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Addressing both the humanities and the social sciences, this volume aims to explore the enduring significance of the work of Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) in the field of cultural theory. It assembles a variety of articles by internationally renowned schola

This thesis joins in the field of a reflection, which suggests thinking of the cultural mediation as a shape of representation and expression of the political identities. The thesis studies more particularly the cultural policy of the National Front between 1986 and 1998 The first part studies, generally speaking the inseparable relation between culture and politics, by proposing a definition of cultural policies and cultural mediation.A second part presents the characteristics of the political identity of the F.N.: it is about a political speech based on the exclusion from the other one, on the particular shape of expression of the identity and, on the modalities of sublimation of the actors.The third part concerns cultural policies implemented in the cities of Vitrolles, Marignane, Orange and Toulon, during the actual exercise of the power between 1995 and 1998, by analyzing the most characteristic actions of the F.N.' identity : the cancellariat of municipal subsidies, the "censorship" exercised within municipal libraries, etc. …These actions express in particular the contesting of the state power and propose a specific approach of the national identity.The fourth part proposes a reflection on the political ideal and on the place of the imagination in the political identity of the F.N. The ideology of the National Front rests on a fantasized political ideal, the guideline of which is to arouse the gathering by a strategy that dresses a shape of paranoiac speech.The fifth part is dedicated to the aesthetic and cultural references of the National Front in the field of the cultural mediation (plastic arts, architecture, live performance, edition, music, cinema and broadcasting).The cultural policies of the F.N. express, so, fantasies of persecution -the plot and the fear-, which join a fantastical dimension of the political identity of the National Front. ; Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le champ d'une réflexion qui se propose de penser la médiation culturelle comme une forme de représentation et d'expression des ...

This thesis joins in the field of a reflection, which suggests thinking of the cultural mediation as a shape of representation and expression of the political identities. The thesis studies more particularly the cultural policy of the National Front between 1986 and 1998 The first part studies, generally speaking the inseparable relation between culture and politics, by proposing a definition of cultural policies and cultural mediation.A second part presents the characteristics of the political identity of the F.N.: it is about a political speech based on the exclusion from the other one, on the particular shape of expression of the identity and, on the modalities of sublimation of the actors.The third part concerns cultural policies implemented in the cities of Vitrolles, Marignane, Orange and Toulon, during the actual exercise of the power between 1995 and 1998, by analyzing the most characteristic actions of the F.N.' identity : the cancellariat of municipal subsidies, the "censorship" exercised within municipal libraries, etc. …These actions express in particular the contesting of the state power and propose a specific approach of the national identity.The fourth part proposes a reflection on the political ideal and on the place of the imagination in the political identity of the F.N. The ideology of the National Front rests on a fantasized political ideal, the guideline of which is to arouse the gathering by a strategy that dresses a shape of paranoiac speech.The fifth part is dedicated to the aesthetic and cultural references of the National Front in the field of the cultural mediation (plastic arts, architecture, live performance, edition, music, cinema and broadcasting).The cultural policies of the F.N. express, so, fantasies of persecution -the plot and the fear-, which join a fantastical dimension of the political identity of the National Front. ; Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le champ d'une réflexion qui se propose de penser la médiation culturelle comme une forme de représentation et d'expression des identités politiques. La thèse étudie plus particulièrement la politique culturelle du Front national entre 1986 et 1998. La première partie étudie, d'une façon générale, la relation indissociable entre culture et politique, en proposant une définition des politiques culturelles et de la médiation culturelle.Une seconde partie présente les caractéristiques de l'identité politique du F.N. : il s'agit d'un discours politique fondé sur l'exclusion de l'autre, sur une forme particulière d'expression de l'identité et, sur des modalités de sublimation des acteurs.La troisième partie porte sur les politiques culturelles mises en œuvre dans les villes de Vitrolles, Marignane, Orange et Toulon, lors de l'exercice effectif du pouvoir entre 1995 et 1998, en analysant les actions les plus caractéristiques de l'identité frontiste : le retrait de subventions municipales, la « censure » exercée au sein des bibliothèques municipales, etc… Ces actions expriment notamment la contestation du pouvoir d'Etat et proposent une approche spécifique de l'identité nationale.La quatrième partie propose une réflexion sur l'idéal politique et sur la place de l'imaginaire dans l'identité politique du F.N. L'idéologie du Front national repose sur un idéal politique fantasmé, dont la ligne directrice est de susciter le rassemblement par une stratégie qui revêt une forme de discours paranoïaque. La cinquième partie est consacrée aux références esthétiques et culturelles du Front National dans le champ de la médiation culturelle (arts plastiques, architecture, spectacle vivant, livre, musique, cinéma et audiovisuel).Les politiques culturelles du Front national expriment, ainsi, des fantasmes de persécution -le complot et la peur- qui s'inscrivent dans une dimension fantasmatique de l'identité politique du Front National.

This thesis joins in the field of a reflection, which suggests thinking of the cultural mediation as a shape of representation and expression of the political identities. The thesis studies more particularly the cultural policy of the National Front between 1986 and 1998 The first part studies, generally speaking the inseparable relation between culture and politics, by proposing a definition of cultural policies and cultural mediation.A second part presents the characteristics of the political identity of the F.N.: it is about a political speech based on the exclusion from the other one, on the particular shape of expression of the identity and, on the modalities of sublimation of the actors.The third part concerns cultural policies implemented in the cities of Vitrolles, Marignane, Orange and Toulon, during the actual exercise of the power between 1995 and 1998, by analyzing the most characteristic actions of the F.N.' identity : the cancellariat of municipal subsidies, the "censorship" exercised within municipal libraries, etc. …These actions express in particular the contesting of the state power and propose a specific approach of the national identity.The fourth part proposes a reflection on the political ideal and on the place of the imagination in the political identity of the F.N. The ideology of the National Front rests on a fantasized political ideal, the guideline of which is to arouse the gathering by a strategy that dresses a shape of paranoiac speech.The fifth part is dedicated to the aesthetic and cultural references of the National Front in the field of the cultural mediation (plastic arts, architecture, live performance, edition, music, cinema and broadcasting).The cultural policies of the F.N. express, so, fantasies of persecution -the plot and the fear-, which join a fantastical dimension of the political identity of the National Front. ; Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le champ d'une réflexion qui se propose de penser la médiation culturelle comme une forme de représentation et d'expression des identités politiques. La thèse étudie plus particulièrement la politique culturelle du Front national entre 1986 et 1998. La première partie étudie, d'une façon générale, la relation indissociable entre culture et politique, en proposant une définition des politiques culturelles et de la médiation culturelle.Une seconde partie présente les caractéristiques de l'identité politique du F.N. : il s'agit d'un discours politique fondé sur l'exclusion de l'autre, sur une forme particulière d'expression de l'identité et, sur des modalités de sublimation des acteurs.La troisième partie porte sur les politiques culturelles mises en œuvre dans les villes de Vitrolles, Marignane, Orange et Toulon, lors de l'exercice effectif du pouvoir entre 1995 et 1998, en analysant les actions les plus caractéristiques de l'identité frontiste : le retrait de subventions municipales, la « censure » exercée au sein des bibliothèques municipales, etc… Ces actions expriment notamment la contestation du pouvoir d'Etat et proposent une approche spécifique de l'identité nationale.La quatrième partie propose une réflexion sur l'idéal politique et sur la place de l'imaginaire dans l'identité politique du F.N. L'idéologie du Front national repose sur un idéal politique fantasmé, dont la ligne directrice est de susciter le rassemblement par une stratégie qui revêt une forme de discours paranoïaque. La cinquième partie est consacrée aux références esthétiques et culturelles du Front National dans le champ de la médiation culturelle (arts plastiques, architecture, spectacle vivant, livre, musique, cinéma et audiovisuel).Les politiques culturelles du Front national expriment, ainsi, des fantasmes de persécution -le complot et la peur- qui s'inscrivent dans une dimension fantasmatique de l'identité politique du Front National.

This thesis joins in the field of a reflection, which suggests thinking of the cultural mediation as a shape of representation and expression of the political identities. The thesis studies more particularly the cultural policy of the National Front between 1986 and 1998 The first part studies, generally speaking the inseparable relation between culture and politics, by proposing a definition of cultural policies and cultural mediation.A second part presents the characteristics of the political identity of the F.N.: it is about a political speech based on the exclusion from the other one, on the particular shape of expression of the identity and, on the modalities of sublimation of the actors.The third part concerns cultural policies implemented in the cities of Vitrolles, Marignane, Orange and Toulon, during the actual exercise of the power between 1995 and 1998, by analyzing the most characteristic actions of the F.N.' identity : the cancellariat of municipal subsidies, the "censorship" exercised within municipal libraries, etc. …These actions express in particular the contesting of the state power and propose a specific approach of the national identity.The fourth part proposes a reflection on the political ideal and on the place of the imagination in the political identity of the F.N. The ideology of the National Front rests on a fantasized political ideal, the guideline of which is to arouse the gathering by a strategy that dresses a shape of paranoiac speech.The fifth part is dedicated to the aesthetic and cultural references of the National Front in the field of the cultural mediation (plastic arts, architecture, live performance, edition, music, cinema and broadcasting).The cultural policies of the F.N. express, so, fantasies of persecution -the plot and the fear-, which join a fantastical dimension of the political identity of the National Front. ; Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le champ d'une réflexion qui se propose de penser la médiation culturelle comme une forme de représentation et d'expression des identités politiques. La thèse étudie plus particulièrement la politique culturelle du Front national entre 1986 et 1998. La première partie étudie, d'une façon générale, la relation indissociable entre culture et politique, en proposant une définition des politiques culturelles et de la médiation culturelle.Une seconde partie présente les caractéristiques de l'identité politique du F.N. : il s'agit d'un discours politique fondé sur l'exclusion de l'autre, sur une forme particulière d'expression de l'identité et, sur des modalités de sublimation des acteurs.La troisième partie porte sur les politiques culturelles mises en œuvre dans les villes de Vitrolles, Marignane, Orange et Toulon, lors de l'exercice effectif du pouvoir entre 1995 et 1998, en analysant les actions les plus caractéristiques de l'identité frontiste : le retrait de subventions municipales, la « censure » exercée au sein des bibliothèques municipales, etc… Ces actions expriment notamment la contestation du pouvoir d'Etat et proposent une approche spécifique de l'identité nationale.La quatrième partie propose une réflexion sur l'idéal politique et sur la place de l'imaginaire dans l'identité politique du F.N. L'idéologie du Front national repose sur un idéal politique fantasmé, dont la ligne directrice est de susciter le rassemblement par une stratégie qui revêt une forme de discours paranoïaque. La cinquième partie est consacrée aux références esthétiques et culturelles du Front National dans le champ de la médiation culturelle (arts plastiques, architecture, spectacle vivant, livre, musique, cinéma et audiovisuel).Les politiques culturelles du Front national expriment, ainsi, des fantasmes de persécution -le complot et la peur- qui s'inscrivent dans une dimension fantasmatique de l'identité politique du Front National.

Tamara Dragadze, Some changes in perspectives on ethnicity theory in the I980's. A brief sketch.
To a certain extent. Western trends have often been marked by a greater recognition of essentialist, reflexive or cultural traits in die social coastruction of ethnic identity and the class-conflict based models arc on the wain. There are several reasons for this, one of them being the impact of the voice of members of ethnic minorities in Britain themselves.
In the Soviet Union in the past, a Marxist framework was adapted to an essentialist, cultural model in order to escape the confines of simple class analysis and also to present a sanitized version of Soviet ethnic relations. The new glasnosť and the force of events themselves are permitting a review of some of the tenets of ethnicity theory. The materials are still being written and the diversity between Moscow and the republics has yet to be documented. This paper nevertheless attempts to elicit some thoughts on the direction some Soviet authors might be moving towards. The paper ends with a few comments on how I am trying to combine in my own work a selection of approaches from the vast variety of trends in both Western and Soviet anthropology.

The 21st century is marked by unprecedented environmental issues and the climate change. These dramatic have a direct impact on societies all over the planet. Yet actually, our globalized societies, our consumption culture and our economic system are the source for many environmental issues and especially climate change. In order to find a proper response to this global emergency, we need a comparatist and transdisciplinary approach. For example, Stephanie Posthumus proposes to analyze the current ecological crisis by using literary theory and fiction instead of focusing on scientific theory, in order to create new concepts which give rise to new subjectivities. Her approach is based on the cultural specificities of French literature. By unifying literary theory and fiction, Posthumus uses, while creating it, the approach of "ecological readings". This approach has four key concepts : "ecological subjectivity", "ecological dwelling", "ecological politic" and "ecological ends". They are interconnected and central to the goal that aims to rethink humans and their environment. The author's argument is shaped through questions as well as responses, and it leads us to challenge our point of views about our relation to nature, but also on the present and future role played by literature in a changing and unstable world. ; Les bouleversements climatiques sans précédent dans l'histoire de notre espèce que l'on connaît aujourd'hui ne peuvent être cantonnés à la sphère environnementale. Ils sont liés, par ce qui les cause, à l'ensemble de nos sociétés, de nos cultures et du système économique dominant. Il convient d'adopter une approche de plus en plus comparatiste et transdisciplinaire afin de répondre à une urgence globale. Sans analyser les crises écologiques et en s'appuyant sur les spécificités culturelles d'un corpus français, Stéphanie Posthumus propose d'allier la théorie et la fiction pour créer de nouveaux concepts permettant d'articuler des subjectivités inédites. Cette alliance se fait par des lectures ...

This paper, based on primary sources, addresses the early anarchist ethnography of Élie Reclus (brother of the more famous French geographer Élisée Reclus), placing it in the context of anarchist geographers' elaboration of the theory of mutual aid, as well as in the construction of a scientific discourse opposed to racism, colonialism and Eurocentrism recently addressed by international literature on this group. Drawing on the double critical frame of present-day anarchist anthropologies and cultural geographies addressing the debates on otherness, postcolonialism and differences, this paper analyses an early but radical attempt to build a scientific discourse on empathy and understanding of different cultural standpoints in the political context of an explicit denunciation of colonial crimes by all nations of European culture, as well as scientists' complicity therein. I argue that European science at the time of imperialism and evolutionism was not a homogeneous field, but a battlefield where heterodox and nonconformist thinkers tried to develop different discourses in order to build cultures of solidarity linked to a consistent political action.

The term 'Hybridity' has become one of the most persistent conceptual leitmotifs in postcolonial discourse and theory. It is intended to exclude the diverse forms of purity encompassed within essentialist theories. The concept is so recurrent and has not a unified meaning because its definition differs from a context to another, from a theorist to another, and can take political, cultural, and linguistic forms. Our paper approaches the concept of cultural and linguistic hybridity in the context of a comparison between the Nigerian writer, Chinua Achebe's first novel, Things Fall Apart (1958) and the Algerian author, Feraoun's second fiction; La terre et le sang (1952). To explore this contention, we shall try to show how both authors ingested and digested the coloniser's language, selecting new ideas and reshaping them to construct their cultural identities. In so doing, they created something different, a kind of "third space", to paraphrase Homi Bhabha. But, before dealing with the content analysis, it may be useful to explain what is meant by 'linguistic and cultural hybridity'.

International audience ; Following the waves of protest that rocked American society during the 1960s, and in order to address the enduring inequalities, the United States adopted a series of multicultural policies and programs aimed at promoting cultural diversity and greater social justice. From then on, the concept of multiculturalism gained considerable currency in national political discourses, the mainstream media and academic circles, becoming thereby a progressive approach to addressing race-based issues of which the American society had great difficulty grappling with. Despite the hopes multicultural programs raised among racial and ethnic minorities, and even if the figures at the time seemed to reflect a more inclusive welfare state, it appeared, as early as the 1980s, that America had not yet entered into a post-civil rights era. Yet, neo-conservatives undertook to dismantle key social programs related to multiculturalism, and instead subscribed to the ideal of an American society organized solely on the basis of social justice regardless of colour, "race" or ethnic origin. The article primarily examines the theoretical and political issues raised by multiculturalism and Critical Race Theory in the field of education – the first accused of reproducing at another level patterns of racial domination or serving as an instrument for the deracialization of American society, the second, in reaction to the perceived limits of multiculturalism and neoliberal policies, seeks to unveil the institutional and discursive mechanisms that contribute to the perpetuation of racial inequalities. ; Del multiculturalismo a la Teoría Racial Crítica. Reflexiones sobre la educación y los procesos de desracialización de la experiencia afroamericanaTras las olas de protesta que hicieron tambalear la sociedad estadounidense durante los 60, y ante la persistente desigualdad, los Estados Unidos han adoptado una serie de políticas y programas multiculturales destinados a promover la diversidad cultural y una mayor justicia ...

This dissertation examines the responses that liberal culturalism and neo-Roman republicanism provide to the question of what position the democratic state should adopt in contexts characterized by the presence of individuals and groups who have different cultural and religious commitments to those of the majority culture and religion. Our study consists of an original and comparative theoretical reconstruction of the answers given to this question by eight dominant political theories within these two currents. Concerning liberal culturalism, this dissertation examines the answers given by the liberal theory of minority rights (Kymlicka), the perfectionist theory (Raz), the nationalist theory (Tamir) and the neutralist theory (Patten). Regarding the neo-Roman republicanism, this dissertation examines the theory of freedom and government (Pettit), the deliberative theory (Maynor), the critical theory (Laborde) and the republican patriotism (Viroli, Habermas and Laborde). This research is intended to contribute to the clarification and systematization of these theories and defend the idea that liberalism and republicanism are both philosophically compatible with the government consideration of cultural and religious diversity, in particular because of the adaptation of their fundamental principles to the contemporary pluricultural reality. ; Cette thèse examine les réponses que le culturalisme libéral et le républicanisme néo-romain donnent à la question de savoir quelle position l'État démocratique doit adopter dans des contextes caractérisés par la présence d'individus et de groupes ayant des engagements culturels et religieux différents de ceux de la culture et de la religion majoritaires. Notre étude constitue un exercice de reconstruction théorique original et comparatif de la réponse apportée à cette question par huit théories politiques dominantes se situant au sein de ces deux courants. En ce qui concerne le culturalisme libéral, la thèse examine les réponses apportées par la théorie du droit des minorités ...

This study aims to trace the roots of the notion of "urban landscape" within the debate on the protection of historic citiesduring the second half of the 20th century. The analysis is carried out through a comparison between Italy and France, whose legal systems are characterized by the public protection of cultural heritage.The analysis covers three main areas: the genealogy of the concept of urban landscape, its variations, and its relation with the theory of the historic centre; the development of legislation and its connection with the cultural debate; the outcomes in urban planning practice. To analyse the theoretical debate on urban landscape the main sources include the most important Italian and French professional periodicals. Urban planning outcomes are analyzed through two case studies on Turin and Lyon, developed by archive research. Although the French and Italian discourses of the post world war II decades have been particularly interesting for the cultural elaboration about preservation and promotion of urban heritage, both Italian and Frenchnotions of urban landscape didn't succeed in reaching substantial outcomes in term of legislation.The preservation and promotion of urban landscape are still open questions, and the concept of urban landscape as part of cultural heritage is still to be theorized, at least on a legislative level.This study attempts to contribute to this conceptualization. ; La recherche vise à retracer les origines de la notion de «paysage urbain» dans le débat sur la protection des villes historiques dans la deuxième partie du XXe siècle. Elle procède à une analyse comparée entre l'Italie et la France, dont le système juridique est caractérisé par la protection publique du patrimoine. L'analyse couvre les axes suivantes: la généalogie du terme, les variation de la notion et ses relations avec les théories relatives à la protection de la ville historique; le développement du système législatif et ses connexions possibles au débat culturel; la relation entre le débat théorique ...

This dissertation examines the responses that liberal culturalism and neo-Roman republicanism provide to the question of what position the democratic state should adopt in contexts characterized by the presence of individuals and groups who have different cultural and religious commitments to those of the majority culture and religion. Our study consists of an original and comparative theoretical reconstruction of the answers given to this question by eight dominant political theories within these two currents. Concerning liberal culturalism, this dissertation examines the answers given by the liberal theory of minority rights (Kymlicka), the perfectionist theory (Raz), the nationalist theory (Tamir) and the neutralist theory (Patten). Regarding the neo-Roman republicanism, this dissertation examines the theory of freedom and government (Pettit), the deliberative theory (Maynor), the critical theory (Laborde) and the republican patriotism (Viroli, Habermas and Laborde). This research is intended to contribute to the clarification and systematization of these theories and defend the idea that liberalism and republicanism are both philosophically compatible with the government consideration of cultural and religious diversity, in particular because of the adaptation of their fundamental principles to the contemporary pluricultural reality. ; Cette thèse examine les réponses que le culturalisme libéral et le républicanisme néo-romain donnent à la question de savoir quelle position l'État démocratique doit adopter dans des contextes caractérisés par la présence d'individus et de groupes ayant des engagements culturels et religieux différents de ceux de la culture et de la religion majoritaires. Notre étude constitue un exercice de reconstruction théorique original et comparatif de la réponse apportée à cette question par huit théories politiques dominantes se situant au sein de ces deux courants. En ce qui concerne le culturalisme libéral, la thèse examine les réponses apportées par la théorie du droit des minorités (Kymlicka), la théorie perfectionniste (Raz), la théorie nationaliste (Tamir) et la théorie neutraliste (Patten). Pour ce qui est du républicanisme néo-romain, la thèse examine la théorie de la liberté et du gouvernement (Pettit), la théorie délibérative (Maynor), la théorie critique (Laborde) et le patriotisme républicain (Viroli, Habermas et Laborde). Cette recherche se veut une contribution à la clarification et systématisation de ces théories, et une défense de l'idée selon laquelle le libéralisme et le républicanisme sont tous deux philosophiquement compatibles avec la prise en compte gouvernementale de la diversité culturelle et religieuse, notamment en raison de l'adaptation de leurs principes fondamentaux à la réalité pluriculturelle contemporaine.