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This paper analyzes aspects of Egyptian history, including unique qualities that influenced the Egyptian culture and gave it its identity that has developed throughout the years until today. It will also discuss Egyptian visual arts and its critical role throughout history, including how arts have appeared and developed over Egypt's lifetime and influenced the Egyptian citizen. Furthermore, this research sheds light on the effects of every political change that took place in Egypt, and how that could be a mirror of the Egyptian civilization, its development and its decline while considering the role of visual arts throughout and after the revolution of 2011. Analyzing Egyptian culture, education, technology, internet and multimedia after the revolution can be imperative to understand the cultural identity and the role of visual arts in Egypt. Thus the mutual relationship between arts and the Egyptian cultural identity will be questioned, along with the way that they impact each other, and finally, how both of them could play a key role in developing Egypt after the 25th of January, 2011 revolution.

Globalization, today, is marked as a relatively new discourse although it refers to some old processes that in the previous years had been interpreted a little bit differently. In that sense the universalization and internationalization are just synonyms for globalization of which there are controversial arguments in scientific academic circles and the international public. Globalists and anti-globalists are divided in their attitudes on the effects that it causes nationally and globally. Issues in terms of the theoretical reorganization of space and time that it defines in terms of economical, political and cultural context of an unspecified geographical area, with undefined borders and undefined global governments are disputable. That is why it cannot be regarded neither as Americanization, nor Europeanization, and each attempt at a simple regional gathering of national governments in their joined actions is solely a reduced understanding of the growing global interdependency that simultaneously produces cultural diversity and is nurturing cultural identities at a local level. Their proportional dependency revives in practice the new amalgam of Robertson - glocalization.

This paper aims to present an important phenomenon of our world, namely the contradictory relationship between globalization and cultural identity. In this work identity is understood as a cultural practice therefore it cannot be analyzed without taking into account global communication and diversity. The multidimensional transformation of our society in the XXI century is marked by increased interconnectivity and affirmation of singular identities. These identities come in constant tension with the context in which the existing political forms that are in crisis and the restructuring processes through new projects are struggling to set up a new society. Globalization versus cultural identity it's not a zero-sum game even though the two might be perceived as opposite processes this paper argue that it globalization cultural identity can go hand in hand with globalization.

Discusses the possibility of civic participation that does not decrease prospects for peace & acknowledges the interests of all inhabitants of a country. It is contended that resolving disputes that are invariably generated about such things as which interests should be considered are vital for understanding political decisions about rights. The role of identity in modern politics is explored, along with its impact on civic participation, limitations caused by the norm of "compossibility" (the notion that two possible things are not possible together); difficulties posed by cultural identity claims; & what happens when opinions are treated as interests. It is argued that claims made for the purpose of vindicating cultural identities are "inauthentic ways of engaging & identifying with a culture." The process of coming to terms with others impacts how individuals present themselves as participants in dissimilar traditions that are often incompatible with civic responsibility. It is concluded that it is essential to present the practices of one's culture as a matter of reasons, rather than as a matter of identity. J. Lindroth

Regional cultural identity increases trust and facilitates interaction between native citizens ('social capital'). At the same time, it also affects non-native's migration decisions and their utility as it excludes non-native mobile workers from economic interaction within the region. Policies to increase regional cultural identity thus exert an externality that is negative for a basic model where future local productivity is exogenous and random, leading to the result of oversupply of regional culture under decentralization. If migration affects productivity, the basic result of oversupply may be reversed, depending on production technology and the government's objective function. Some positive and normative conclusions for cultural policy are derived.

Today people's cultural identities are increasingly invoked in support of political claims, and these claims commonly lead to acrimony and violence. But what is 'cultural identity', and what is its political significance? This book offers a provocatively sceptical answer to these questions. Tracing the idea back to the now largely discredited notion of national character, it argues that cultural identity is no deep going feature of individual psychology. Nor is it any uniform phenomenon. Rather, various types of so-called cultural identity emerge in response to the different circumstances people face. Such identities are marked by merely surface features of behaviour and these have a principally aesthetic appeal. In consequence, it is argued, cultural identities lack the ethical significance claimed for them and their invocation is in many ways politically pernicious. The book engages not only with thinkers in the analytic tradition like Isaiah Berlin, Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka, but with Continental writers like Sartre and Kristeva.

Abstract
There is no fixed categorical term for barbarians in Chinese. Specific groups are identified as "aliens" or "cultural others" through words like Man 蠻, Yi 夷, Rong 戎, and Di 狄, but all four terms can be specific or categorical. It is often said that the us-versus-them formula in Zuozhuan (and early Chinese texts in general) is cultural rather than ethnic, but precise definitions of cultural difference can be elusive. This article begins with a discussion of the historical basis for defining possible differences in socioeconomic and cultural practice and moves to the question of representation. It focuses on three issues: (1) Who is the barbarian? Using Lu's dealings with the eastern Yi domains as case studies, the author explores how representation of cultural others is inseparable from cultural self-definition. Similarities and shared roots seem to have generated the impetus for emphasizing distinctions. (2) Arguments on cultural connections or lack thereof are often built on historical retrospection. Embracing historical ties with barbarians can be a way to resist Zhou dynasty demands, even as using the ancient past to disclaim the status of cultural other can function to assert hegemonic ambition. The author examines the uses of history to manipulate notions of shared roots and radical difference. (3) Since the negative qualities attributed to barbarians come up in speeches, we need to consider the rhetorical context of moralizing otherness. Whether the issue is debates on military strategy, the choice of war or peace, or the etiquette of presenting the spoils of victory, we see how attention to particular motives and circumstances driving historical developments results in a complex and nuanced picture that resists simplistic and moralized formulations of cultural identity and cultural difference.