African media cultures: transdisciplinary perspectives : perspectives transdisciplinaires
In: Topics in African studies 2
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In: Topics in African studies 2
World Affairs Online
In: Mitteilungsblatt des Instituts für Soziale Bewegungen, Heft 30, S. 91-96
"Der Strukturwandel der Bergarbeiter ist in sozialer und kultureller Hinsicht häufig nur schwer zu verstehen. In Kohlenbecken, in monoindustriell strukturierten Regionen, hat sich eine spezifische Soziokultur im Laufe von Jahrzehnten herausgebildet, die durch nichts - allenfalls von der Massenkultur zum Zeitpunkt der Zechenschließungen zu Beginn der Arbeitslosigkeit für die meisten Arbeiter - ersetzt werden konnte. Zwischen Erinnerungsarbeit und notwendigem Strukturwandel den richtigen Weg zu finden, ist häufig nicht einfach. Will man die noch immer bestehenden mentalen Strukturen der Bergarbeiter verstehen, versucht man die Hemmnisse, die den Strukturwandel bremsen, zu überwinden, bietet sich dafür eventuell eine Analyse der Darstellungen dieser Berufsgruppe an, wie jene, die neuerdings vor allem das englische Kino liefert. Wichtig wäre es zudem auch, sich für andere mentale Merkmale dieser einzigartigen sozialen Gruppe zu interessieren, so etwa ihre Bindung an das System der sozialen Fürsorge, seine Wohnungsstruktur, aber auch ihre Identität mit Regionen, die auf den ersten Blick nicht allzu anziehend sind." (Autorenreferat)
In: Material and visual culture of ancient Egypt number 6
Book of the Dead scholarship in Ptolemaic Egypt : the case of pBrooklyn 37.1484E /Yekaterina Barbash --Dein sei die Maat, Thot verleihe sie dir /Horst Beinlich --A little Thoth goes a long way /Betsy M. Bryan --Finding Nitocris : patterns of female rule at the end of Egypt's Old Kingdom /Kathlyn M. Cooney --Epiphany or erudition? : the inception of Atonism /John Coleman Darnell --Silent signs : determinatives as markers of scribal knowledge /Katherine Davis --The first days of school in Mesopotamia : preliminary thoughts on the personal name list Inana-teš /Paul Delnero --L'Ostracon Louvre E 11037 : une lettre à un mort en demotique? /Didier Devauchelle, Ghislaine Widmer --Some observations on the demotic lease P. Tebtynis dem. 5944 /Christina Di Cerbo --A demotic administrative papyrus from the Tuna el-Gebel Necropolis (P. el-Ashmunein Magazine Inv. No. 155-B) /Mahmoud Ebeid, Cary J. Martin --"Black is her hair, more than the black of the night" : the Tale of the herdsman and the origins of Egyptian love poetry /Marina Escolano-Poveda --
In: Collection Études transnationales, francophones et comparées = Transnational, francophone and comparative studies
World Affairs Online
In: Culture antiche : studi e testi 25
This work aims at understanding why and how Tuareg rebellions in Niger form, last and reappear although they have proven only marginally efficient at reaching their political goals. The analysis of the mobilizations is based on a sociohistorical approach, which shows their trends in the long-term and allows us to reconsider the start factors of the most recent movements. One can see a porosity appear between times of war and peace, which allows the Rebel to retain his status and lets the rebellion evolve under the influence of both outsiders and the political creativity of its actors. Beyond the conflict's timeframe, a cultural repertoire has developed, that might be defined as a political culture. I show first that since their first encounter with the French the Tuaregs have had a history of resistance included in a political frame much more complex than usually described. This history has also contributed to establish a representation of the combatant. Then one will see that those processes find a realization in the rebellion of the 1990's. By mobilizing combatants with very diverse backgrounds, this rebellion has built a sustainable influence after the peace agreements. Lastly, the rebellion and the rebels as political actors last as a political culture reinforced by the voices of the diaspora as well as the Western World, through a highly productive mirror effect. This work favors an approach "from below", putting the rebels at the center of the analysis. Beyond the case of Niger, this approach criticizes the one-dimensional analysis that dominates academic research as well as the institutions of economic development. ; Cette thèse a pour but de comprendre pourquoi et comment les rébellions touarègues du Niger se forment, se pérennisent et réapparaissent malgré une efficacité marginale dans l'accomplissement de leurs buts politiques. L'analyse des mobilisations est fondée sur une approche sociohistorique qui en montre les tendances longues et permet de resituer les facteurs de déclenchement des mouvements ...
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This work aims at understanding why and how Tuareg rebellions in Niger form, last and reappear although they have proven only marginally efficient at reaching their political goals. The analysis of the mobilizations is based on a sociohistorical approach, which shows their trends in the long-term and allows us to reconsider the start factors of the most recent movements. One can see a porosity appear between times of war and peace, which allows the Rebel to retain his status and lets the rebellion evolve under the influence of both outsiders and the political creativity of its actors. Beyond the conflict's timeframe, a cultural repertoire has developed, that might be defined as a political culture. I show first that since their first encounter with the French the Tuaregs have had a history of resistance included in a political frame much more complex than usually described. This history has also contributed to establish a representation of the combatant. Then one will see that those processes find a realization in the rebellion of the 1990's. By mobilizing combatants with very diverse backgrounds, this rebellion has built a sustainable influence after the peace agreements. Lastly, the rebellion and the rebels as political actors last as a political culture reinforced by the voices of the diaspora as well as the Western World, through a highly productive mirror effect. This work favors an approach "from below", putting the rebels at the center of the analysis. Beyond the case of Niger, this approach criticizes the one-dimensional analysis that dominates academic research as well as the institutions of economic development. ; Cette thèse a pour but de comprendre pourquoi et comment les rébellions touarègues du Niger se forment, se pérennisent et réapparaissent malgré une efficacité marginale dans l'accomplissement de leurs buts politiques. L'analyse des mobilisations est fondée sur une approche sociohistorique qui en montre les tendances longues et permet de resituer les facteurs de déclenchement des mouvements ...
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This work aims at understanding why and how Tuareg rebellions in Niger form, last and reappear although they have proven only marginally efficient at reaching their political goals. The analysis of the mobilizations is based on a sociohistorical approach, which shows their trends in the long-term and allows us to reconsider the start factors of the most recent movements. One can see a porosity appear between times of war and peace, which allows the Rebel to retain his status and lets the rebellion evolve under the influence of both outsiders and the political creativity of its actors. Beyond the conflict's timeframe, a cultural repertoire has developed, that might be defined as a political culture. I show first that since their first encounter with the French the Tuaregs have had a history of resistance included in a political frame much more complex than usually described. This history has also contributed to establish a representation of the combatant. Then one will see that those processes find a realization in the rebellion of the 1990's. By mobilizing combatants with very diverse backgrounds, this rebellion has built a sustainable influence after the peace agreements. Lastly, the rebellion and the rebels as political actors last as a political culture reinforced by the voices of the diaspora as well as the Western World, through a highly productive mirror effect. This work favors an approach "from below", putting the rebels at the center of the analysis. Beyond the case of Niger, this approach criticizes the one-dimensional analysis that dominates academic research as well as the institutions of economic development. ; Cette thèse a pour but de comprendre pourquoi et comment les rébellions touarègues du Niger se forment, se pérennisent et réapparaissent malgré une efficacité marginale dans l'accomplissement de leurs buts politiques. L'analyse des mobilisations est fondée sur une approche sociohistorique qui en montre les tendances longues et permet de resituer les facteurs de déclenchement des mouvements ...
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In: Collected studies series 393
Rédigée entre 1993 et 1996. ; This thesis studies the growing importance of economic culture, in education and the economic professions, especially in the academic world. It also analyses the ascension of economists in the political field. ; La thèse étudie la montée en puissance de la culture économique, à travers le système éducatif, les professions d'économiste, notamment dans le monde universitaire. Elle s'intéresse également à l'ascension des économistes dans le champ politique.
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Rédigée entre 1993 et 1996. ; This thesis studies the growing importance of economic culture, in education and the economic professions, especially in the academic world. It also analyses the ascension of economists in the political field. ; La thèse étudie la montée en puissance de la culture économique, à travers le système éducatif, les professions d'économiste, notamment dans le monde universitaire. Elle s'intéresse également à l'ascension des économistes dans le champ politique.
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In: Droit et société
In: Recherches et travaux 13
In: Pôle sud: revue de science politique, Heft 19, S. 131-153
ISSN: 1262-1676
A number of social sciences studies have built a "familialistic-parochial-localistic" paradigm since the early 1960s in order to characterize the Italian political culture. Such a paradigm was criticized in the last decade. This article wants to test it empirically on the basis of available opinion polls. It appears that the feeling of national identity is weak if we consider it only under its "civic" aspect (ie, the satisfaction vis-a-vis the political system). Once we include the idea of being part of a cultural community, then such a feeling is clearly more significant, & Italy appears as a more "normal" nation than it usually seems. 10 Tables, 1 Figure, 48 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author approaches the culture of institutions, both theoretically and empirically, with case studies at the French National School of Administration and the European Commission. She discusses the way institutions, through the practices and discourses of their representatives and agents, construct their territories, perform activities and define political spaces. She asks why the institution has become a place of culture, while society, as a coherent whole is a concept that fades away in the wake of globalisation. Bureaucratic cultures cannot be treated in the same way as national, social or local culture. The agents of power institutions are not the objective agents of a neutral institution. There are power relations at work. Their culture is not the expression of a system but the particular declension of subsystems inside a more complex unit. ; L'auteur traite de la culture des institutions, au plan théorique et empirique, à partir des études de cas de l'Ecole Nationale d'Administration et de la Commission européenne. Elle analyse la manière dont les institutions, via les pratiques et les discours de leurs représentants et agents, construisent un territoire, développent des activités et définissent des espaces politiques. Elle s'interroge sur la raison pour laquelle l'institution est devenue un lieu de culture alors que la société, comme tout cohérent, est un concept qui disparaît dans le contexte de la mondialisation. Les cultures bureaucratiques ne peuvent être traitées de la même manière que les cultures locales, sociales ou nationales. Les agents des institutions de pouvoir ne sont pas les agents objectifs d'une institution neutre. Des relations de pouvoir sont en jeu. Leur culture n'est pas l'expression d'un système, mais la déclinaison particulière de sous systèmes inscrits dans une unité plus vaste. .
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In: Sciences humaines