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Ballot position effects have been documented across a variety of political and electoral systems. In general, knowledge of the underlying mechanisms is limited. There is also little research on such effects in preferential-list PR systems, in which parties typically present ranked lists and thus signaling is important. This study addresses both gaps. Theoretically, we formalize four models of voter decision-making: pure appeal-based utility maximization, implying no position effects; rank-taking, where voters take cues from ballot position per se; satisficing, where choice is a function of appeal, but voters consider the options in the order of their appearance; and a hybrid "satisficing-with-rank-taking" variant. From these, we derive differential observable implications. Empirically, we exploit a quasi-experiment, created by the mixed-member electoral system that is used in the state of Bavaria, Germany. Particular electoral rules induce variation in both the observed rank and the set of competitors, and allow for estimating effects at all ranks. We find clear evidence for substantial position effects, which are strongest near the top, but discernible even for the 15th list position. In addition, a candidate's vote increases when the average appeal of higher-placed (but not that of lower-placed) competitors is lower. Overall, the evidence is most compatible with the hybrid satisficing-with-rank-taking model. Ballot position thus affects both judgment and choice of candidates. ; ISSN:0190-9320 ; ISSN:1573-6687

WOS: 000350998600002 ; The level structure of the neutron-rich Cu-69, Cu-71, and Cu-73 isotopes has been investigated by means of multinucleon transfer reactions. The experiment was performed at Laboratori Nazionali di Legnaro using the AGATA Demonstrator array coupled to the PRISMA magnetic spectrometer. Lifetimes of excited states in Cu nuclei were measured with the recoil-distance Doppler-shift method. The resulting electromagnetic matrix elements for transitions from excited states in Cu-69,Cu-71,Cu-73 nuclei are used to assess the collective or single-particle character of these states. The results are compared with predictions of large-scale shell-model calculations, giving further insight into the evolution of the proton pf shell as neutrons fill the 1g(9/2) orbital. ; European Union Seventh Framework Program FP7 [262010]; ENSAR; MINECO, Spain [FPA2011-29854-C03, FPA2011-29854-C04, Consolider-Ingenio 2010 CSD2007-00042]; Generalitat Valenciana, Spain [PROMETEOII/2014/019] ; This work has been partially supported by the European Union Seventh Framework Program FP7/2007-2013 under Grant Agreement No. 262010, ENSAR and MINECO, Spain, under Grants No. FPA2011-29854-C03 and No. FPA2011-29854-C04, Generalitat Valenciana, Spain, under Grant No. PROMETEOII/2014/019, and MINECO, Spain, under Grant Consolider-Ingenio 2010 CSD2007-00042.

Correspondence between Mr. Baltasar Fernández Cue and Gen. Alvaro Obregón concerning the critique he made on the message to the American People sent by Gen. Alvaro Obregón and demanding that he be more punctual on the rights of all foreign residents in Mexico than just on the Americans. He restated that he never attacked him personally. Gen. Alvaro Obregón replied refusing to engage in controversy. / Correspondencia entre el Sr. Baltasar Fernández Cue y el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, relativa a la crítica que hace el primero al mensaje al pueblo norteamericano que envió el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, al que conmina a ser más claro en cuanto a los derechos de todos los extranjeros radicados en México y no sólo de los norteamericanos. Le reitera que nunca lo ha atacado en lo personal. Respuesta del Gral. Alvaro Obregón negándose a entablar polémica.

Controversy arosen from a letter sent by Luis Cabrera, B.A., to Mr. Baltazar Fernández Cué analyzing the political situation of Mexico in 1920 and the stand point of the most important public figures, which was refuted by President Adolfo de la Huerta and defended by Baltazar Fernández Cué. The three letters were published in the newspaper. "Mr. Luis Cabrera assesses the situation of Mexico. He opines that it go in the direction of conservative restoration". EXTRA LA VANGUARDIA. DIARIO DE ACCION SOCIAL. Mexico, D.F. Sept. 11, 1920. (Go to archive 1, box 1, folder 2, folder 6). Letter from Mr. Baltazar Fernández Cué to Miguel Alessio Robles, B.A., Secretary of the President defending his right to have opinions on the situation of Mexico. File F-5 / Polémica suscitada a raíz de una carta que el Lic. Luis Cabrera envía al Sr. Baltazar Fernández Cué, analizando la situación política de México en 1920 y la postura de los más importantes hombres públicos, misma que fue refutada por el Presdente Adolfo de la Huerta y defendida por Baltazar Fernández Cué. Las tres cartas fueron publicadas en el periódico. "Don Luis Cabrera juzga la situación de México. Opina que se va a la restauración conservadora". EXTRA LA VANGUARDIA. DIARIO DE ACCION SOCIAL. México, D.F. Sept. 11, 1920. (Se pasó al planero 1, cajón 1, carpeta 2, folder 6). Carta del Sr. Baltazar Fernández Cué al Lic. Miguel Alessio Robles, Secretario de la Presidencia de la República, defendiendo su derecho a opinar sobre la situación de México. Exp. F-5

The Walking for Health programme was established in 2001 and continues to be an integral part of Government policy to address the health and wellbeing of the population in Northern Ireland. The programme is delivered through HSC Trusts across Northern Ireland and is supported by the Public Health Agency. Walking for Health aims to encourage inactive people to increase their level of physical activity by participating in local led health walks.

As conventionally understood, regulatory takings doctrine protects property owners from the most significant costs of legal transitions. Legal change has therefore always been central to regulatory takings claims. This Article argues that it does not need to be, and that governments can violate the Takings Clause by failing to act in the face of a changing world. This is much more than a minor refinement of takings law because government liability for failing to act means that, in at least some circumstances, the Takings Clause imposes an affirmative obligation on the government to protect property. This liability runs counter to conventional understandings of constitutional law in which the Constitution enshrines primarily negative liberties. The Takings Clause, then, can serve as a previously unrecognized basis for affirmative government obligations. The Article ultimately illustrates this new category of passive takings with the example of sea level rise, arguing that ecological threats may compel the government to respond or else face takings liability.

Im Rahmen der von der Bundesregierung beschlossenen Breitbandstrategie wird das Ziel verfolgt, dass bis 2014 mindestens 75 Prozent der Haushalte über Breitbandanschlüsse mit Übertra-gungsraten von mindestens 50 Mbit/s verfügen. Dieses Vorhaben kann nur durch eine Verkürzung der kup-ferbasierten Übertragungswege hin zu einem rein optischen Anschlussnetz gelingen. Der Beitrag zeigt, welchen wichtigen Beitrag die DSL-Technologie und deren Weiterentwicklung für den Ausbau der letzten Meile hin zu einem volloptischen Anschlussnetz liefern kann. Es wird begründet, warum in einigen Bereichen auch zukünftig die DSL-Technologie fortbestehen wird. Gleichzeitig werden Verfahren be-schrieben, die in den letzten Jahren an der Fraunhofer ESK erforscht wurden und die Performance der Kup-ferdoppelader unter gleichzeitiger Kosteneinsparung für die Netzbetreiber verbessern.

Made famous during the Vietnam War as underground passages of the Viet Cong guerillas, the Cu Chi Tunnels historical site is a tourist attraction, commonly associated with a kind of low-brow entertainment aimed at foreign visitors. This article expands the scholarship of this site using auto-ethnographic and qualitative survey research methods. Aimed at agitating Cu Chi's kitsch and political associations, the author considers the Vietnamese market economy and the reversed-migration flows, in order to contextualize Cu Chi as an identity-negotiation nexus for transmigrant Vietnamese professionals. Particular focus is placed on how visitation to Cu Chi tunnels and the abstention of visitation can allude to the participant's heritage affiliations.

Made famous during the Vietnam War as underground passages of the Viet Cong guerillas, the Cu Chi Tunnels historical site is a tourist attraction, commonly associated with a kind of low-brow entertainment aimed at foreign visitors. This article expands the scholarship of this site using auto-ethnographic and qualitative survey research methods. Aimed at agitating Cu Chi's kitsch and political associations, the author considers the Vietnamese market economy and the reversed-migration flows, in order to contextualize Cu Chi as an identity-negotiation nexus for transmigrant Vietnamese professionals. Particular focus is placed on how visitation to Cu Chi tunnels and the abstention of visitation can allude to the participant's heritage affiliations.

Technological development has created new forms of information, altered expectations of privacy, and given law enforcement more tools to examine that information and intrude on that privacy. One crucial facet of these changes involves internet service providers (ISPs): as people expose more of their lives to their ISPs—all the websites they visit, people they communicate with, emails they send, files they store, and more—law enforcement efforts to access that data become more and more common. But scholars and policymakers alike recognize that the existing statutory frameworks governing those efforts are based on obsolete technology and strike balances that are difficult to justify and that are both over- and underprotective of privacy.This Article proposes a new approach to regulating government investigations of data that has been shared with ISPs—one that is inspired by a legal tool designed to achieve the very balance between public benefits and private burdens that has thus far proven elusive. This tool is the Takings Clause. Under the Takings Clause, the government can acquire private property, including intangible and intellectual property, but this wide-ranging power is disciplined by the requirement that the government pursue a public purpose and pay just compensation for the property it takes. This Article argues that adapting these features of the takings framework to govern the investigation of ISP-held data would be feasible, theoretically and doctrinally sound, and normatively desirable.In making this argument, this Article addresses one of the primary problems with the various existing mechanisms by which government conducts investigations online, which is that the costs of diminished privacy fall on the civilian targets of those investigations. The result is that law enforcement does not adequately consider these costs when making investigation decisions. Acquiring information under a takings-inspired regime, by contrast, would trigger a requirement to compensate the person whose privacy has been diminished and thus impose a direct cost on the government entity conducting the investigation. This obligation to pay would force the investigating entity to be more thoughtful about which investigations are the highest priorities, most likely to yield valuable information, and most tailored to achieve their purposes.

[EN] We present a combined theoretical-experimental study aiming to provide information about the location and coordination environment of the Cu2+ species involved in the selective reduction of NOx with NH3 catalyzed by Cu-zeolites. From the experimental side, we show and discuss the EPR spectra of the three molecular sieves most widely used as catalysts for the NH3-SCR-NOx reaction, namely Cu-SSZ-13, Cu-SAPO-34 and Cu-ZSM-5 both in their hydrated state and after dehydration. Then, we investigate the EPR spectra of Cu-SSZ-13 and Cu-SAPO-34 under the following conditions: (i) after NH3 adsorption, (ii) after NO addition, and (iii) in the presence of a NO/O-2 mixture. As regards the theoretical part, an exhaustive computational study has been performed that includes geometry optimization and calculation of the EPR parameters of all the relevant systems involved in the NH3-SCR-NOx reaction. The influence of local geometry and Al/Si distribution in the zeolite framework on the EPR parameters and the most probable location of Cu2+ in each material are analyzed, and assignations of the EPR signals obtained under different reaction conditions are discussed. ; This work has been supported by the Spanish Government through Severo Ochoa Program (SEV 2012-0267), MAT2015-71261-R and CTQ2015-68951-C3-1-R, and by the European Union through ERC-AdG-2014-671093 (SynCatMatch). Red Española de Supercomputación (RES) and Centre de Càlcul de la Universitat de Valencia are gratefully acknowledged for computational resources and technical support. E.F.V. thanks MINECO for her fellowship SVP-2013-068146. ; Fernández-Villanueva, E.; Moreno González, M.; Moliner Marin, M.; Blasco Lanzuela, T.; Boronat Zaragoza, M.; Corma Canós, A. (2018). Modeling of EPR Parameters for Cu(II): Application to the Selective Reduction of NOx Catalyzed by Cu-Zeolites. Topics in Catalysis. 61(9-11):810-832. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11244-018-0929-y ; S ; 810 ; 832 ; 61 ; 9-11 ; Chen H-Y (2014) In: Nova I, Tronconi E (eds) Urea-SCR technology for deNOx after ...

The Constitution protects us from our own best intentions."' During times of grave emergency, the powers granted and reserved by the federal government remain unaltered in order to avoid shortsighted solutions that would, in the long run, be worse than the current crisis. Even a simple cure for appreciable suffering may have larger implications, and the rule of law does not know whether it is constraining good or aiding evil. In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, the most costly natural disaster in U.S. history, the Federal Communications Commission ("FCC") imposed a shortsighted resolution that tested the boundaries of its authority. Under previously unused powers to prevent the "warehousing, hoarding, and brokering of toll-free numbers," the FCC unilaterally transferred one private party's phone number to another private party, without offering any form of compensation. An entrepreneur had originally registered the number, 1-800-RED- ARMS, for his company of the same name. When the number's use increased during earthquakes, tornadoes, and floods, he realized his fateful overlap: 1-800-RED-ARMS has the same underlying keypad sequence as 1-800-RED-CROSS (1-800-733-2767). During emergencies, the entrepreneur voluntarily routed calls to local American Red Cross chapters, charging only reimbursement costs. Failed negotiations to transfer the number permanently (the charity had steadfastly refused to pay six figures) led the Red Cross to make an emergency request to the FCC. In the wake of Hurricane Katrina, which "propelled the Red Cross into its largest U.S. relief effort in history," the FCC intervened and ordered that the number be reassigned to the Red Cross."

Local governments typically insure themselves against all kinds of losses, from property damage to legal liability. For small- and medium-sized governments, this usually means purchasing insurance from private insurers or participating in municipal risk pools. Insurance for regulatory takings claims, however, is generally unavailable. This previously unnoticed gap in municipal insurance coverage could lead risk averse local governments to underregulate and underenforce existing regulations where property owners threaten to bring takings claims. This seemingly technical observation turns out to have profound implications for theoretical accounts of the Takings Clause that focus on government regulatory incentives. This Article explores the impact of insurance on land use regulations. In the process, it reveals important insights about public insurance more generally and offers a novel explanation for the burgeoning land use innovation in cities compared to the relative stagnation of land use in the suburbs. It concludes by suggesting new ways for promoting local land use regulations that risk generating takings claims.

Care must be taken when human needs are expressed in the odd dialect of legal rights. This delicate act of translation – from private need to public obligation – demands acute sensitivity to the ways in which public responsibility inaugurates a new and complex encounter with a broad array of public preferences that deprive dependent subjects of primary stewardship over the ways in which their needs are met. Both Martha Fineman and Joan Williams have taken on the difficult project of making the ethical and political case for transforming dependency and care – from private or domestic need to public responsibility. In the articles they have contributed to this Symposium they both make significant contributions to this political project, building on the substantial work they have done elsewhere. In Contract and Care, Martha Fineman introduces something new to advance her now well-known thesis of collective responsibility for both inevitable and derivative dependency. Drawing from principles of private contract law as well as political social contract theory, she argues that "[u]sing the idea of background conditions [borrowed from contract law] it is possible to argue that it is time to rewrite our social contract, to reconsider the viability and equity of our existing social configurations and assumptions. The background assumptions that Fineman seeks to unsettle are those that take for granted that responsibility for dependency be delegated to the family and that the family be constructed as a quintessentially private institution. The privatization of dependency is possible, according to Fineman, when dependency is characterized as a set of"natural" needs, the family is constructed as an "organic" unit of human organization, and further, the family is treated as an economically independent unit – separate from the market and the state. Fineman has persuasively demonstrated how these fictions are radically untrue of actual social organizations, while they nevertheless undergird social policies that justify a minor public role in dependency care. Indeed, the failure to address human dependency adequately is most often attributed to private, not public, irresponsibility.

This paper examines the implications associated with a recent Supreme Court ruling, Kelo v. City of New London. Kelo can be interpreted as supporting eminent domain as a means of transferring property rights from one set of private agents - landowners - to another private agent - a developer. Under voluntary exchange, where the developer sequentially acquires property rights from landowners via bargaining, a holdout problem arises. Eminent domain gives all of the bargaining power to the developer and, as a result, eliminates the holdout problem. This is the benefit of Kelo. However, landowners lose all their bargaining power and, as a result, their property investments become more inefficient. This is the cost of Kelo. A policy of eminent domain increases social welfare compared to voluntary sequential exchange only when the holdout problem is severe, and this occurs only if the developer has very little bargaining power. We propose an alternative government policy that eliminates the holdout problem but does not affect the bargaining power of the various parties. This alternative policy strictly dominates a policy of eminent domain, which implies that eminent domain is an inefficient way to transfer property rights between private agents.