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This paper was accepted for publication in the journal Media, Culture and Society and the definitive published version is available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443716655094 ; © The Author(s) 2016.This is a response to an article by Paul Dwyer in this Journal which makes several claims about the nature and impact of the political economy approach to the analysis of media and communications. We argue that Dwyer's article misunderstands or is unaware of the history of this approach, and quite fundamentally misconstrues its central tenets. Our response explains how, in capitalist societies, media organisations are integrated into general processes of accumulation, how they exercise power, and how their strategies shape the communications landscape. We explain how the critical political economy approach actually works and illustrate how it has been deployed for concrete analysis in ways that Dwyer seems unaware of. Analysis of shifts in the organisation of capitalism and of their consequences for the structure of cultural production is essential alongside detailed research into how shifting webs of pressure and opportunity impinge on the everyday business of crafting cultural goods in specific cultural industries. We argue that, contra Dwyer, contemporary analysis has a rich legacy of work in both areas on which to build.

Entrepreneurship and cultural activism in brazilian peripheries. Periferias, favelas, hills, areas of special interest, subnormal clusters, margins. There are several expressions used in Brazil to name regions of the city in order to demarcate their alterity in relation to the "centers". Place of the fault (of services, opportunities, public policies, State), of violence, of the "plundering" in opposition to the places of the city where the social life that matters. The peripheral regions have always been seen as places of "authenticity", of cultural richness, of the sonority of samba, of popular inventiveness, of struggle and resistance. In the last decade, this positive image has been fed by the diffusion and effervescence of artistic and cultural practices (hip hop, graffiti, sarahs, theater collectives, new dance styles, audiovisual production), as well as by a discursive regime aimed at celebrating "creative" abilities and the enterprising talents of its residents. In the context of neoliberal rationality, these supposedly "resilient" virtues became the model of "good practices". In the text, I propose to describe the peripheral cultural scene and its multiple assemblages, in the context of the profound transformations that occurred in Brazilian cities in the years of the governments of the Workers' Party. In particular argument about the emergence of a new figure of worker, the cultural entrepreneur activist and his "career would run," that is, the specific ways in which his work activities and militancy decline.

By providing a review of a number of recent and relevant publications, this paper reconstructs major trends, topics and challenges within the state of the art of scholarly research on the platformization of cultural industries, addressing the crucial role that digital platforms have acquired in recent years in the production and circulation of a variety of cultural contents. More specifically, after offering an introduction on the ways in which the study of digital platforms emerged as strictly intertwined with the evolution of certain cultural industry sectors, such as gaming and video sharing, the paper addresses in-depth three distinctive domains of cultural production and consumption: music, journalism, and photography. In so doing, the paper traces a variety of perspectives beyond the mainstream political economy-oriented focus of platform studies, suggesting emerging paths for future research on these rapidly shifting and increasingly debated issues.

This is an Open Access Article. It is published by ICONO14. Journal of Communication and Emergent Technologies under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 NonCommercial-NoDerivs Licence (CC BY-NC-ND). Full details of this licence are available at: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ ; Radical political economy birthed the notion of the New International Division of Cultural Labor (NICL). It starts from the understanding that inequality colors everyday work and domestic life, stressing that although workers generate value, they rarely benefit commensurately, due to the power of capital. Whereas neoclassical or bourgeois economics assumes that supply and demand effectively determine the price of commodities, political economy examines the role of the state and capital in controlling labor and ideologizing consumers and citizens. In other words, orthodox economics concentrates on markets, regarding them as jewels of human behavior; the heterodox approach challenges this focus on consumption, stressing production as a source of value and a site of control. This paper analyse that the NICL has become a model for exploitation across territories, industries, and occupations, so thinking about it critically remains vital. Analytically, we need to focus on the division of labor as a theoretical, empirical, and organizational tool if we are to understand everyday work in a way that can enrich and liberate it in accord with ecological and employee experiences and necessities.

DOI:10.26439/contratexto2020.n033.4786 In this article, we intend to systematize the networking experience for the Global South Free Culture Meeting, based on the collective construction of the first meeting, entirely virtual, held in 2018. As a method for our reflection, we used the content analysis of the thematic tables, recorded in videos, and participant observation. In our theoretical approach, we bring the debate around the construction of commons and the problematization of the free term in the current political and social context of Latin America, seeking to articulate it with the concept of community cultural production. Then, we present a summary of the process of construction of the Meeting and also of the topics discussed at the event, recording the planning for its continuity. Finally, we believe that the meeting favored the strengthening of the free culture movement in the Global South, which presents itself as an alternative for the construction of common cultural assets based on the differences and peculiarities of these territoriesand contributes to mitigate their inequalities. ; DOI:10.26439/contratexto2020.n033.4786 En este artículo, pretendemos sistematizar la experiencia de trabajo en red para el Encuentro de Cultura Libre del Sur, basada en la construcción colectiva de la primera reunión, completamente virtual, celebrada en 2018. Como método para nuestra reflexión, utilizamos el análisis de contenido de los grupos temáticos, grabado en videos, y la observación participante. En nuestro enfoque teórico, traemos el debate en torno a la construcción de bienes comunes y la problematización del término libre en el contexto político y social actual de América Latina, buscando articularlo con el concepto de producción cultural comunitaria. Luego presentamos un resumen del proceso de construcción de la reunión y también de los temas discutidos en el evento, también registrando la planificación para su continuidad. Finalmente, creemos que la reunión favoreció el fortalecimiento del movimiento de cultura libre en el Sur Global, que se presenta como una alternativa para la construcción de bienes culturales comunes basados en las diferencias y peculiaridades de estos territorios y contribuye a mitigar sus desigualdades. ; DOI:10.26439/contratexto2020.n033.4786 Neste artigo pretendemos sistematizar a experiência de articulação em rede para o Encontro de Cultura Livre do Sul, a partir da construção coletiva do primeiro encontro, inteiramente virtual, realizado em 2018. Como método para nossa reflexão, empregamos a análise de conteúdo das mesas temáticas, registradas em vídeos, e a observação participante. Em nossa abordagem teórica, trazemos o debate em torno da construção dos comuns e a problematização do termo livre no atual contexto político e social da América Latina, buscando articulá-lo com o conceito de produção cultural comunitária. Em seguida, apresentamos um resumo do processo de construção do encontro e também dos temas debatidos no evento, registrando ainda o planejamento para sua continuidade. Por fim, avaliamos que o encontro favoreceu o fortalecimento do movimento cultura livre no Sul Global, que se apresenta como uma alternativa para a construção de bens comuns da cultura a partir das diferenças e peculiaridades desses territórios e contribui ainda para mitigar suas desigualdades.

Introduction: After the signing of the alliance among Japan, Germany and Italy's governments in September 1940, several journals arose in order to spread the Japanese culture among people who knew very little about Italy's new allied. Some documentaries also had the same function. Methods: The numerous textual and iconographical references concerning the Japanese warriors' anthropology published in some Italian magazines during the 1940s have been compared, as well as to the few Italian monographs on the same theme and to some documentaries by Istituto Nazionale Luce, government propaganda organ. This subject has also been compared to the first Italian cultural production, concerning Japan, which dated back to the first decades of the 20th century. Moreover different intellectuals' biographies of those times have been deeply analyzed. Results: Comparing to each other the anthropological references about Japan in the Italian cultural production during the Second World War, we can notice a significant ideological homogeneity. This can be explained through their writers' common sharing of the militaristic, hierarchical and totalitarian doctrine of the Fascist Regime. The Fascist ideology can be summarized in the Bushido concept, as Inazo Nitobe defined it in 1916. This concept was already known in Italy on the early 20th century, far before Fascism. Discussions and conclusions: We can see how Italian perception of the Japanese anthropology on the early 20th century didn't change over time and how its features will re-appear in the 40s under the influence of the Italian-Japanese coalition. So, Bushido became the essence of the Japanese military and national identity that Fascist Italy took as example for mass education. Some of these stereotypes will re-appear after the war and until recent times in popular culture and in mass perception of Japanese martial arts. ; Introducción: Tras la firma de la alianza entre Japón, Alemania e Italia en septiembre de 1940, surgieron diversas revistas para difundir la cultura japonesa entre una población que sabía muy poco sobre el nuevo aliado de Italia. Algunos documentales también tuvieron el mismo propósito. Métodos: Se han comparado numerosas fuentes textuales e iconográficas relacionadas con la antropología de los guerreros japoneses, publicadas en algunas revistas italianas durante la década de 1940, así como algunas monografías italianas sobre el mismo tema y algunos documentales del Istituto Nazionale Luce, órgano de propaganda del gobierno. Este tema también se ha comparado con la primera producción cultural italiana referente a Japón, que se remonta a las primeras décadas del siglo XX. Además, se han analizado en profundidad las biografías de diferentes intelectuales de aquel periodo. Resultados: Comparando las referencias antropológicas sobre Japón en la producción cultural italiana durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, podemos observar una significativa homogeneidad ideológica. Esto se explica porque los autores compartían la doctrina militarista, jerárquica y totalitaria propia del régimen fascista. La ideología fascista se puede resumir en el concepto Bushido, tal y como lo definió Inazo Nitobe en 1916. Este concepto ya se conocía en Italia a principios del siglo XX, mucho antes del fascismo. Discusiones y conclusiones: Podemos observar cómo la percepción italiana de la antropología japonesa a principios del siglo XX no cambió con el tiempo y cómo sus características volverían a aparecer en los años 40 por la influencia de la coalición italo-japonesa. Así, el Bushido se convirtió en la esencia de la identidad militar y nacional japonesa que la Italia Fascista tomó como ejemplo para la educación de masas. Algunos de estos estereotipos volverían a aparecer tras la guerra e incluso en tiempos recientes en la cultura y percepción popular de las artes marciales japonesas. ; Introdução: Com a aliança estabelecida entre o Japão, a Alemanha e a Itália, em setembro de 1940, surgiram diversas revistas a difundir a cultura japonesa, por entre uma população que sabia muito pouco sobre os novos aliados de Itália. Alguns documentários também tiveram o mesmo propósito. Métodos: Compararam-se numerosas fontes textuais e iconográficas relacionadas com a antropologia dos guerreiros japoneses, publicadas em algumas revistas italianas durante a década de 1940, assim como algumas monografias italianas sobre o mesmo tema, e alguns documentários do "Istituto Nazionale Luce", órgão de propaganda do governo. Este tema também se comparou com a primeira produção cultural italiana referente ao Japão, que remonta às primeiras décadas do século XX. Por outro lado, analisou-se, em profundidade, as biografias de diferentes intelectuais desse período. Resultados: Comparando as referências antropológicas sobre o Japão na produção cultural italiana durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial, podemos observar uma significativa homogeneidade ideológica. Isto explica-se porque os autores compartilharam a doutrina militarista, hierárquica e totalitária própria do regime fascista. A ideologia fascista pode-se resumir no conceito de Bushido, tal como o definiu Inazo Nitobe, em 1916. Este conceito já era conhecido em Itália no início do século XX, muito antes do fascismo. Discussões e conclusões: Podemos observar como a percepção italiana da antropologia japonesa, no início do século XX, não mudou com o tempo e como as suas características voltaram a aparecer nos anos 40 por influência da coligação italiano-japonesa. Assim, o Bushido se converteu na essência da identidade militar e nacional japonesa, que a Itália fascista tomou como exemplo para a educação das massas. Alguns destes estereótipos voltariam a surgir com a guerra, e nos tempos recentes, na cultura e percepção popular das artes marciais japonesas.

The exiled character in need of asylum is a recurrent theme in ancient Greek tragedy. In many of these plays, we see uprooted and homeless persons seeking sanctuary, and for the ancient Greeks, hospitality was an important issue. Many of these plays have been updated to comment on the current social and political conditions of refugees and often reflect on the notion of hospitality, something which both Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida considered to be fundamental to ethics. Recently there has been a series of demonstrations and occupations of public spaces by asylum seekers that has gained considerable news coverage. In Austria a group of about sixty refugees (from the Afghanistan-Pakistan border area) occupied the famous Votiv church in the middle of Vienna in 2012 and went on hunger strike. In Germany a large group of asylum seekers marched from various parts of the country to Berlin where they occupied the square at the Brandenburg Gate before being allowed to establish a tent community in Kreuzberg. In Hamburg a group of 80 asylum seekers who came to Germany via Lampedusa found refuge in St Pauli church, and it was there that Nicholas Stemann presented a first reading of Elfriede Jelinkek's play Die Schutzbefohlenen in September 2013. More recently right-wing groups have mounted weekly marches through Dresden to call for a halt to immigration, and these have been contested by simultaneous counter-demonstrations in favour of immigrants and refugees. In this paper I will consider several adaptations of Greek tragedy that highlight cultural encounters between the local population and those arriving from abroad who are looking for asylum. In particular I will examine Stemann's production that has been running at the Thalia Theater in Hamburg since September 2014, and features asylum seekers from Lampedusa on stage who beg the audience for the right to remain in Germany.

The term 'transitional justice' is first used in the 90s in the field of Social and Legal Sciences. It "refers to the set of measures implemented in various countries to deal with the legacies of massive human rights abuses", such as "criminal prosecutions, truth-telling, reparations, and different forms of institutional reform" (Greiff 18). In the diverse countries dealing with the past, these measures, which stem from an international legal tradition, are put into practice differently. In this essay, I examine how a selection of Argentinean, Chilean and Spanish cultural productions question the gaps in the political and legal reforms. Especially in the Spanish and the Chilean cases they criticise the perpetuation of amnesty laws that grant impunity to the people responsible for crimes against humanity. From the UN perspective, those crimes are not subject to statutory limitations. The chosen cultural productions belong to different genres: narrative, theatre and documentary film. They have in common the ability to denounce the legal vacuum through formal and expressive resources that transgress the institutional —and institutionalised— discourses on memory and justice of the three countries.

This paper focuses on cultural economy, the "set of socio-economic relations that enable cultural activities" (Pratt, 2008, p. 49). It examines the production and representation of culture as a function of the economic relations that enable successful production and the diverse set of partially connected economies in the diasporic setting of Auckland's South Asian community. The paper is based on ethnographic research between 2010 and the present. Of events presenting Indian performance culture produced within Auckland's South Asian community, roughly 5% are entirely economically self-sufficient. Most producers rely on a set of economic relationships to supplement the revenues generated by the event itself. Producers activate economic relationships through other kinds of relationships; social, political, cultural identity, family or commercial, but as economic relationships they also depend on mutual self-interest and the potential for mutual economic benefit. The findings demonstrate the formulation of various production networks that affect the economic and cultural value to the South Indian community. Recent concerts and festivals demonstrate how the activation of social relationships plays as economic relationships that add value to various levels of the cultural economy. Value is not limited to within the local community as relationships engage transnational communities and funding partners that influence event production practices. Issues around economic relations that enable cultural activities have all been reformulated in the context of a changing diasporic population (both in size and makeup) and a changing event and festival landscape in the "new" supersized Auckland.

This paper will analyze some aspects of the digital and Internet distribution and its later re-appropriation of, so called, "dramatic images". Of all characteristics and concepts related to the web net and its possibilities, it will focus in three: simulacrum, access and democratization and re-appropriation and control. These characteristics of digital images will be analyzed in the frame of a topic: the pornography of death (of terror, war and violence). The study cases are some of the images resulting of the so-called "war on terror"- after 9/11 terrorist attacks. A first example is the film Fitna by Dutch politician Gert Wilders and the second one is the publication of images of tortures to Iraqi prisoners by USA soldiers in Abu Ghraib and their further appropriations for different purposes. Starting from these examples special attention will paid to the processes of becoming "cultural and artistic object" nowadays, analyzing the oppositions between "cultural subject and cultural object", "private and public", "we and they", "life and death", "art and spectacle" are (un)resolved in our cultural context, mainly after Internet. ; Este artículo analizará algunos de los aspectos que conciernen a la distribución y el intercambio en internet de lo que podríamos llamar "imágenes de horror" (bélico, terrorista, etc.). De todas las características relacionadas con la red y sus posibilidades, se enfoca principalmente en tres; que formarán los hilos conductores del artículo: el simulacro, acceso y democratización; la reapropiación; y el control. Los casos de estudio son algunas de las imágenes que resultaron de la así llamada "guerra contra el terror" tras los ataques terroristas del 11-S. El primer ejemplo es el cortometraje Fitna realizado por el político holandés Gert Wilders y, el segundo, las fotografías de las torturas a los presos en la cárcel iraquí de Abu Ghraib por parte de soldados estadounidenses en 2003 y las apropiaciones y reutilizaciones de las mismas en el mundo del arte y la cultura. Partiendo de estos ejemplos, se tratan de esbozar algunos de los procesos por los que un objeto de representación, especialmente los de contenido violento, se convierte en artístico o cultural. La aproximación, por tanto, es semiótica, ya que dichas creaciones se analizan como signos cuyo sentido se define y redefine por el contexto, los actores y sus correspondientes discursos, que tienen lugar en cada una de las re-apropiaciones de dichas producciones, cuyos elementos estéticos no pueden desligarse de su contenido o valor ideológico. ; Este artigo analisará alguns dos aspectos concernentes à distribuição eao intercâmbio na internet daquilo que poderíamos chamar "imagens dehorror" (bélico, terrorista etc.). De todas as característicasrelacionadas à rede e às suas possibilidades, estão focadas em três dosaspectos que servirão de fios condutores: o simulacro, acesso edemocratização; a reapropriação; e o controle. Os casos analisados sãoimagens resultantes da chamada "guerra contra o terror" após os ataquesterroristas do 11-S. O primeiro exemplo é o curta-metragem /Fitna/realizado pelo político holandês Gert Wilders. O segundo são asfotografias das torturas na prisão iraquiana de Abu Ghraib por parte desoldados norte-americanos em 2003 e as apropriações e reutilizações dasmesmas no mundo da arte e da cultura. Partindo destes exemplos, trata-sede esboçar alguns dos processos pelos quais objetos de representação,especialmente os de conteúdo violento, convertem-se em representaçãoartística ou cultural. Portanto se realiza uma aproximação semiótica jáque tais criações são analisadas como signos cujo sentido é definido eredefinido pelo contexto, atores e seus discursos correspondentes, quetêm lugar em cada uma das reapropriações de tais produções, cujoselementos estéticos não podem se desvincular de sue conteúdo ou valorideológico.

This paper will analyze some aspects of the digital and Internet distribution and its later re-appropriation of, so called, "dramatic images". Of all characteristics and concepts related to the web net and its possibilities, it will focus in three: simulacrum, access and democratization and re-appropriation and control. These characteristics of digital images will be analyzed in the frame of a topic: the pornography of death (of terror, war and violence). The study cases are some of the images resulting of the so-called "war on terror"- after 9/11 terrorist attacks. A first example is the film Fitna by Dutch politician Gert Wilders and the second one is the publication of images of tortures to Iraqi prisoners by USA soldiers in Abu Ghraib and their further appropriations for different purposes. Starting from these examples special attention will paid to the processes of becoming "cultural and artistic object" nowadays, analyzing the oppositions between "cultural subject and cultural object", "private and public", "we and they", "life and death", "art and spectacle" are (un)resolved in our cultural context, mainly after Internet. ; Este artículo analizará algunos de los aspectos que conciernen a la distribución y el intercambio en internet de lo que podríamos llamar "imágenes de horror" (bélico, terrorista, etc.). De todas las características relacionadas con la red y sus posibilidades, se enfoca principalmente en tres; que formarán los hilos conductores del artículo: el simulacro, acceso y democratización; la reapropiación; y el control. Los casos de estudio son algunas de las imágenes que resultaron de la así llamada "guerra contra el terror" tras los ataques terroristas del 11-S. El primer ejemplo es el cortometraje Fitna realizado por el político holandés Gert Wilders y, el segundo, las fotografías de las torturas a los presos en la cárcel iraquí de Abu Ghraib por parte de soldados estadounidenses en 2003 y las apropiaciones y reutilizaciones de las mismas en el mundo del arte y la cultura. Partiendo de estos ejemplos, se tratan de esbozar algunos de los procesos por los que un objeto de representación, especialmente los de contenido violento, se convierte en artístico o cultural. La aproximación, por tanto, es semiótica, ya que dichas creaciones se analizan como signos cuyo sentido se define y redefine por el contexto, los actores y sus correspondientes discursos, que tienen lugar en cada una de las re-apropiaciones de dichas producciones, cuyos elementos estéticos no pueden desligarse de su contenido o valor ideológico. ; Este artigo analisará alguns dos aspectos concernentes à distribuição eao intercâmbio na internet daquilo que poderíamos chamar "imagens dehorror" (bélico, terrorista etc.). De todas as característicasrelacionadas à rede e às suas possibilidades, estão focadas em três dosaspectos que servirão de fios condutores: o simulacro, acesso edemocratização; a reapropriação; e o controle. Os casos analisados sãoimagens resultantes da chamada "guerra contra o terror" após os ataquesterroristas do 11-S. O primeiro exemplo é o curta-metragem /Fitna/realizado pelo político holandês Gert Wilders. O segundo são asfotografias das torturas na prisão iraquiana de Abu Ghraib por parte desoldados norte-americanos em 2003 e as apropriações e reutilizações dasmesmas no mundo da arte e da cultura. Partindo destes exemplos, trata-sede esboçar alguns dos processos pelos quais objetos de representação,especialmente os de conteúdo violento, convertem-se em representaçãoartística ou cultural. Portanto se realiza uma aproximação semiótica jáque tais criações são analisadas como signos cujo sentido é definido eredefinido pelo contexto, atores e seus discursos correspondentes, quetêm lugar em cada uma das reapropriações de tais produções, cujoselementos estéticos não podem se desvincular de sue conteúdo ou valorideológico.

Through Butler's Kindred, numerous tensions are raised around the notions of accessibility, disability, equality and inclusion exposing the crisis of black futures. My analysis focuses on the way that disability informs Dana's experiences in the context of slavery, her positioning in the contemporary discourse of neo-liberalism and her positioning in the prospective future. Very few scholars perceive Dana's subjectivity as an actual state of being that carries value both materially as well as metaphorically. The materiality of disability has not constituted part of the larger discourse of the American slave system. Through rendering disability both figuratively and materially, I establish a connection between the past, the present and the future. The different figurations of space and time exposed through Dana's time travelling help conceptualize her accessibility in different structures. Previous scholarship has been extensively focusing on the origin and legacy of trauma, inflicted on the black female body of the twentieth century, however, there has been too little, if any criticism in relation to the active construction of black female subjectivity, located at the level of the body. I wish to explore how spectacles of violence against black female bodies function in the wider political imagery of the twenty-first century. The physical and psychological displacement of Dana, as a black female body, exposes her traumatization and the difficulties she faces in order to reclaim her subjectivity in a society burdened by a history of violence and exploitation. Even though Kindred was written before the Black Lives Matter movement emerged, it could be analysed in a way that asserts the continuity of African-American trauma, the perpetuation of systematic racism in USA and the crisis of blackness in the future. Systematic violence threatens black women's wholeness and renders their bodies at risk.

Making Cultural Infrastructure starts from an argument that artistic cultures are produced in different modes, impacted in distinct ways by the conditions created by the city. Typologies, networks, economies and infrastructural conditions of urban space create sets of possibilities and constraints that affect the way artists work, and thus the kind of public cultural realm that the city can support. To examine this argument, the report is divided into three sections: Inhabiting Cultural Infrastructure; Designing Cultural Infrastructure; and Conceptualising Cultural Infrastructure. Inhabiting Cultural Infrastructure investigates three distinct realms of artistic and cultural production: performative, material, and virtual. The research brought together three workshops each convening a set of practitioners defined primarily by one of these modes of work. The focus was on the spatial or infrastructural settings in which the labour of production and development itself takes place, though evidently public-facing institutions featured as far as they are elements in shaping the experience of this labour, and a public language of value. Three sets of conditions affecting the use of production spaces are identified. Firstly, the importance of the immediate architectural qualities of spaces for artistic production. By this we mean whether spaces are visible or audible to or from the public realm; the degree to which spaces can be made messy and inhabited with a personal archive from which to work; and, if in these spaces people work alongside or separate from one another. These kinds of qualities are described as the material conditions of cultural infrastructure, and often remain invisible in city-wide strategies that guide the geographical conditions of new production spaces through distributional planning. Material conditions of artistic production spaces are key to the kind of work they can support, and could hypothetically be guided through planning conditions for cultural infrastructure. Secondly, attention was drawn to the conditions around spaces for artistic production. Conditions such as whether their immediate urban environments are noisy and messy or quiet and sanitised; the density and typology of other nearby commercial and cultural activities; and how they relate to other infrastructures such as housing or transport. These are described as ecological conditions, relating to the way cultural production is understood to be part of and reliant on a network of flows of materials, people, and activities in the city. Finally, the issue was raised of thinking about the way ideals and regulations are applied to spaces for cultural production, in terms of labour protections or minimum pay. The shaping of these immaterial conditions relate to the role applied to cultural production at a societal level: whether it is seen as a professional or an amateur activity, for example. Together,nthe workshops demonstrated the necessity to think about the relationships between these sets of conditions when positioning cultural infrastructure as a political and planning priority in the city. Designing Cultural Infrastructure centres on four hypothetical propositions put forward respectively by the architecture practices Assemble, DSDHA, We Made That, and Haworth Tompkins. We challenged each practice to propose a design approach to cultural infrastructure in response to the evidence-based working paper emerging from the workshops. Overwhelmingly, their tactics were to create planning guidelines or strategies that could play out across the city, rather than to focus on specific forms of space or architecture. For example, one proposition suggested a required 10% redundant, unprogrammed space in all new buildings over a certain size. This slack space could allow for multiple kinds of unforeseen cultural production to take place alongside the intended uses of those buildings, which in turn could shape the particular material and ecological conditions created by those uses. We argue that a non-performative cultural urbanism increases the possibility for artistic creation without mobilising its products for the kind of culture-led placemaking that has been associated with some of the destructive aspects of urban regeneration. A Language for Cultural Infrastructure builds a framework from the issues raised in Inhabiting Cultural Infrastructure and responded to in Designing Cultural Infrastructure. It intends to stimulate critical thinking in design and planning strategies supporting cultural production. We argue that conversations around the way infrastructure is provided need a diversified terminology to account for the implications of the social, cultural, and political conditions created by different conditions brought about through design and planning. We propose four broad concepts that contain within them productive tensions. Value refers to whether cultural production is seen as craft or labour. Stability highlights the degree to which infrastructures are temporary or permanent. Determinacy asks whether infrastructures are adapted from found space or purpose-built. Visibility addresses the level of publicness or privacy that cultural production operates within. The way each of these tensions is managed within the provision of cultural infrastructure suggests different design strategies, and has different implications for the kinds of political, economic, and social conditions it creates.

The paper discusses different frameworks of knowledge production within the discourses and practices of Russian cultural policy. Russian cultural policy as an administrative sector has been developed in line with two distinctive governmental regimes, more precisely during the period of liberal decentralisation of the 1990s and the conservative centralisation from 2011 up until today. The study focuses on the main changes that have occurred in the framework of policy design and participation in policy-making. An attempt is made to combine Foucauldian analytical frameworks of power and discourse with a Gramscian hegemonic approach to political studies that was mainly advocated by the Essex scholars—Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe and David Howarth. Such a perspective opens up a possibility of considering the institutional rearrangements of intellectual leadership through which the post-2012 establishment has endeavoured to advance its sovereignty and planning capacities in both the symbolic and normative dimension of culture. Thus examined, Russian state cultural policy turns out to be intrinsically subordinated to the sovereignty of the presidential apparatus that privileges the conservative stance of the 'Russian World' project and neglects human rights and cultural diversity. ; peerReviewed

Following the materialist approaches to contemporary digital memory-making, this article explores how unequal access to memory production in videogames is determined along economic and cultural lines. Based on semi-structured qualitative interviews with different European, Asian and North American historical game developers, I make the case for how materialist and cultural aspects of videogame development reinforce existing mnemonic hegemony and in turn how this mnemonic hegemony determines access to the production of memory-making potentials that players of videogames activate and negotiate. My interview findings illustrate how individual workers do not necessarily intend to reproduce received systems of power and hegemony, and instead how certain cultural and material relations tacitly motivate and/or marginalise workers in the videogame industries to reproduce hegemonic power relations in cultural memory across race, class and gender. Finally, I develop the argument that access to cultural production networks such as the games industry constitutes important factors that need to be taken seriously in research on cultural memory and game studies. Thus, my article investigates global power relationships, political economy, colonial legacies and cultural hegemony within the videogame industry, and how these are instantiated in individual instances of game developers.