Suchergebnisse

In the last thirty years, it has been identified a theory corresponding to the biological evolution one which concerns the behavioral traits of men and their social organization (institutions, customs, beliefs, social norms, values and technologies). By tracing back the guidelines of cultural evolution and showing how it differs from biological evolution, this paper focuses on the cultural evolution theory and its capability to explain the emergence and the change of rules and institutions at the bottom of social life. In the last part of the paper, recovering F. A. Hayek's pioneering insights, I will analyze the evolutionary dynamics acting at the level of rules and institutions. I will show, on the one hand, how selection of the rules is driven by a complex process in which emerg-ing macro-systemic effects lend an evolutionary advantage to some human groups and allow us to explain how specific rules have successfully survived over time. On the other hand, I will argue that some behaviors have jointly transformed with the changing of societies by following the increasing degree of complexity in the relationships and human environments.

Native American peoples are often considered to be conservative or traditionalistic and to have over the past five hundred years strongly emphasized retention of cultural identity, community organization, and social-cultural institutions. The conservative orientations found in Native American communities are inherent in their cultural world views, their cultural organization, and sociocultural institutional orders. Working from Weberian and contemporary sociological theory, three mutually complementary and supporting explanations are given for American Indian conservatism. American Indian world views are interpreted as emphasizing preservation of the sacred social and natural order. The relations among Native American cultural elements - religion, art, ceremony, causality, and morality - are undifferentiated and inhibit cultural change. The relations among cultural, political, economic and community institutions in American Indian societies, while varying greatly, tend toward undifferentiation and also inhibit change in social and cultural relations. All three arguments are mutually supportive and point toward inherently and powerfully conservative orientations for Native American community members and culture bearers. The combined arguments help to explain the persistence of Native American communities and identities after five hundred years of colonialism. Studies of change or cultural traditionalism among Native Americans must take into account their inherently conservative cultural orientations and cultural and institutional relations in order to arrive at more holistic and complete understandings of Indian life, change, and preservation.Gli Indiani d'America sono spesso considerati conservatori o tradizionalisti per avere fortemente enfatizzato negli ultimi cinquecento anni la conservazione della loro identità culturale, dell'organizzazione della comunità e delle loro istituzioni socio-culturali. Gli orientamenti conservatori riscontrati nelle comunità degli Indiani d'America sono elemento intrinseco al loro retaggio culturale nel modo di porsi nei confronti del mondo, alla loro organizzazione culturale e al loro assetto socioculturale. Partendo da teorie sociologiche contemporanee e Weberiane si riescono a dare tre spiegazioni complementari e mutualmente esaustive dell'atteggiamento conservatore degli Indiani d'America. I loro modi di porsi nei confronti del mondo sono interpretati come una conservazione enfatizzata dell'ordine sociale e naturale, entrambi sacri. Le relazioni tra elementi culturali quali religione, arte, rituale, causalità e moralità sono inalterate ed inibiscono un rinnovamento culturale. Le relazioni tra istituzioni culturali, politiche, economiche e della comunita nelle società degli Indiani d'America pur variando in misura notevole, tendono ugualmente ad una certa immutabilità che inibisce un ricambio in relazioni sociali e culturali. Tutte e tre le argomentazioni si rafforzano a vicenda e si indirizzano verso orientamenti fortemente conservativi sia per i membri della comunità sia per coloro preposti a preservare l'eredità culturale. Questa combinazione di elementi aiuta a spiegare la continuità delle comunità degli Indiani d'America e delle loro identità dopo cinquecento anni di colonialismo. Studi riguardanti possibili mutamenti o continuità nelle tradizioni culturali tra gli Indiani d'America devono prendere in considerazione l'elemento inerentemente conservativo presente nei loro orientamenti culturali e nelle loro relazioni istituzionali e culturali in modo da arrivare ad una maggiore e più completa comprensione della vita, dei mutamenti e della conservazione degli Indiani d'America.

Abstract – This chapter analyses the storytelling performance of an asylum seeker speaking in English for an international audience and recorded on a video released by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The primary purpose of the study is to investigate the rhetorical structuring of the narrative in an ethnopoetic perspective (Hymes 2003), and to identify the presence (or, even more significantly, marked absence) of dialogic signs of intercultural negotiation deployed in the process of conveying to a culturally diverse audience a highly culturally situated story embedded in a personal narrative of displacement. At the same time, the study also intends to contribute to the current debate on English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) by addressing the issue of the inherently situated nature of ELF, and of the political and ideological implications of an ELF approach to intercultural communication in both asymmetric and (programmatically) symmetric power situations. The video selected for the analysis was retrieved from the UNHCR Youtube channel and is part of a series called Storytelling: through the eyes of Refugees designed to make refugees' stories known to the wide public and to legitimise refugees as a category of people endowed with agentivity and self-determination, and with the power of contributing to the discursive construction of their own role and status. Because of their global outreach, these videos qualify as instances of ELF usage in a broad international context and are eminently suited to the investigation and discussion of ELF approaches to conventionally asymmetric institutional communication.

This chapter analyses the storytelling performance of an asylum seeker speaking in English for an international audience and recorded on a video released by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The primary purpose of the study is to investigate the rhetorical structuring of the narrative in an ethnopoetic perspective (Hymes 2003), and to identify the presence (or, even more significantly, marked absence) of dialogic signs of intercultural negotiation deployed in the process of conveying to a culturally diverse audience a highly culturally situated story embedded in a personal narrative of displacement. At the same time, the study also intends to contribute to the current debate on English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) by addressing the issue of the inherently situated nature of ELF, and of the political and ideological implications of an ELF approach to intercultural communication in both asymmetric and (programmatically) symmetric power situations. The video selected for the analysis was retrieved from the UNHCR Youtube channel and is part of a series called Storytelling: through the eyes of Refugees designed to make refugees' stories known to the wide public and to legitimise refugees as a category of people endowed with agentivity and self-determination, and with the power of contributing to the discursive construction of their own role and status. Because of their global outreach, these videos qualify as instances of ELF usage in a broad international context and are eminently suited to the investigation and discussion of ELF approaches to conventionally asymmetric institutional communication.

2009/2010 ; Lo scopo di questa ricerca di dottorato è l'analisi geopolitica di una regione transfrontaliera dell'Asia centrale: la valle del Fergana. Tre anni di ricerca sul campo: l'analisi delle frontiere di questa regione attualmente divisa politicamente tra Uzbekistan, Tagikistan e Kirghizistan, la cartografia analitica, le osservazioni, le interviste alla popolazione e agli esperti, la ricerca nelle biblioteche della regione, nella capitale dell'Uzbekistan, Tashkent (presso l'Istituto Francese di Studi sull'Asia centrale – IFEAC) e la ricerca svolta in Francia principalmente presso l'Istituto Francese di Geopolitica (IFG) e la Biblioteca Nazionale di Francia (BNF), sono gli strumenti che hanno permesso lo studio di questo territorio. Il principale obiettivo del lavoro è l'analisi delle rivalità di potere della valle del Fergana. Grazie alla sua fertilità e alla sua importante posizione strategica all'interno del contesto geopolitico centrasiatico, il bacino del Fergana è stato e continua tuttora ad essere una posta in gioco ambita da differenti attori territoriali. La rivalità di potere tra i diversi attori si gioca soprattutto sullo scenario transfrontaliero della regione. Il secondo scopo di questa ricerca è la presentazione e la valutazione di un particolare attore territoriale della valle, il Regionalismo culturale. La parte introduttiva della ricerca si concentrerà su una presentazione del contesto centrasiatico e sulle peculiarità derivanti dalle sue frontiere. In seguito verrà introdotta la "posta in gioco" Fergana con le sue risorse fisiche ed economiche al fine di legittimare l'importanza del territorio. Infine l'introduzione si concluderà con la teoria geopolitica: il perché della scelta della scuola di geopolitica del geografo francese Yves Lacoste per questa ricerca e una prima analisi dello spazio Fergana come regione divisa tra confine e frontiera. Il lavoro è strutturato in due grandi parti. La prima, più teorica, è relativa all'analisi dei tre attori territoriali. Le rappresentazioni dei differenti attori che verranno presentate, non seguiranno un ordine cronologico, ma un ordine concettuale: eventi simultanei verranno dunque analizzati non nello stesso momento, perché relativi a rappresentazioni differenti del territorio Fergana. Il primo capitolo è consacrato all'attore Nazione. Con questa espressione si intende non solo l'attore Stato-Nazione in sé, o meglio gli Stati-Nazione (Uzbekistan, Tagikistan e Kirghizistan), ma anche la Nazione come idea, come politica nazionalistica applicata ad un territorio. La valle del Fergana è diventata una regione transfrontaliera da quando, negli anni '20, fu divisa tra i tre Stati, allora all'interno della Unione delle Repubbliche Socialiste Sovietiche (URSS). Negli anni '90, in seguito alla caduta dell'URSS, il Fergana divenne una regione divisa da frontiere non più interne ma internazionali. Questo capitolo ha come scopo l'analisi di tutte le rappresentazioni dell'attore Nazione per quanto riguarda il contesto Fergana, dalla sua nascita (anni '20) fino all'indipendenza delle Repubbliche (anni '90). Sicuramente la rappresentazione più importante da analizzare è quella della creazione delle sue frontiere. L'attore Nazione è senza dubbio l'attore geopolitico più importante anche perché quello più legittimato in questo contesto territoriale. Il capitolo approfondirà anche le relazioni tra i differenti Stati-Nazione che rappresentano allo stesso tempo: un unico attore (contro la Religione e il Regionalismo culturale) e tre attori differenti quando competono tra loro per il territorio Fergana. Il secondo attore è la Religione. La valle del Fergana è una delle aree centrasiatiche più credenti e praticanti e la religione islamica ha sempre avuto un ruolo importante nella gestione della società ferganiana. Verrà proposta un'analisi di tutte le rappresentazioni della religione nel Fergana: il sufismo autoctono con un'analisi sulla geografia sacra dei luoghi ferganiani importanti per questa corrente dell'Islam; l'Islam tradizionale del periodo sovietico, divenuto un'arma legale utilizzata da Mosca per combattere l'ortodossia religiosa sufi del Fergana; il fondamentalismo wahabbita degli ultimi anni importato dall'Afghanistan, dal Pakistan, dall'Arabia Saudita, come conseguenza dell'invasione sovietica dell'Afghanistan del 1979 e dunque in seguito all'incontro tra i musulmani sovietici e i mujaheddin afgani. In seguito verrà analizzato come le differenti varianti dell'attore Religione si sono opposte, negli anni, all'attore Nazione per il controllo del potere e delle risorse del territorio Fergana. Un fenomeno particolarmente analizzato sarà la politicizzazione dell'attore Religione e come questa politicizzazione ha portato l'attore in questione ad essere l'elemento protagonista di numerosi eventi nel Fergana. Il terzo attore è il Regionalismo culturale. Con questa espressione si fa riferimento all'identità geo-culturale di questo insieme regionale che persiste nonostante le pressioni nazionalistiche e religiose. La valle del Fergana è sempre stata un insieme geografico, politico, sociale, malgrado negli ultimi secoli la sua popolazione si è sempre distinta per il suo alto livello di multietnicità e di disomogeneità linguistica. Questo però, non ha impedito un'amalgamazione sociale di tale popolazione che ha sempre considerato la multietnicità come la normalità e ha sempre attribuito ad ogni "etnia" un ruolo sociale integrato all'interno del sistema Fergana. Popolazioni di lingua e cultura persiana e sedentaria e popolazioni di lingua e cultura turca, sedentaria o nomade hanno sempre condiviso, ognuna con il proprio ruolo sociale, una vita comunitaria all'interno della regione e questa è sicuramente la caratteristica principale del Regionalismo culturale del Fergana. Questo equilibrio cambiò con la perdita di sovranità politica della regione, con l'istituzione dei nazionalismi e la conseguente spartizione della regione tra tre dei cinque nuovi Stati nazionali dell'Asia centrale sovietica. In questo capitolo verranno analizzate le principali rappresentazioni nel tempo dell'attore Regionalismo culturale e come esso si sia opposto agli altri attori territoriali, soprattutto all'attore Nazione. La seconda parte di questo lavoro è stata dedicata all'impatto che gli attori territoriali hanno oggi nella valle del Fergana, soprattutto nelle sue aree di frontiera. Questa parte è il risultato delle interviste e delle osservazioni sul campo effettuate in Asia centrale e in particolare nel Fergana nelle spedizioni del 2007, 2009 e del 2010. Nel primo capitolo verrà analizzata la frontiera di questa regione dal punto di vista teorico, in particolar modo con l'analisi del Fergana come" prima o ultima linea di difesa". Nel secondo capitolo, all'interno di un contesto di base: la differenza tra la frontiera all'epoca sovietica e all'epoca dell'indipendenza, ci sarà un approfondimento della definizione di frontiera centrasiatica, l'esame della burocrazia di frontiera, del posto di blocco e dei documenti del soggetto transfrontaliero. Saranno trattate, inoltre, le tematiche relative alle relazioni commerciali transfrontaliere, come i "tre" Fergana riescono ancora ad interagire malgrado la crescente rigidità delle frontiere e verranno studiate le relazioni sociali transfrontaliere sempre all'interno del panorama ferganiano di oggi. In questo contesto, verranno considerate le interviste svolte nel Fergana, le opinioni riguardo le difficoltà di passaggio e di comunicazione nella valle ed analizzeremo la presenza dei tre attori geopolitici che tuttora giocano un ruolo fondamentale nelle relazioni e nei conflitti di frontiera. Il terzo capitolo sarà dedicato ai centri urbani del Fergana; la loro storia, il rapporto dei ferganiani con le città e soprattutto le rappresentazioni interne ed esterne che i centri urbani hanno assunto all'interno di una regione oggi del tutto transfrontaliera. Il quarto capitolo si concentrerà sulle evoluzioni demografiche della popolazione: il Fergana, che durante gli anni zaristi e sovietici era terra di immigrazione, con l'indipendenza e dunque con la concretizzazione delle frontiere, si ritrova terra di emigrazione. Il quinto capitolo sarà dedicato al Fergana delle infrastrutture: come la strada ferrata e la rete stradale influiscono e sono influenzate dalle mutazioni frontaliere di questa regione. Il sesto capitolo riprenderà degli interrogativi teorici posti all'inizio del lavoro, con un analisi conclusiva sull'odierno "Fergana delle frontiere". La conclusione di questa ricerca, in realtà, è una vero e proprio capitolo di analisi, dove si farà il punto della situazione e si constaterà la persistenza dell'attore Regionalismo culturale, la sua evoluzione e il suo rapporto attuale con gli altri attori geopolitici. Un punto di arrivo fondamentale della ricerca è il fatto che la regione Fergana è cambiata, sotto differenti punti di vista e la popolazione ferganiana ha nuovi punti di riferimento culturali, politici e sociali. Differenti forme politiche e nuove strutture culturali hanno portato la popolazione del Fergana, nel tempo, a mutare la propria immagine e la propria identità: "russa, musulmana, ferganiana", in seguito "sovietica, uzbeca (o tagica o kirghiza), atea, ferganiana" e infine "uzbeca (o tagica o kirghiza), laica, ferganiana". Il territorio, le sue frontiere e la società che lo abita sono cambiati, ma vedremo che, nonostante i forti ostacoli posti dall'attore Nazione, il Regionalismo culturale riuscirà a sopravvivere, adattandosi alle nuove tendenze e ai nuovi modi di interpretare il Fergana. Come ultimo studio sul territorio, faremo degli esempi riguardanti gli eventi più recenti concernenti il Fergana (massacro di Andijan nel 2005, scontri ad Osh nel giugno 2010) ed analizzeremo questi fenomeni alla luce delle rivalità di potere geopolitiche che ancora persistono nella regione. ; Cette thèse de Doctorat propose une analyse géopolitique d'une région transfrontalière de l'Asie centrale, la vallée du Ferghana, aujourd'hui divisée entre les Républiques d'Ouzbékistan, du Tadjikistan et du Kirghizistan. Des séjours sur le terrain répartis sur trois ans ont constitué la base de la recherche, au travers de l'analyse des frontières, de la cartographie analytique, d'entretiens qualitatifs avec experts et habitants, et de recherches bibliographiques dans le Ferghana ainsi que dans la capitale ouzbèke Tachkent – notamment près l'Institut Français d'Etudes sur l'Asie Centrale (IFEAC). Ces périodes de terrain ont été complétées par un séjour de recherche en France, articulé principalement autour d'un approfondissement théorique à l'Institut Français de Géopolitique (IFG) de l'Université Paris VIII-Vincennes et de recherches bibliographiques à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France. L'objet de ce travail est donc l'analyse des rivalités de pouvoir entre les acteurs territoriaux sur l'enjeu territorial de la vallée du Ferghana, bassin fertile à la position stratégique dans le contexte géopolitique centrasiatique élargi. Si le Ferghana a toujours constitué un enjeu disputé par différents acteurs territoriaux, les rivalités des acteurs actuels jouent aujourd'hui surtout au niveau frontalier et transfrontalier. Ce faisant, cette thèse introduit un nouvel acteur dans le schéma d'analyse géopolitique classique: le Régionalisme culturel. Le Régionalisme culturel en tant qu'acteur territorial y fait donc l'objet d'une présentation approfondie ainsi que d'une évaluation de son importance passée et actuelle. Concentrée d'abord sur le contexte centrasiatique et les particularités qui découlent de ses frontières, l'introduction présente ensuite « l'enjeu » Ferghana et ses ressources physiques et économiques, qui expliquent l'importance de ce territoire. Elle se poursuit sur un rapide point théorique sur la géopolitique et la justification du choix de l'école de pensée géopolitique de Yves Lacoste comme cadre théorique de cette recherche, avant de s'achever sur une première analyse de l'espace Ferghana à l'aune des catégories de frontières et de confins. La thèse est structurée en deux grandes parties. La première, à dominante théorique, analyse à tour de rôle les trois acteurs territoriaux qui rivalisent pour le pouvoir sur le Ferghana: il s'agit de la Nation, de la Religion, et du Régionalisme culturel. La présentation des acteurs, de leurs différentes incarnations et de leurs représentations respectives du territoire ferghanien sont ainsi abordés selon un ordre conceptuel ; des évènements s'étant produits simultanément ne sont ainsi pas analysés chronologiquement mais séparément, en tant qu'ils se rapportent aux acteurs évoqués. Le premier chapitre est consacré à l'acteur Nation. Par cette expression nous entendons non seulement l'entité effective Etat-Nation et ses trois incarnations (Ouzbékistan, Tadjikistan, Kirghizistan), mais aussi la Nation comme idéologie qui agit sur le territoire au travers de politiques nationalistes. La force de légitimation de l'acteur Nation n'est pas étrangère à l'accroissement de son importance sur ce territoire, qui l'a sans aucun doute mené au sommet de la hiérarchie des acteurs géopolitiques dans cette région. Ce chapitre analyse les représentations du Ferghana définies et mises en oeuvres par l'acteur Nation depuis son apparition dans les années 1920. La vallée du Ferghana est en effet devenue une région transfrontalière à cette époque, avec son intégration à l'Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) et sa partition entre trois des cinq Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques nouvellement créées en Asie Centrale. Dans les années 1990, avec la chute de l'URSS et l'indépendance des trois Républiques, les frontières qui divisaient le Ferghana ne sont plus simplement internes, mais deviennent bel et bien internationales. Parmi les représentations majeures qui font l'objet d'une étude dans ce chapitre, une attention particulière est portée aux frontières nationales, leur création et leur évolution. Le chapitre s'intéresse également aux relations entre les différents Etats-Nations, qui constituent un acteur unique lorsqu'ils rivalisent contre les autres acteurs territoriaux – la Religion et le Régionalisme culturel – mais aussi trois acteurs différenciés lorsqu'ils se disputent le territoire Ferghana entre eux. Le deuxième chapitre est consacré au deuxième acteur territorial, la Religion. La vallée du Ferghana est l'une des régions d'Asie centrale les plus croyantes et pratiquantes, et la religion islamique y a toujours eu un rôle important dans la gestion de la société. Ce chapitre propose d'abord une analyse des représentations de la religion dans le Ferghana : le soufisme autochtone et la "géographie sacrée" des hauts lieux de ce courant de l'Islam dans le Ferghana ; l'Islam traditionnel de la période soviétique, devenu une arme légale utilisée par Moscou pour combattre l'orthodoxie soufie du Ferghana ; le fondamentalisme wahabbite récemment apparu, importé d'Afghanistan, du Pakistan et d'Arabie Saoudite à la suite de l'invasion de l'Afghanistan par les Soviétiques en 1979 et de la rencontre qui s'en est ensuivie entre les musulmans soviétiques et les moudjahiddines afghans. Ensuite est examinée la manière dont les différentes variantes de l'acteur Religion se sont opposées, au cours des années, à l'acteur Nation pour le contrôle du pouvoir et des ressources du territoire Ferghana. Nous y voyons comment la rivalité géopolitique entre deux acteurs varie du tout au tout selon que l'on parle de l'acteur Nation au cours de la période Soviétique ou bien au cours de l'ère ayant succédé à l'indépendance. Une attention particulière est portée au phénomène de politisation de l'acteur Religion et à la manière dont cette politisation a amené la Religion à assumer un rôle de protagoniste dans de nombreux évènements du Ferghana. Le troisième acteur est le Régionalisme culturel. Avec cette expression nous faisons référence à l'identité géo-culturelle de cet ensemble régional, qui persiste malgré les pressions nationalistes et religieuses. Car aussi loin que remonte son existence en tant que lieu, la vallée du Ferghana a toujours constitué un ensemble géographique, politique et social à part entière. Bien que sa population se soit distinguée au cours des derniers siècles par une grande multiethnicité et hétérogénéité linguistique, cela n'a pas empêché un amalgame sociétal de cette population qui a toujours considéré la multiethnicité comme normale, et toujours a attribué à chaque « ethnie » un rôle social déterminé au sein du système Ferghana. Qu'elles soient de langue et de culture persane et sédentaire, de langue et de culture turque et sédentaire, ou bien de langue et de culture turque et nomade, ces populations ont toujours partagé, chacune dans son propre rôle social, une vie communautaire au sein de la région, et ce phénomène est la caractéristique principale de ce que nous appelons le Régionalisme culturel du Ferghana. Cependant, cet équilibre change avec la perte de souveraineté politique de la région, l'avènement du nationalisme sous l'action de l'URSS, et la partition de l'espace entre trois Etats nations de l'Asie centrale soviétique. Ce chapitre analyse ainsi les principales représentations de l'acteur Régionalisme culturel au cours du temps, et comment il s'est opposé aux autres acteurs territoriaux, en particulier à l'acteur Nation. La seconde partie de ce travail est dédiée aux manifestations actuelles des acteurs territoriaux dans la vallée du Ferghana, plus spécialement dans ses zones de frontière. Cette partie est le résultat des entretiens et des observations de terrain réalisés en Asie centrale et dans le Ferghana au cours de séjours en 2007, 2009 et 2010. Le premier chapitre analyse la frontière de cette région du point de vue théorique, à la lumière notamment des catégories géostratégiques de "première ligne de défense" ou "dernière ligne de défense". Dans le contexte d'une modification de la frontière entre l'époque soviétique et celle de l'indépendance, le deuxième chapitre approfondit la définition de frontière centrasiatique, au travers principalement de l'analyse de la bureaucratie de frontière, des postes de contrôle et des documents requis pour le passage de la frontière. Les thématiques liées aux relations commerciales transfrontalières y sont examinées : comment les "trois" Ferghana parviennent encore à interagir malgré la rigidité croissante des frontières, quelles relations sociales transfrontalières subsistent au sein du Ferghana d'aujourd'hui. Les entretiens qualitatifs réalisés dans le Ferghana jouent un rôle majeur pour recenser les difficultés de passage et de communication dans la vallée et déceler, dans les descriptions et jugements recueillis, la présence des trois acteurs géopolitiques qui toujours jouent un rôle fondamental dans les relations et conflits de frontière. Le troisième chapitre est dédié aux centres urbains du Ferghana : leur histoire, le rapport que les Ferghaniens entretiennent avec eux, et surtout les représentations internes et externes que les centres urbains assument au sein d'une région désormais tout à fait transfrontalière. Le quatrième chapitre se concentre sur les évolutions démographiques de la population. Jusque là terre d'immigration tout au long des années tsaristes et soviétiques, le Ferghana est devenu une terre d'émigration avec l'indépendance et la concrétisation des frontières. Le cinquième chapitre s'intéresse au Ferghana des infrastructures, notamment les réseaux ferré et routier, et leur rapport d'influence réciproque mutations frontalières de cette région. Le sixième chapitre reprend les interrogations théoriques posées dans l'introduction et développe une analyse conclusive sur le Ferghana des frontières aujourd'hui. La conclusion de cette recherche dresse le bilan actuel du Ferghana et des rapports entre les différents acteurs géopolitiques, et observe la persistance de l'acteur Régionalisme culturel. Force est de constater l'existence de changements dans la région Ferghana à différents points de vue. La population ferghanienne dispose de nouveaux cadres de référence culturels, politiques et sociaux qui ont pris une importance majeure. Des nouvelles formes politiques et de structures culturelles ont eu un impact sur son image d'elle-même, sur son identité: "russe, musulmane,ferghanienne", puis "soviétique, ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), athée, ferghanienne", et enfin "ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), laïque, ferghanienne". Cependant, bien que le territoire, ses frontières et la société qui l'habite aient changé, et malgré les obstacles forts posés par l'acteur Nation, que Régionalisme culturel a réussi à survivre, en s'adaptant aux nouvelles tendances et aux nouveaux modes d'interprétation du Ferghana. La conclusion s'achève sur les évènements les plus récents du Ferghana; massacre d'Andijan en 2005 et affrontements à Osh en juin 2010, qui sont analysés à la lumière des rivalités de pouvoir géopolitique qui persistent encore dans la région. ; This PhD dissertation proposes a geopolitical analysis of a centrasiatic transborder region, the Ferghana Valley, which is today divided between the Republics of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. A basis of the research, field trips spread over the past three years enabled the development of instruments such as border analysis, analytical cartography, qualitative interviews with experts and inhabitants, and bibliographical research in the Ferghana as well as the Uzbek capital city Tashkent – noticeably at the French Institute for Central Asian Studies (IFEAC). As a complement to the field trips in Central Asia, a research period in France permitted both a consolidation in geopolitical theory at the French Institute of Geopolitics (IFG) of the University of Paris 8-Vincennes, and additional bibliographical research at the French National Library (BNF). The topic of the research is hence the analysis of power rivalries between "territorial actors" over the "territorial stake" of the Fergana Valley, a fertile basin of strategical location within the larger geopolitical context of Central Asia. Always a stake disputed by various territorial actors over time, the Fergana Valley now experiences power rivalries from contemporaneous territorial actors first and foremost on the border and transborder levels. By doing so, the dissertation introduces a new actor in the classical geopolitical pattern of analysis: the cultural regionalism. The dissertation hence offers a detailed presentation of the cultural regionalism as well as an evaluation of its past and current importance. First focusing on the centrasiatic context and the peculiarities which stem from its borders, the introduction presents the "stake" Fergana and its economic and physical resources which explain its importance as a territory. A rapid summary of the theory of geopolitics follows, with the justification of the choice of the French Lacostian school as the theoretical frame of this work. The introduction closes on a first analysis of the Fergana as a space of border or frontier. The thesis is structured in two main parts. The first, more theoretical, analyses each of the three territorial actors which aim for power over the Fergana: the Nation, the Religion, and the Cultural Regionalism. The presentation of the actors, of their respective embodiments and of their manifestations within the ferganian territory is organised according to a conceptual rationale; events that occurred simultaneously are thus not considered following a chronological order, but separately, according to their respective relations with the actors evoked. The first chapter focuses on the actor Nation. By this word we understand not only the effective entity of the Nation-State, and its three embodiments (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan), but also the Nation as an ideology which acts upon the territory through nationalistic policies. The force of legitimation of the actor Nation did certainly not have a neutral role in the rise of this actor in the Ferganian landscape, a process which led the Nation to the top of the geopolitical actors' hierarchy in the region. This chapter also analyses the representations of the Fergana which are defined and implemented by the actor Nation since its birth in the 1920s. In fact, the Fergana valley first became a transborder region only in these years, through its integration to the Union of the Socialist Soviet Republics (USSR) and its partition between three of the five newly created Socialist Soviet Republics in Central Asia. In the 1990s, following the fall of the USSR and the independence of the three Republics, the borders which divided the Ferghana stopped being only internal, but became real and proper international borders. Among the main representations that this study looks at, a particular attention is devoted to the study of the national borders , their creation and their evolution. The chapter also looks at the relations between the different Nation-States, which form a unique actor when they rival against the other territorial actors – the Religion and the Cultural Regionalism –, but three well different ones when they rival among themselves. The second chapter concentrates upon the second territorial actor, the Religion. The Fergana valley is one of the most pious and practicing region of Central Asia, and the Islamic religion always played a major role in the society's administration and organization. The chapter proposes first an analysis of the religion's representations in the Fergana: the autochthonous sufism and its sacred geography within the Fergana valley ; the traditional Islam of the soviet times, which became a legal weapon used by Moscow to fight the sufi orthodoxy in the Fergana ; the recently appeared wahabbite fundamentalism, imported from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the encounter it induced between the soviet muslims and the afghan mujaheddins. It is then examined how the different variations of the actor opposed themselves to the actor Nation, over the years, for the control over the power and the resources of the Fergana. We look at how the geopolitical rivalries vary dramatically from the soviet era to that of the independence. A special attention is devoted to the phenomenon of politization of the actor Religion and the way this led the Religion to endorse a role of protagonist in many of the Fergana's events. The third actor is the Cultural Regionalism. It is hereby referred to the geo-cultural identity of this regional entity, which persists in spite of nationalistic and religious pressures. In fact, as long as the Fergana has existed as a place, it has always constituted a geographical, political and social whole. Although its population has been characterized during the past centuries by high levels of multiethnicity and linguistic heterogeneity, this did not prevent the societal amalgamation of populations which always held multiethnicity as normality, and always attributed to each "group" a specific social role within the system Fergana. Be they of language and culture persian and sedentary, turk and sedentary or turk and nomadic, these populations always shared, each in its own social role, a common life within the region. This very phenomenon is the main characteristic of what we call the Cultural Regionalism of the Fergana. However, this equilibrium changes with the loss of political sovereignty of the region and the rise of nationalism under the soviet sovereignty. This chapter analyzes the main representation of the actor Cultural Regionalism over time, and how it took stand against the other territorial actors, especially the Nation. The second part of the dissertation as dedicated to the current manifestations of the territorial actors in the Fergana valley, particularly in its border zones. This part results from the interviews and field observation undertaken in Central Asia and the Fergana in 2007, 2009 and 2010. The first chapter analyzes the border of this region from a theoretical point of view, especially in the light of the geostrategical categories of "first line of defence" or "last line of defence". In the context of a transformation of the border from the soviet era to that of the independence, the second chapter explores the definition of the centrasiatic border, mainly through the analysis of border bureaucracy, control posts and documents required to cross the border. The chapter looks at themes connected to the commercial transborder relations : how the "three" Fergana still manage to interact despite growing border rigidity, which social relationships subsist today. The qualitative interviews led in the Fergana are a major source in this process of reviewing the difficulties of passage and communication within the valley, and of tracking the actual presence of the three geopolitical actors which play a major role in the border relations and conflicts. The third chapter focuses on the Ferganian urban centres: their history, the relations that the Ferganians have with them, et above all the internal and external representations of these centres in a now fully transborder region. The fourth chapter concentrates on the demographical evolutions of the Ferganian population. Up until then a land of immigration, the Fergana became a land of emigration following the independence and the materialization of the borders. The fifth chapter deals with the Ferganian infrastructures, especially the rail and road networks, and their relationship of reciprocal influence with the mutation of the borders in the region. The sixth chapter builds on the theoretical interrogations evoked in the introduction of the dissertation and develops a conclusive analysis of the Fergana of the borders nowadays. The conclusion of this research depicts the current Fergana, the relations between the different geopolitical actors and underscores the persistence of the actor Cultural Regionalism. It establishes the existence of tremendous changes in the region Fergana from various viewpoints: the Ferganian population has new frames of cultural, political and social reference whose importance increased dramatically ; new political forms and cultural structures influenced its self-image, its very identity: "russian, muslim, ferganian", then "soviet, uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz), atheist, ferganian", finally "uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz), secular, ferganian". However, although the territory, its borders and inhabitants changed, and despite the strong obstacles set by the actor Nation, the cultural regionalism succeeded in maintaining itself, by adapting to the new tendencies and ways of interpretation of the Fergana. The conclusion ends with the most recent events of the Fergana, the Andjian massacre in 2005 and the Osh clash in 2010, which are both analysed in the light of the geopolitical power rivalries which persist in the region. ; XXIII Ciclo

This PhD dissertation proposes a geopolitical analysis of a centrasiatic transborder region, theFerghana Valley, which is today divided between the Republics of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan andKyrgyzstan.A basis of the research, field trips spread over the past three years enabled the development ofinstruments such as border analysis, analytical cartography, qualitative interviews with experts andinhabitants, and bibliographical research in the Ferghana as well as the Uzbek capital city Tashkent– noticeably at the French Institute for Central Asian Studies (IFEAC). As a complement to thefield trips in Central Asia, a research period in France permitted both a consolidation in geopoliticaltheory at the French Institute of Geopolitics (IFG) of the University of Paris 8-Vincennes, andadditional bibliographical research at the French National Library (BNF).The topic of the research is hence the analysis of power rivalries between "territorial actors" overthe "territorial stake" of the Fergana Valley, a fertile basin of strategical location within the largergeopolitical context of Central Asia. Always a stake disputed by various territorial actors over time,the Fergana Valley now experiences power rivalries from contemporaneous territorial actors firstand foremost on the border and transborder levels.By doing so, the dissertation introduces a new actor in the classical geopolitical pattern of analysis:the cultural regionalism. The dissertation hence offers a detailed presentation of the culturalregionalism as well as an evaluation of its past and current importance.First focusing on the centrasiatic context and the peculiarities which stem from its borders, theintroduction presents the "stake" Fergana and its economic and physical resources which explainits importance as a territory. A rapid summary of the theory of geopolitics follows, with thejustification of the choice of the French Lacostian school as the theoretical frame of this work. Theintroduction closes on a first analysis of the Fergana as a space of border or frontier.First partThe thesis is structured in two main parts. The first, more theoretical, analyses each of the threeterritorial actors which aim for power over the Fergana: the Nation, the Religion, and the CulturalRegionalism. The presentation of the actors, of their respective embodiments and of theirmanifestations within the ferganian territory is organised according to a conceptual rationale; eventsthat occurred simultaneously are thus not considered following a chronological order, butseparately, according to their respective relations with the actors evoked.The first chapter focuses on the actor Nation. By this word we understand not only the effectiveentity of the Nation-State, and its three embodiments (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan), but alsothe Nation as an ideology which acts upon the territory through nationalistic policies. The force oflegitimation of the actor Nation did certainly not have a neutral role in the rise of this actor in theFerganian landscape, a process which led the Nation to the top of the geopolitical actors' hierarchyin the region. This chapter also analyses the representations of the Fergana which are defined andimplemented by the actor Nation since its birth in the 1920s. In fact, the Fergana valley first becamea transborder region only in these years, through its integration to the Union of the Socialist SovietRepublics (USSR) and its partition between three of the five newly created Socialist SovietRepublics in Central Asia. In the 1990s, following the fall of the USSR and the independence of thethree Republics, the borders which divided the Ferghana stopped being only internal, but becamereal and proper international borders. Among the main representations that this study looks at, aparticular attention is devoted to the study of the national borders , their creation and theirevolution. The chapter also looks at the relations between the different Nation-States, which form aunique actor when they rival against the other territorial actors – the Religion and the CulturalRegionalism –, but three well different ones when they rival among themselves.The second chapter concentrates upon the second territorial actor, the Religion. The Fergana valleyis one of the most pious and practicing region of Central Asia, and the Islamic religion alwaysplayed a major role in the society's administration and organization.The chapter proposes first an analysis of the religion's representations in the Fergana: theautochthonous sufism and its sacred geography within the Fergana valley ; the traditional Islam ofthe soviet times, which became a legal weapon used by Moscow to fight the sufi orthodoxy in theFergana ; the recently appeared wahabbite fundamentalism, imported from Afghanistan, Pakistanand Saudi Arabia following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the encounter it inducedbetween the soviet muslims and the afghan mujaheddins.It is then examined how the different variations of the actor opposed themselves to the actor Nation,over the years, for the control over the power and the resources of the Fergana. We look at how thegeopolitical rivalries vary dramatically from the soviet era to that of the independence. A specialattention is devoted to the phenomenon of politization of the actor Religion and the way this led theReligion to endorse a role of protagonist in many of the Fergana's events.The third actor is the Cultural Regionalism. It is hereby referred to the geo-cultural identity of thisregional entity, which persists in spite of nationalistic and religious pressures. In fact, as long as theFergana has existed as a place, it has always constituted a geographical, political and social whole.Although its population has been characterized during the past centuries by high levels ofmultiethnicity and linguistic heterogeneity, this did not prevent the societal amalgamation ofpopulations which always held multiethnicity as normality, and always attributed to each "group" aspecific social role within the system Fergana.Be they of language and culture persian and sedentary, turk and sedentary or turk and nomadic,these populations always shared, each in its own social role, a common life within the region. Thisvery phenomenon is the main characteristic of what we call the Cultural Regionalism of theFergana.However, this equilibrium changes with the loss of political sovereignty of the region and the rise ofnationalism under the soviet sovereignty. This chapter analyzes the main representation of the actorCultural Regionalism over time, and how it took stand against the other territorial actors, especiallythe Nation.Second partThe second part of the dissertation as dedicated to the current manifestations of the territorial actorsin the Fergana valley, particularly in its border zones. This part results from the interviews and fieldobservation undertaken in Central Asia and the Fergana in 2007, 2009 and 2010.The first chapter analyzes the border of this region from a theoretical point of view, especially in thelight of the geostrategical categories of "first line of defence" or "last line of defence".In the context of a transformation of the border from the soviet era to that of the independence, thesecond chapter explores the definition of the centrasiatic border, mainly through the analysis ofborder bureaucracy, control posts and documents required to cross the border. The chapter looks atthemes connected to the commercial transborder relations : how the "three" Fergana still manage tointeract despite growing border rigidity, which social relationships subsist today. The qualitativeinterviews led in the Fergana are a major source in this process of reviewing the difficulties ofpassage and communication within the valley, and of tracking the actual presence of the threegeopolitical actors which play a major role in the border relations and conflicts.The third chapter focuses on the Ferganian urban centres: their history, the relations that theFerganians have with them, et above all the internal and external representations of these centres ina now fully transborder region.The fourth chapter concentrates on the demographical evolutions of the Ferganian population. Upuntil then a land of immigration, the Fergana became a land of emigration following theindependence and the materialization of the borders.The fifth chapter deals with the Ferganian infrastructures, especially the rail and road networks, andtheir relationship of reciprocal influence with the mutation of the borders in the region.The sixth chapter builds on the theoretical interrogations evoked in the introduction of thedissertation and develops a conclusive analysis of the Fergana of the borders nowadays.ConclusionThe conclusion of this research depicts the current Fergana, the relations between the differentgeopolitical actors and underscores the persistence of the actor Cultural Regionalism.It establishes the existence of tremendous changes in the region Fergana from various viewpoints:the Ferganian population has new frames of cultural, political and social reference whoseimportance increased dramatically ; new political forms and cultural structures influenced its selfimage,its very identity: "russian, muslim, ferganian", then "soviet, uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz),atheist, ferganian", finally "uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz), secular, ferganian".However, although the territory, its borders and inhabitants changed, and despite the strongobstacles set by the actor Nation, the cultural regionalism succeeded in maintaining itself, byadapting to the new tendencies and ways of interpretation of the Fergana.The conclusion ends with the most recent events of the Fergana, the Andjian massacre in 2005 andthe Osh clash in 2010, which are both analysed in the light of the geopolitical power rivalries whichpersist in the region. ; IntroductionCette thèse de Doctorat propose une analyse géopolitique d'une région transfrontalière de l'Asiecentrale, la vallée du Ferghana, aujourd'hui divisée entre les Républiques d'Ouzbékistan, duTadjikistan et du Kirghizistan.Des séjours sur le terrain répartis sur trois ans ont constitué la base de la recherche, au travers del'analyse des frontières, de la cartographie analytique, d'entretiens qualitatifs avec experts ethabitants, et de recherches bibliographiques dans le Ferghana ainsi que dans la capitale ouzbèkeTachkent – notamment près l'Institut Français d'Etudes sur l'Asie Centrale (IFEAC). Ces périodesde terrain ont été complétées par un séjour de recherche en France, articulé principalement autourd'un approfondissement théorique à l'Institut Français de Géopolitique (IFG) de l'Université ParisVIII-Vincennes et de recherches bibliographiques à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France.L'objet de ce travail est donc l'analyse des rivalités de pouvoir entre les acteurs territoriaux surl'enjeu territorial de la vallée du Ferghana, bassin fertile à la position stratégique dans le contextegéopolitique centrasiatique élargi. Si le Ferghana a toujours constitué un enjeu disputé pardifférents acteurs territoriaux, les rivalités des acteurs actuels jouent aujourd'hui surtout au niveaufrontalier et transfrontalier.Ce faisant, cette thèse introduit un nouvel acteur dans le schéma d'analyse géopolitique classique:le Régionalisme culturel. Le Régionalisme culturel en tant qu'acteur territorial y fait donc l'objetd'une présentation approfondie ainsi que d'une évaluation de son importance passée et actuelle.Concentrée d'abord sur le contexte centrasiatique et les particularités qui découlent de sesfrontières, l'introduction présente ensuite « l'enjeu » Ferghana et ses ressources physiques etéconomiques, qui expliquent l'importance de ce territoire. Elle se poursuit sur un rapide pointthéorique sur la géopolitique et la justification du choix de l'école de pensée géopolitique de YvesLacoste comme cadre théorique de cette recherche, avant de s'achever sur une première analyse del'espace Ferghana à l'aune des catégories de frontières et de confins.Première partieLa thèse est structurée en deux grandes parties. La première, à dominante théorique, analyse à tourde rôle les trois acteurs territoriaux qui rivalisent pour le pouvoir sur le Ferghana: il s'agit de laNation, de la Religion, et du Régionalisme culturel. La présentation des acteurs, de leursdifférentes incarnations et de leurs représentations respectives du territoire ferghanien sont ainsiabordés selon un ordre conceptuel ; des évènements s'étant produits simultanément ne sont ainsipas analysés chronologiquement mais séparément, en tant qu'ils se rapportent aux acteurs évoqués.Le premier chapitre est consacré à l'acteur Nation. Par cette expression nous entendons nonseulement l'entité effective Etat-Nation et ses trois incarnations (Ouzbékistan, Tadjikistan,Kirghizistan), mais aussi la Nation comme idéologie qui agit sur le territoire au travers depolitiques nationalistes. La force de légitimation de l'acteur Nation n'est pas étrangère àl'accroissement de son importance sur ce territoire, qui l'a sans aucun doute mené au sommet de lahiérarchie des acteurs géopolitiques dans cette région. Ce chapitre analyse les représentations duFerghana définies et mises en oeuvres par l'acteur Nation depuis son apparition dans les années1920. La vallée du Ferghana est en effet devenue une région transfrontalière à cette époque, avecson intégration à l'Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) et sa partition entre troisdes cinq Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques nouvellement créées en Asie Centrale. Dans lesannées 1990, avec la chute de l'URSS et l'indépendance des trois Républiques, les frontières quidivisaient le Ferghana ne sont plus simplement internes, mais deviennent bel et bieninternationales. Parmi les représentations majeures qui font l'objet d'une étude dans ce chapitre,une attention particulière est portée aux frontières nationales, leur création et leur évolution. Lechapitre s'intéresse également aux relations entre les différents Etats-Nations, qui constituent unacteur unique lorsqu'ils rivalisent contre les autres acteurs territoriaux – la Religion et leRégionalisme culturel – mais aussi trois acteurs différenciés lorsqu'ils se disputent le territoireFerghana entre eux.Le deuxième chapitre est consacré au deuxième acteur territorial, la Religion. La vallée duFerghana est l'une des régions d'Asie centrale les plus croyantes et pratiquantes, et la religionislamique y a toujours eu un rôle important dans la gestion de la société.Ce chapitre propose d'abord une analyse des représentations de la religion dans le Ferghana : lesoufisme autochtone et la "géographie sacrée" des hauts lieux de ce courant de l'Islam dans leFerghana ; l'Islam traditionnel de la période soviétique, devenu une arme légale utilisée parMoscou pour combattre l'orthodoxie soufie du Ferghana ; le fondamentalisme wahabbiterécemment apparu, importé d'Afghanistan, du Pakistan et d'Arabie Saoudite à la suite del'invasion de l'Afghanistan par les Soviétiques en 1979 et de la rencontre qui s'en est ensuivieentre les musulmans soviétiques et les moudjahiddines afghans.Ensuite est examinée la manière dont les différentes variantes de l'acteur Religion se sontopposées, au cours des années, à l'acteur Nation pour le contrôle du pouvoir et des ressources duterritoire Ferghana. Nous y voyons comment la rivalité géopolitique entre deux acteurs varie dutout au tout selon que l'on parle de l'acteur Nation au cours de la période Soviétique ou bien aucours de l'ère ayant succédé à l'indépendance.Une attention particulière est portée au phénomène de politisation de l'acteur Religion et à lamanière dont cette politisation a amené la Religion à assumer un rôle de protagoniste dans denombreux évènements du Ferghana.Le troisième acteur est le Régionalisme culturel. Avec cette expression nous faisons référence àl'identité géo-culturelle de cet ensemble régional, qui persiste malgré les pressions nationalistes etreligieuses. Car aussi loin que remonte son existence en tant que lieu, la vallée du Ferghana atoujours constitué un ensemble géographique, politique et social à part entière. Bien que sapopulation se soit distinguée au cours des derniers siècles par une grande multiethnicité ethétérogénéité linguistique, cela n'a pas empêché un amalgame sociétal de cette population qui atoujours considéré la multiethnicité comme normale, et toujours a attribué à chaque « ethnie » unrôle social déterminé au sein du système Ferghana.Qu'elles soient de langue et de culture persane et sédentaire, de langue et de culture turque etsédentaire, ou bien de langue et de culture turque et nomade, ces populations ont toujours partagé,chacune dans son propre rôle social, une vie communautaire au sein de la région, et ce phénomèneest la caractéristique principale de ce que nous appelons le Régionalisme culturel du Ferghana.Cependant, cet équilibre change avec la perte de souveraineté politique de la région, l'avènementdu nationalisme sous l'action de l'URSS, et la partition de l'espace entre trois Etats nations del'Asie centrale soviétique. Ce chapitre analyse ainsi les principales représentations de l'acteurRégionalisme culturel au cours du temps, et comment il s'est opposé aux autres acteursterritoriaux, en particulier à l'acteur Nation.Seconde partieLa seconde partie de ce travail est dédiée aux manifestations actuelles des acteurs territoriaux dansla vallée du Ferghana, plus spécialement dans ses zones de frontière. Cette partie est le résultat desentretiens et des observations de terrain réalisés en Asie centrale et dans le Ferghana au cours deséjours en 2007, 2009 et 2010.Le premier chapitre analyse la frontière de cette région du point de vue théorique, à la lumièrenotamment des catégories géostratégiques de "première ligne de défense" ou "dernière ligne dedéfense".Dans le contexte d'une modification de la frontière entre l'époque soviétique et celle del'indépendance, le deuxième chapitre approfondit la définition de frontière centrasiatique, autravers principalement de l'analyse de la bureaucratie de frontière, des postes de contrôle et desdocuments requis pour le passage de la frontière. Les thématiques liées aux relations commercialestransfrontalières y sont examinées : comment les "trois" Ferghana parviennent encore à interagirmalgré la rigidité croissante des frontières, quelles relations sociales transfrontalières subsistent ausein du Ferghana d'aujourd'hui. Les entretiens qualitatifs réalisés dans le Ferghana jouent un rôlemajeur pour recenser les difficultés de passage et de communication dans la vallée et déceler, dansles descriptions et jugements recueillis, la présence des trois acteurs géopolitiques qui toujoursjouent un rôle fondamental dans les relations et conflits de frontière.Le troisième chapitre est dédié aux centres urbains du Ferghana : leur histoire, le rapport que lesFerghaniens entretiennent avec eux, et surtout les représentations internes et externes que lescentres urbains assument au sein d'une région désormais tout à fait transfrontalière.Le quatrième chapitre se concentre sur les évolutions démographiques de la population. Jusque làterre d'immigration tout au long des années tsaristes et soviétiques, le Ferghana est devenu uneterre d'émigration avec l'indépendance et la concrétisation des frontières.Le cinquième chapitre s'intéresse au Ferghana des infrastructures, notamment les réseaux ferré etroutier, et leur rapport d'influence réciproque mutations frontalières de cette région.Le sixième chapitre reprend les interrogations théoriques posées dans l'introduction et développeune analyse conclusive sur le Ferghana des frontières aujourd'hui.ConclusionLa conclusion de cette recherche dresse le bilan actuel du Ferghana et des rapports entre lesdifférents acteurs géopolitiques, et observe la persistance de l'acteur Régionalisme culturel.Force est de constater l'existence de changements dans la région Ferghana à différents points devue. La population ferghanienne dispose de nouveaux cadres de référence culturels, politiques etsociaux qui ont pris une importance majeure. Des nouvelles formes politiques et de structuresculturelles ont eu un impact sur son image d'elle-même, sur son identité: "russe, musulmane,ferghanienne", puis "soviétique, ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), athée, ferghanienne", et enfin"ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), laïque, ferghanienne".Cependant, bien que le territoire, ses frontières et la société qui l'habite aient changé, et malgré lesobstacles forts posés par l'acteur Nation, que Régionalisme culturel a réussi à survivre, ens'adaptant aux nouvelles tendances et aux nouveaux modes d'interprétation du Ferghana.La conclusion s'achève sur les évènements les plus récents du Ferghana; massacre d'Andijan en2005 et affrontements à Osh en juin 2010, qui sont analysés à la lumière des rivalités de pouvoirgéopolitique qui persistent encore dans la région.

If culture is growing and transforming creation, productive action directed, vía paideia, the social being, the work of Bolívar Echeverría on the role of the symbolic or immaterial constitutes a fundamental contribution to a critical theory of ideology in the era of hypermediacy. From the Marxism to Baroque, politics and the political, the interconnections of thoughts projected break points and vital breakup for the social change that is just considered in current studies of spin-colonial Latin America. This article analyzes the contribution of Bolívar Echeverría works from analysis of ideology considering the semiotic work from the whole cultural dimension or symbolic production in relation to social practices and processes of reproduction of capitalism. Accepting that our time is the Neo-Baroque era, the era of the image, the cornucopia of language and culture of gamification, the article explores the highlights interpretive elements in the thesis of the baroque ethos of the author to analyze the dominant forms of symbolic power in the struggle for their own code called Cognitive Capitalism.

More than 40 years ago, special education schools and classes were abolishedin Italy. Measures of external differentiation for students with specialneeds have since been taboo. They were replaced by a comprehensiveschool system in which the children and adolescents from kindergarten touniversity are enrolled in an inclusive manner. Within Italy, South Tyrol as atrilingual autonomous province is a special case. The "Finland of the South"is often cited as an example of successful (inter)cultural inclusion. The presentpaper focuses on the situation of South Tyrol to summarize policy developmentsin education and teacher training in the process from integrationto full inclusion. As an example, the curricular implementation of inclusionorientedteacher education for all school levels at the Faculty of Educationof the Free University of Bolzano is critically examined. Consequences of abroader understanding of inclusion are discussed. ; Più di quarant'anni fa, in Italia furono eliminate sia le scuole d'insegnamentospeciale sia le classi differenziali e da allora qualsiasi misura che implichi unaformale differenziazione nel rapporto con l'eterogeneità è un tabù. Quel sistemafu soppiantato da un sistema scolastico unificato caratterizzato dallametodologia della differenziazione interna, che prevede un percorso formativoper bambini e ragazzi di tipo inclusivo. Nell'esperienza italiana la provinciaautonoma dell'Alto Adige, dove le lingue ufficiali sono tre, rappresentaun caso a parte. Chiamato anche "la Finlandia del Sud", l'Alto Adige vienespesso citato come esempio di un'inclusione (inter)culturale riuscita.Quanto esposto in seguito prende spunto dalle condizioni generali per ilraggiungimento di una "pedagogia dell'inclusione" in Italia, con un occhiodi riguardo per la situazione dell'Alto Adige. Il presente articolo tratta l'evoluzione,in termini di politica educativa, sperimentata dal processo d'integrazioneper raggiungere la "Full Inclusion" e mette a fuoco in particolarmodo le riforme che interessano la formazione ...

In Spinoza's political theory, Judaism and Christianity play a very important role. In particular, in the discourses we find affective dynamics expressing the real effects of imaginative perception. In this essay I try to consider the political figures of Judaism and the difference inaugurated by the Christian message. The latter, in fact, allows to think a universal political theory, putting some important question to Spinoza's political theory, facing – by a more general point of view – the problem of the universal human nature. I will follow the way in which the teaching of Jesus Christ disrupts the discourse concerning the divine election of the Jewish people; this turning point will displace the political enquiry to the field of human nature, and will lead us to question Spinoza's theory on this point.

The global landscape of mediation could be observed as an uneven picture represented by the variety of denominations, styles and approaches, modes of access and the varied nature of the institution of mediation. These differences have an impact on the way mediation is considered and applied in both theory and practice. National legal and political structures, cultural attitudes towards conflict and dispute resolution, and the solutions adopted vary greatly from one nation to another. Despite the path towards universality and recognition of the benefits of mediation at national and international levels, it is too early to say what the future of mediation will be and whether it will be possible to ensure a synergistic implementation of mediation in the global context. The relationship of mediation with the courts and its integration into the justice system, although an issue subject to much debate and evaluation, does not constitute a common framework and remains a point of reference for ongoing scientific research aimed at developing the best strategies and practices best suited to the needs of the parties. Despite criticism of the legitimacy of compulsory referrals to mediation, the reality today is that compulsory mediation cases make up the majority of mediation initiated through the judicial system. The last two decades can be characterised as a continuous encouragement for the use of mediation coming from international organisations that attempted, and still attempt, to provide a basic legal framework, based on the values and potentials of mediation encapsulated in its ability to reform a legal system of justice. Mediation, being a little-known method of dispute resolution, has received considerable attention from the main "players" in the international market (UNCITRAL, EU, WIPO, Council of Europe) which has influenced the national path of mediation towards "mobilisation". The revival of mediation, as well as the method of dispute resolution, has attracted my attention focusing on a subject that has often challenged the problems and effectiveness of civil law and common law systems in the development of the European and international internal market. The structures and environment, the practical (the nuances of the language of the norm used) and legal context of mediation, as well as the results of mediation have yet to be explored from a global and comparative perspective. At the same time, many critical or undefined issues remain on the mediation process. Post-Soviet countries (Ukraine, Georgia, Russian Federation) have been my primary interest in identifying strengths and weaknesses of the regulatory regime for national and cross-border mediation and have become a starting point for further research. I used a benchmarking methodology within a system called "Regulatory Robustness Rating System" ("Regulatory Robustness Rating – RRR", Kluwer Law International, 2017). The RRR system is elaborated in a detailed and explanatory manner by N. Alexander and is aimed at providing potential legal advisors and other actors in cross-border/international mediation processes with a quicker knowledge of the main features of the regulatory environment in which mediation will take place, stressing the importance of accessibility and predictability of the Mediation Law. Part I of the Thesis discusses the approaches of the regulative regimes and the principal foundations of mediation process and its increase popularity Part II describes the dimensions of legal mediation's in Russian Federazione, and in the alternative and comparative perspective Part III and part IV analized the mediation regimes and principle in Georgia and Ucraine.

This paper examines Steiner's theory of the 'threefold social order', with the aim of evaluating its relevance and feasibility today. After describing Steiner's attitude and positions towards the economic, political and cultural problems of European society in his time, the analysis focuses on his proposals for the reorganization of the respective sectors, with an interpretative effort aimed at grasping his lines of argumentation. The system proposed by Steiner es-sentially provides for autonomous management of the economic, politicallegal and school sectors. His proposals highlight the benefits that would derive from such a new social order. Greater effectiveness of the education system, safeguarding the dignity of the worker, and promoting individual capabilities are some of the advantages that he claims would derive from this new structure. Finally, the study attempts to make an overall assessment of the theses defended by Steiner in relation to our current era, although with an awareness that the debate remains open. ; Il presente lavoro di ricerca prende in esame la teoria steineriana della triar-ticolazione dell'organismo sociale con l'intento di valutarne attualità e realizzabilità. Dopo uno sguardo all'atteggiamento assunto da Rudolf Steiner di fronte ai problemi economici, politici e culturali della società europea a lui contemporanea e alle sue prese di posizione, l'analisi si sofferma sulle sue proposte di riorganizzazione dei rispettivi settori, con uno sforzo interpretativo volto a coglierne i termini esatti. Il sistema proposto da Steiner prevede sostanzialmente una gestione autonoma del settore economico, di quello politico-giuridico e di quello scolastico, e nel far questo mette in risalto i benefici che deriverebbero da un simile nuovo assetto sociale. Maggiore efficacia del sistema di istruzione, salvaguardia della dignità del lavoratore, valorizzazione delle attitudini individuali sono alcuni dei vantaggi che deriverebbero da quel nuovo assetto. L'indagine svolta tenta infine di fare un ...

Questo libro verte sulla nuova antropologia elaborata dai medici-filosofi di Montpellier nella seconda metà del XVIII secolo e in particolare da Paul-Joseph Barthez (1734-1806). Inserendosi nel solco dello scetticismo e dell'empirismo, Barthez progetta una scienza dell'uomo che poggia su basi fisiologiche e integra le rispettive risorse della medicina e della riflessione filosofica. Il presente saggio ricostruisce in primo luogo il contesto storico-culturale in cui si inseriscono gli scritti di questo autore; in secondo luogo esamina i testi in cui prende forma la sua scienza dell'uomo mettendone in luce la metodologia, gli strumenti concettuali e le implicazioni teoriche.

The attempt proposed in this reflection is to indicate some political and cultural reasons for what Giuseppe Chiarante called "missed appointment": the one between the Pci and the new left in the sixties. The article traces, by privileging the point of view of the debate in the Pci, the reasons for this missed meeting. An in-depth overview of the various trends present in the party is given by the conference The Italian Marxism of the Sixties and the theoretical and political training of the new generations, promoted by the Gramsci Institute in 1971, which will constitute privileged material for reflection, in addition to the press of the time, the testimonies of the protagonists and the historical reflections both contemporary and recent. We will analyze the communist debate and the comparison between the "right" and the "left" of the party, the synthesis made by Luigi Longo and the reasons for the lack of effectiveness of this in the "recovery" of the dispute, despite the attitude of openness so much of the secretary (and of the Ingraian "left"), as well as of a leading part of the student movement (see Scalzone). In conclusion, it will be said that the failure will be due in part to the political and cultural differences of the "two leftists"; in the other, and above all, for the particular conformation of the political framework, which already assigned the Pci the role of representative of the alternative and did not allow further margins of real action outside it but within a communist discourse.

Ritratto di una pratica critica è un percorso che, accanto a una puntuale riflessione sul personaggio e sullo scenario artistico contemporaneo, invita a «entrare nel vivo del metodo e della scrittura di Crimp che alle acute riflessioni teoriche aggiunge souvenir biografici e dettagliate descrizioni dei contesti in cui i fatti dell'arte sono accaduti». Legato a uno sconfinamento disciplinare e a una visione che non può non sentire l'esigenza di riprendere in mano i fili del politico, dell'etico e del sociale, il percorso offerto disegna l'itinerario intellettuale di una figura la cui brillante analisi di fatti e dei metodi di indagine si innesta al racconto di una vita e alla partecipazione attiva ad una scena culturale complessa (A.T.)

In theory, republican orthodoxy does not acknowledge the political dignity of any intermediary body between free and equal individuals, stripped of all particularism, and the sovereign nation. This is why, right up to the present, the French public debate has been marked by an entrenched suspicion towards all forms of «communitarism», and by the proscription of the very concept of multicultural politics. But have the policies actually pursued by republican France been consistent with the proclaimed principles? Is it genuinely possible to claim that cultural identities have never been publicly «recognised»? This multidisciplinary investigation proposes to address the ambiguous relations between theory and practice in the Republican management of cultural pluralism.