Suchergebnisse

The Centre (C.R.C.A.) was established in the early 1950s by Rev. Joseph E. Champagne, O.M.I. [Oblates of Mary Immaculate], Director of the Institute of Missiology at the University of Ottawa, with the help of the National Museum of Canada. It now forms part of St. Paul University, a small private Catholic university run by the Oblates of Mary Immaculate. The Oblates have a long history of missionary work in the Canadian North. St. Paul University is federated with the University of Ottawa. Until recently, the Centre functioned mainly as an informal clearing house for anthropological research in Canada. In the last two years, its research and publishing activities have been expanded. It has a particular interest in: social science and community development (socio-economic development and change) with specific emphasis on social, cultural, and applied anthropology; community development in large, sparsely populated frontier areas; and traditional peoples in situations of change and poverty. The geographic regions in which the Centre operates include the Canadian Middle North and Arctic, particularly the Yukon Territory and Northern Ontario. The northern research program is financed almost entirely by a grant from the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development under its program of assistance to northern institutes and expeditions. The Centre has a vigorous publications program. It started in 1955 with the publication of Anthropologica, a bilingual journal in the social sciences, and has received support in the past from the Canada Council. The journal has carried a number of papers on the North. . In its monograph series, it has published: "Eskimo Townsmen", a study of Eskimo adaptation to town life at Frobisher Bay, Baffin Island, by John and Irma Honigmann; "The Metis of the Mackenzie District", a study of people of Indian and White ancestry in the Northwest Territories by Richard Slobodin; and "Kabloona and Eskimo in the Central Keewatin", by Frank Vallee. . The first of the Centre's Document series dealt with "Community Development in Canada" and included reference to activities in northern Canada; it was written by Antony Loyd, now with the School of Social Work at the University of British Columbia. The Centre's Handbook series was initiated with Aleksandrs Sprudzs' "Co-operatives: Notes for a Basic Information Course", which is a guide to establishing and running co-operatives, with particular reference to Eskimo co-operatives . The Centre issues a small bilingual monthly newsletter called "Information," which describes its activities. .

The Saudi Arabian Public Transport Company was organized in 1979 for the purpose of providing reliable and inexpensive public transportation for the citizens of Saudi Arabia. Because this purpose was considered so important, the Saudi government guaranteed investors in SAPTCO a 15 percent return on their investment. This government subsidy has enabled SAPTCO to operate since 1979 in spite of large losses. The management of SAPTCO, nevertheless, is trying to reach a point in operations where the company will show a profit. The focus of this thesis is the Revenue Collection System of SAPTCO. Many of the problems associated with the System are related to the Saudi culture. It is difficult to count female passengers or to ensure that they pay fares because of cultural mores against males and females sharing public vehicles. The expense of handling daily revenues is high because of the problem of counting paper money; Saudi people do not like to carry coins. In addition to these problems, the existing revenue collection system has made it easy for drivers or cashiers to misappropriate fares. Recommendations for improvement of the system were listed, and three recommendations--new fare boxes, multi-use passes, and bank coordination--were selected for implementation.

Contents: I. Basic Concepts and Definitions – II. Virtue Standardization in Luo Normative Ethics -- III. The Process of Socialization and Norm Implanting -- IV. Laws and Judicial Processes -- V. The Basic Principles of Social Structure and Norms of Socio-Economic Relationships -- VI. Normative Beliefs and Rules of the Luo Marriage -- VII. Normative Structural Aspects of Sorcery, Witchcraft and Medicine Men -- VIII. Religion and Beliefs of Transcendentalism -- IX. Political Organization -- X. Concluding and Summary

Discussions of land tenure in social anthropology have usually been deeply embedded in broader empirical and theoretical explanations of social, economic, legal, and political institutions. In this volume the editors have sought to correct the emphasis of previous studies by focusing our attention directly on land tenure in Oceania, without, it must be added, losing sight of the connections between land tenure principles and general social structure. The editors have deliberately looked for similarities by analyzing each tenure system from the same analytical and conceptual perspective. Chapters 1 and 9 specifically discuss the methodological and theoretical framework that evolved in the course of analyzing the seven tenure systems described in chapters 2 through 8. The difficulties and problems encountered by the contributors in presenting their data in comparable form is reflected by the more than three years of analysis, writing, editing, and rewriting necessary to complete this volume. The seven substantive ethnographic chapters illustrate the range and diversity in the land tenure practices which are found within the vast culture area of Oceania. The similarities in basic tenure principles between all seven systems seem all the more remarkable in light of the varied geographical and cultural settings of the seven societies. In all of these societies we find a complete absence of fee simple ownership and a corresponding presence of entailed family estates. The ethnography reveals tenure principles that detail an impressive number and variety of separate categories of property. Each category, in turn, includes an even greater number of rights and duties that symbolize different forms of proprietorship. The differential allocation of these rights and duties among persons and groups represents the exact point of connection between land tenure and social structure. For example, kinship principles that specify the distribution of authority within age, sex, descent, and status categories converge on such tenure ...

In his preface, Danilo E. Ponce describes this book as an "unblinking look at Filipino history in Hawaii." Written from a Filipino viewpoint, the book commemorates seventy five years of collective existence of this ethnic group in the Aloha State. It examines Filipino experience in Hawaii in the context of Philippine history and culture. This is not a simple book, for its subject is complex. For example, there were three waves of Filipino immigration to Hawaii — each wave bringing people of differing socio-economic, educational, and geopolitical backgrounds. It would be misleading to speak of one homogeneous group called "Filipinos" being affected at any given time. Implicit in Out of This Struggle is the human drama that underlies events. Hawaii's need for labor promised the Filipinos the possibility of bettering their economic status, but plantation wages proved so low that entire families needed to work to live, limiting their access to education. Out of this frustration came their active and telling role in the organization of the IL WU and the labor strife of the 1920s. As Hawaii's Filipinos look to the future beyond 1981, they find in their community many and varied elements-proof of vitality, of a community trying to identify issues, examine events, and understand itself. Out of This Struggle will contribute to that understanding. This book is one of the projects of the Filipino 75th Anniversary Commemoration Commission, which was created by the 1977 Hawaii State Legislature, through Enabling Act 181, to oversee the year-long celebration of the arrival of the first Filipinos in Hawaii in 1906. The idea of the Commission itself came from a group called the Hawaii Filipino-American Community Foundation, which, as early as 1976, had thought of the need to celebrate the 75th anniversary of Filipino immigration to Hawaii not only through ceremony, but more appropriately, through more permanent means. One of these means was to be a book which would give its readers some understanding of what the past 75 years ...

Lively and well written, Bread and Circuses analyzes theories that have treated mass culture as either a symptom or a cause of social decadence. Discussing many of the most influential and representative theories of mass culture, it ranges widely from Greek and Roman origins, through Marx, Nietzsche, Freud, Ortega y Gasset, T. S. Eliot, and the theorists of the Frankfurt Institute, down to Marshall McLuhan and Daniel Bell, Brantlinger considers the many versions of negative classicism and shows how the belief in the historical inevitability of social decay--a belief today perpetuated by the mass media themselves--has become the dominant view of mass culture in our time. While not defending mass culture in its present form, Brantlinger argues that the view of culture implicit in negative classicism obscures the question of how the media can best be used to help achieve freedom and enlightenment on a truly democratic basis.

The social context of research provides the background for assessing present and potential roles scientists may play in the Northwest Territories. This context includes diverse cultural and interest groups and an ever-quickening pace of social change. Increasing scholarly and ethical demands are being placed on the scientific community for academic accountability, public participation, education, and cross-cultural exchange of knowledge. These demands affect us, our disciplines, and our ability to carry on research. The Northern Cultural Heritage Project, an applied anthropology and archaeology program, serves as a case study illustrating the integration of research with the northern social context. Additional potential roles for researchers are discussed, including increasing information return, education through exposure to field science work, research ethics and social context awareness for novice professionals, and policy participation. It is concluded that the contemporary social context of the north has practical and perhaps theoretical implications for the conduct of science.Key words: anthropology, heritage, education, method, theory, policy, human resources, social context ; Mots clés: anthropologie, héritage, éducation, méthode, politique, ressources humaines, contexte social

Los antropólogos que trabajan conforme al postulado de que la realidad social debe ser explicada en función de su morfología cultural, o por la forma de ordenarse y distribuirse sus componentes, y con independencia del origen de los elementos culturales que se estudian, son considerados estructuralistas. En la antropología estructural predomina el criterio de que el método científico es, sobre todo, una racionalización de la realidad, un entendimiento de la misma por medio del estudio de la razón existente en las cosas y en los símbolos que emplean los hombres para comunicarse, cosas y símbolos que, asimismo, se interpretan como claves para relacionarse con el mundo y con los seres humanos en particular. Estas comunicaciones tienen su significado específico y universal, y el antropólogo estructural busca establecerlas por medio del análisis de la forma de relacionarse unas con otras. El significado de las comunicaciones entre elementos se considera equivalente a su funcionalidad relativa dentro de cada razón cultural o programa para la acción social. En principio, el estructuralismo tiene su crítica dentro de la misma ciencia, que es el lugar donde se corrigen y depuran las posibilidades de los conceptos y de los métodos. Cualquiera que sea esta crítica, lo que aquí no cabe es identificar el método estructural con una actitud política informada por la ideología del statu quo o equilibrio estático, como ha querido definirlo LEFEBVRE (1966, 81), pues que su única clase de comportamiento refiere a un modo de investigar sincrónicamente la realidad. No es tampoco una teoría de la cultura. Es, sobre todo, un método basado en el supuesto de que la explicación de la conducta humana debe apoyarse en el desenvolvimiento de construcciones Iógico-inductivas capaces de mostrar cuáles son los principios y las reglas de un sistema cultural, en cada caso perceptibles en el comportamiento social y en las razones de este comportamiento. Por tanto, este método no establece necesariamente crítica sobre las condiciones, buenas o malas, de la organización institucional de una cultura. Más bien establece análisis sobre las relaciones de sus elementos para el objeto de producir una comprensión de su estructura real. El problema que debemos considerar aquí no consiste, pues, en determinar si un estructuralista es o no partidario del orden sociopolítico de que se ocupa. Por el contrario, se trata de saber si es o no suficiente el conocimiento que obtenemos de la realidad descomponiéndola en elementos y despojándola de su carácter de proceso irreversible. La razón analítica propuesta por el método estructural no consiste, por añadidura, en orientarse hacia una crítica de las instituciones. No propone una actitud política, sino más bien una actitud científica. La actitud politica corresponde formularla en el seno de otro nivel de actuación: en el de la misma praxis social, o en el de la crítica o aprobación moral de la estructura institucional de la sociedad, o de una sociedad en concreto. Éste no es el caso cuando el método busca saber sólo cómo es un fenómeno, y no cómo debe ser. El nivel del deber ser (cf. ESTEVA 1957-a, 421 y SS.) pertenece a la acción política y a la filosofía social, pero no es propiamente el de la ciencia considerada como un medio de objetivacibn de la realidad. El método estructural existe como un uaso necesario de aquella clase I de investigación que se propone describir y explicar el comportamiento de conjuntos. Exige una cierta capacidad para la clasificación y para el análisis, y tiende a explicar más la realidad en función de lo que constituyen sus reducciones racionales, que en función de lo que es el mismo proceso pluricausal. En este sentido, la explicación estructural es racional. Aquí procuraremos considerar lo que son propiamente las inclinaciones del método estructural en Antropología, y asumiremos su problemática en el mismo curso de las cuestiones aue trataremos. No nos pronunciamos contrarios ni favorables ver se. Más Gen reconocemos su utilildad como método aplicado al crecimiento de una teoría antropol6gica de grado medio, indispensable para el desenvolvimiento de una teoría antropológica integral que la vemos más en el futuro que en el presente.

During April 1982, archaeologists from the Center for Archaeological Research at The University of Texas at San Antonio conducted a cultural resource survey and evaluation of 31.68 acres slated as an expansion area for the Fort Sam Houston National Cemetery in San Antonio, Texas. This was accomplished through two research methods: (1) a literature and archival search supplemented by interviews of knowledgeable persons; followed by (2) a planned subsurface archaeological testing program. One badly disturbed prehistoric site (41 BX 346) of unknown function and unknown chronological association was discovered as a result of these activities. Because the site is so severely mixed and displaced, it is not considered a significant cultural resource, and no further work is recommended. The legal basis for this cultural resource survey and evaluation is described in the federal legislation of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, the Archeological and Historical Preservation Act of 1974, and Executive Order 11593.

During April 1982, archaeologists from the Center for Archaeological Research I at The University of Texas at San Antonio conducted a cultural resource survey and evaluation of 31.68 acres slated as an expansion area for the Fort Sam Houston National Cemetery in San Antonio, Texas. This was accomplished through two research methods: (1) a literature and archival search supplemented by interviews of knowledgeable persons; followed by (2) a planned subsurface archaeological testing program. One badly disturbed prehistoric site (41 BX 346) of unknown function and unknown chronological association was discovered as a result of these activities. Because the site is so severely mixed and displaced, it is not considered a significant cultural resource, and no further work is recommended. The legal basis for this cultural resource survey and evaluation is described in the federal legislation of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, the Archeological and Historical Preservation Act of 1974 and Executive Order 11593.

In his review of California: Five Centuries of Cultural Contrast by Julian Nava and Bob Berger (Journal of California Anthropology, Winter, 1976, pp. 100-103), E.N. Anderson makes some relevant points concerning their "whitewashing" of the Spanish missionaries' treatment of the Indians. The reasons for this whitewash perhaps do not need to be expressed. While I generally agree with and like the tone of the review, in his correction of Nava's and Berger's gross errors concerning mission history Dr. Anderson has introduced another set of errors concerning mission history that require comment. He notes: At a more remote level, why did the Colonial government give California to the harsh Franciscans rather than the more tolerant Dominicans and Jesuits, who had more success in keeping their charges alive? The Dominicans had been put out of (Lower) California, and the Jesuits out of all missionary activity, to a great extent because they were too successful at protecting their charges from Spanish land-grabbers.

This is a resolution of understanding between the Hualapai Tribe and the National Park Service regarding the jurisdiction and management of specific areas along the Colorado River that are a part of the Hualapai Reservation. These issues include protection of religious and scared sites, greater cooperation with river companies, the removal of the National Recreation boundary from reservation lands and training of tribal river empoloyees and personnel. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE: Robert C. Euler was born on August 8, 1924 in New York, New York. Euler studied economics at Arizona State College (now Northern Arizona University) and received his bachelor's and master's degrees in 1947 and 1948 respectively. He received his Ph.D. from the University of New Mexico in Anthropology in 1958. From 1974-1984, Euler served as the Anthropologist for the National Parks Service, stationed at the Grand Canyon National Park. In this capacity, he was responsible for the administration of the anthropological and cultural resource management program. During this time, he was also instrumental in bridging relationships between the Park Services and neighboring Native American tribes on the Colorado Plateau.

Data are used from a Nahuatl Indian community in the Valley of Mexico to challenge the premise that the social organization of Mesoamerican peasant societies is an inevitable barrier to socio-economic change. An argument is made that because of the dual nature of peasant society at least two models for behavior will exist in a given community. In concentrating on internal and external changes in the last twenty-five years, it is shown how alternative cultural patterns, i.e. cargo system and modern political leadership, are manipulated by the community and its leaders to selectively implement change and pave the way for modernization.

Data are used from a Nahuatl Indian community in the Valley of Mexico to challenge the premise that the social organization of Mesoamerican peasant societies is an inevitable barrier to socio-economic change. An argument is made that because of the dual nature of peasant society at least two models for behavior will exist in a given community. In concentrating on internal and external changes in the last twenty-five years, it is shown how alternative cultural patterns, i.e. cargo system and modern political leadership, are manipulated by the community and its leaders to selectively implement change and pave the way for modernization.

Data are used from a Nahuatl Indian community in the Valley of Mexico to challenge the premise that the social organization of Mesoamerican peasant societies is an inevitable barrier to socio-economic change. An argument is made that because of the dual nature of peasant society at least two models for behavior will exist in a given community. In concentrating on internal and external changes in the last twenty-five years, it is shown how alternative cultural patterns, i.e. cargo system and modern political leadership, are manipulated by the community and its leaders to selectively implement change and pave the way for modernization.