasik popu?lizmi, Peru'da Fujimori'nin sağ popu?lizmi ve nihayetinde Venezu?ella'da Chavez'in sol popu?lizminin analizinin göstereceği u?zere demokrasi ve popu?lizm ilişkisi farklı popu?lizmlerin varlığına rağmen bu?yu?k ölçu?de aynı kalmıştır. Bu doğrultuda denilebilir ki popu?lizm, demokrasinin içerici kapasitesini artırmış, buna karşın, anayasal denetim mekanizmalarına, demokratik kurumlara ve genel anlamda liberal demokrasiye zarar vermiştir. ; Latin America, as a region, reflects a relevant field of analysis for scholars who aim at working populism. Here, in this region of the world, it is possible to encounter various types of populism(s). Additionally, throughout the history of Latin America, populist leaders have managed to accumulate political power for decades. This study, in its turn, aims at analyzing the relationship between populism and democracy. It suggests analyzing populism as a political style prioritizing the central role of populist leaders. In this perspective, it overviews a historical analysis of different Latin American countries where various types of populism were in power. In this respect, the study of the classical populism of Peron in Argentina, the right-wing populism of Fujimori in Peru and the left-wing populism of Chavez in Venezuela demonstrate that the relationship between democracy and "various" populisms remains almost the same. Populism, in general, enlarges inclusionary capacities of democratic regimes while giving permanent harm to democratic institutions, constitutional mechanisms of control and liberal democracy in general.

Özet:Sürdürülebilirlik kavramının önemi giderek artarken, işletmelere değer katacak mevcut sosyal, ekonomik ve çevresel kaynakların ölçüm aracıdır. Bu üç ana faktör dikkate alınarak ortaya çıkan stratejiler uzun vadede rekabet ve işletmelerin varlığının uzun soluklu olmasını sağlar.Sürdürülebilirlik kontrolü; tüm paydaşların isteklerinin stratejik alanda karşılanmasını destekleyen, sorumluluk bilgi ve tüm stratejilerin entegre edildiği kontrolüdür. Bu araştırmada işletmelerin ekonomik, sosyal ve çevresel stratejiler arası dengeyi sağlayıp, ölçüm ve kontrolün sonucu çıkan farklılıklara tedbir almaya nasıl yönlendikleri ve performans değerlendirmesi sonucu diğer işletmeler arasında karşılaştırma olanağını nasıl sağladıkları araştırılmıştır.Anahtar Kelimeler: sürdürülebilirlik, sürdürülebilirlik ölçümü, sürdürülebilirlik performansı Abstract:The importance of the concept of sustainability for the organizations increases gradually. Sustainability is an instrument of measurement of current social, economic and environmental resources, which would add value to the organizations. The strategies taking these three main factors into account provide a better chance of competition for organizations and also increase the life of organizations and competition. The control of sustainability includes the integration and control of all responsibility, knowledge and strategies, which strategically support meeting of the needs of all stakeholders. In this study, how organizations maintain the stability between economic, social and environmental strategies, how they shift towards taking preventive measures against differences found in measurements and controls and how they provide the possibility of comparison between other organizations as a result of performance assessment are investigated.Keywords: sustainability, measure of sustainability, sustainability performance

Azerbaijan earned independence in 1991, it has lived developments in all areas of the economy importantly and turn in the short time. Azerbaijan which allow behind from point of view speed of the growing with relation of the growing in next years economy, where has revived and it has grown. Strength is oil push of foundation behind high relation grow in Azerbaijan economy. Cannot deny the place in the Azerbaijani economy of the oil. Thesis, Azerbaijan use of the oil sector, oil and oil taking out investigating of situation in the state inside to the selling and In the light of information got in the result of this investigating, it is carrying the purpose of the statement middle of the necessary offers for taking out of the way outs from point of view continuation of the time of the development. It is separate Azerbaijan will guard the feature of the possessing world the greatest stake in the energy balance of the oil in the inside of 20-30 years front. Of the centres of important demand, import expectation being of the growth striking to the attention and importance is it will earn of Azerbaijan oil in the light these wait for. Necessary time was in the Turkey is Azerbaijan address foundation purpose of the thesis being of source will be done from point of view to get information in the oil-industry subject.This work is the result of the investigating driving long and investigate. Work have been investigated along Azerbaijan oil sector, foreign investment in Azerbaijan etc to the today from past. I want to thank the Azerbaijan State Oil Company of which labour is been to member and worker of staff in the preparing of the thesis, educational official and pupil Baku State University, Azerbaijan Oil Academy, Azerbaijan State Economy University and Giresun state University. In addition, I extend my gratitude to my consultant, by name Prof. Dr Ayse Ozcan.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, 23 Nisan 1920'de Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi'ni kurmakla yeni Türk devleti için demokrasiye doğru ilk adımlarını atmış, 29 Ekim 1923 tarihinde Cumhuriyet'in ilanıyla bu süreç iyiden iyiye pekişmiştir. Fakat demokratik süreç fazla uzun sürmemiş, yapılan darbelerle verilen muhtıralarla kesintiye uğramıştır. Muhtıra; ordunun, doğrudan hükümeti devirip sivil idareyi ele alması yerine, ordunun kışlasında kalıp hükümeti uyarma olarak ifade edilir. 12 Mart 1971 günü uygulanan eylem de bu yönüyle muhtıradır. 12 Mart 1971 günü ordunun sivil idareye müdahalesiyle demokratik süreç 27 Mayıs 1960 darbesinden sonra bir kez daha kesintiye uğramıştır. Her gerçekleştirilen bir eylemin sebebi olduğu gibi 12 Mart günü muhtıra verilmesinin de birtakım sebepleri vardır. Bu nedenler arasında; komünizmin tehlike olarak ortaya çıkması, öğrenci-gençlik ve işçi eylemlerinin önünün alınamaması, ordu içindeki cuntacılık faaliyetleri ve dış güçlerin etkisi vardır. Bu araştırmanın konusunu, 12 Mart 1971 muhtırasına giden süreçte yaşanan siyasi ve sosyal olaylar ile muhtıra verilmesinin nedenleri ve sonuçları oluşturmuştur. ; Mustafa Kemal Atatürk initiated democracy for the new Turkish Government establishing the Turkish Grand National Assembly on April 23, 1920, and that went further with the declaration of republic on October 29, 1923. However, this democracy process did not last very long as it was disrupted by the military coups and memorandums. Memorandum is defined as army's warning the government without taking any military action instead of toppling the government and taking it over . therefore, what happened on March 12, 1971 is a kind of Memorandum to the government from the army with this respect. With the military interruption civilian authority, democracy was disrupted once again since the military coup in 1960. As all action has some reasons, that note had several reasons as well, some of which are the emerging danger of communism, being unable to surprass the demostrations of students, the young, and the workers, allegations of military junta, and interruptions from other countries. The subject of this study is to examine political and social events right before the Memorandum of 1971 as well as its reasons and results.

As a result of efforts to establish a common migration policy and harmonize European countries since the 1990s, European countries began to want to include the migration regime in the EU acquis. In those years, the goal of European migration policy was to combat irregular migration. Turkey's more intrusive control over migration has also put pressure on European countries. Because Türkiye has become a transit country that opens space for irregular immigrants. In this context, a strong immigration policy has been established in order to respond to the expectations of Europe's institutional and legal regulations. Among these regulations, there are some decisions regarding labor migration. In this study, Turkey's Eleventh Development Plan was examined within the framework of the concept of "sustainable development", taking into account Turkey's current development goals. In consequence of these investigations, new business areas that have emerged recently have been identified and analyzed.

WOS: 000461078400001 ; Citizenship education was influenced by fundamental changes that happened following the end of the Cold War in 1989. Traditional citizenship education aiming to build a monolithic national identity, disseminate an image of homogeneous society and transmit the knowledge of political system has evolved towards modern citizenship education characterised by an emphasis on human rights, democracy, the rule of law, respect for diversity and a concern to develop students' political participation skills. The transition to modern citizenship education in Turkey started with the pushing of international educational projects and is still underway. Drawing on critical discourse analysis, this study explores what kind of citizenship education the 2018 Social Studies Courses Programme of Study envisages. The study found that the new programme intensely reflects the characteristics of traditional citizenship education. Taking into account this study's findings might lead to more effective implementation of the programme and increase the success of future curriculum reforms.

As of 2010, there is an increasing authoritarian political structure in Hungary. Winning the elections, the Fidesz government led by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán makes constitutional amendments in line with the party's purposes, guides the media outlets according to its interests, and silences the opponents. The West, which supports democracy even in other countries, has had to struggle with rising authoritarianism within itself. In this study, the rising authoritarianism in Europe and the position of the EU is examined. The study deals with the issue of authoritarianism in Hungary after evaluating the literature on authoritarianism. In the present study, which includes some comparisons with Turkey, a case study has been carried out. It has been conducted through document analysis method, taking into account the reports published by the Venice Commission and Council of Europe. As a result, it is emphasized how the EU remains weak in preventing authoritarianism and that authoritarianism can be not only in nonWestern countries but also in the West

The consequences of the August 2008 Russian-Georgian War have deeply infl uenced not only the Caucasus but overall global stability as well. Turkey as a regional actor which claims to follow active diplomacy in her region has also been directly aff ected. Currently Turkey has positioned itself as a regional actor with a 'new' political perspective and has responded to developments in order to give the events shape and to ensure stability in the region. This attitude has caused controversies. The Caucasus became an interesting example to monitor Turkish foreign policy implementations with mottos such as 'zero problems with neighbors' 'problem-solving country' and 'rhythmic diplomacy.' Turkey's policies and reactions to developments taking place in the Caucasus will help us to analyze and understand foreign policy objectives policy-making processes and the overall course of Turkish foreign policy. This study makes a comprehensive assessment of Turkey's foreign policy in the Caucasus before and after August 2008.

The consequences of the August 2008 Russian-Georgian War have deeply influenced not only the Caucasus but overall global stability as well. Turkey as a regional actor which claims to follow active diplomacy in her region has also been directly affected. Currently Turkey has positioned itself as a regional actor with a 'new' political perspective and has responded to developments in order to give the events shape and to ensure stability in the region. This attitude has caused controversies. The Caucasus became an interesting example to monitor Turkish foreign policy implementations with mottos such as 'zero problems with neighbors' problem-solving country' and 'rhythmic diplomacy' Turkey's policies and reactions to developments taking place in the Caucasus will help us to analyze and understand foreign policy objectives policy-making processes and the overall course of Turkish foreign policy This study makes a comprehensive assessment of Turkey's foreign policy in the Caucasus before and after August 2008.

Demokrasilerde yerel yönetimler demokratik yaşamın vazgeçilmez öğelerinden biri olarak görülmektedir. Temsili demokrasilerde karar alma sürecini politikacılar, seçmenler ve bürokratlar oluşturmaktadır. Yozlaşma ise bu karar alma sürecinde kamu aleyhine özel çıkar sağlama sürecini ifade etmektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, yerel yönetim birimlerinin karar alma sürecinde kişisel çıkar sağlamak amacıyla politik aktörler (politikacılar, seçmenler, çıkar gurupları,bürokratlar) tarafından, mevcut hukuki, ahlaki ve diğer normların ihlal edilmesini kapsayan politik yozlaşmayı ve topluma maliyetini ortaya koymaktır. Günümüzde birçok ülkede olduğu gibi ülkemizde de merkezi hükümette ve yerel yönetimlerde kuraldışı uygulamalar yasal düzenlemelerin yerini almıştır. Bu durum toplumların karşı karşıya olduğu siyasal ekonomik ve sosyal bir hastalıktır. Politik aktörler bu süreçte yozlaşma ağının bir parçası olarak hareket etmektedir. Sonuçta karar alma sürecinin siyasi, ekonomik, ve sosyal sebeplerle çıkar amaçlı olarak işlemesi, toplumda yolsuzluk faaliyetlerini rant kollama faaliyetlerini yaygınlaştırmakta her türlü yolsuzluğun ahlaksızlık sayılmadığı bir anlayış topluma egemen olmaktadır. Yerel halkın yaşam standardı ve yaşam kalitesi düşmekte. Bunun dışında yerel yönetimlerdeki politik yozlaşma, yerel halka birçok siyasi, sosyal, ekonomik ve ahlaki maliyet yüklemektedir. Günümüzde yerel yönetim birimlerinde özellikle belediyelerde yolsuzluk, rüşvet, kayırmacılık, ranta dayalı kent toprağının kullanımı, rant kollama, çıkar amaçlı görevi kötüye kullanama, plansız borçlanarak geleceği ipotek altına alama, her türlü kaynak israfı yaygın olarak görülmektedir. Yerel yönetimlerin mevcut konumu, halkın yerel demokrasi bilinci, yozlaşmayı önleyecek düzenlemeler göz ardı edilerek gerçekleştirilecek reform çalışmaları yerel yönetimleri yolsuzluğun ve kaynak israfının odağına itecektir. Bu çalışma, yerel yönetimlere daha fazla yetki, daha fazla kaynak söylemelerinin çok yaygın olduğu günümüzde aykırı görüş olarak, yerel yönetimlere yetki ve kaynak devrinin yerel katılım ve yerel demokrasi bilincinin gelişmesine, ekonomik kalkınmanın sağlanmasına, tüm ülke genelinde herkesin kabul ettiği asgari ahlaki değerlerin sağlanmasına, hukuk devleti anlayışının oluşmasına paralel olarak gerçekleştirilmesi gerektiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Local administrations are regarded as one of the main items in democracies.In represantative democracies ,politicians,voters and bureaucrats determine the period of taking decisions.But Corroption means providing private interests against public interests.The aim of this study is to reveal the political corroption which consists breaking the available juridical,moral and other norms by political actors (politicians,voters,illegal groups,bureaucrats)aiming to provide private interest during the local administrations' process of taking decisions. Today,in our country illegal applications in local administrations and central government replace the legal arrangements as in many other countries. This situation is a political,economic and social illness societies face.In this process political actors act as part of corroption. As a result, the process of taking decision depends on economic,political,and social reasons,and thus gives rise to private interest through corroption rent seeking facilities in society and a perception that every kind of degeneration is not considered as dishonest dominates the society.The living standards and quality of public is on decrease.Apart from that, political degeneration in local administrations puts a heavy political,social and economic burden on public Nowadays, in local administrations, particularly in municipalities,misuse of authority, bribery, privilege ,using local land for private interest, rent seeking unplanned debt causing future mortgage,extreme consumption of resources are widespread.The present situation of the local administration, public's conciousness of local democracy, arrangements preventing degeneration , reformations attempts that will be achieved by ignoring corroption arrangements will push the local administrations to the core of corroption and waste of resources. This study -against the idea that more authority and resources should be given to local administarations as many say- states that more authority and finance should be paralell with the improvements of public's democracy concious, economic development, common virtue accepted by the majority of the public and the idea of lawful states.

The use of Twitter has become an important part of foreign policy making and conducting in the recent years. Since it is seen as the most powerful and popular tool of digital diplomacy, foreign policy makers increasingly use Twitter for sending messages to their counterparts and to inform their followers on certain issues, problems or current topics on their country's foreign policy agenda. Taking the popularity of Twitter use in foreign policy, this study aims to discuss the role of Twitter diplomacy on Turkey-US relations. In this respect, how and for which purposes foreign policy makers in Turkey and the US use Twitter, which topics are mostly covered by the tweets of the selected top-level decision-makers' accounts, the positive and negative impacts of Twitter on the current status of bilateral relations and the role that Twitter is likely to play in the future of relations are the points that are going to be dealt within the framework of this study.

During the reign of Abdulhamid II, reorganization of administrative, judicial, financial and internal security in the Macedonian region after the Treaty of Berlin of 1878 become an international issue also involving the European countries. In this process, Macedonia become a focus of political crises and disputes between the Ottoman Empire and European states. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the restructuring of gendarmerie organization during the reign of Abdulhamid II by taking into account these conditions. Undoubtedly, the Murzsteg reform program of 1903 played a decisive role in the power struggle of the actors in the region. After launching the program, restructuring of administrative, financial, judicial and security areas under supervision of the European states started in the provinces of Thessaloniki, Kosovo and Monastir. While the gendarmerie organization in the region was handled within the scope of the Murzsteg program, Edirne province was not included in this program. In this study, the attempts to include the gendarmerie organization in Edirne province in the Murzsteg reform program, and reorganization of gendarmerie in Edirne province will be examined.