Suchergebnisse

Rad promišlja i prikazuje interakciju globalizacije i kulture kao sustava značenja koji reguliraju društveni život, odnosno na općoj razini skicira i analizira neke teze glede odnosa kulture i globalizacije. Globalizacija je društvena, ekonomska, politička i kulturna činjenica suvremenog društva, totalni fenomen. Ona je sveprisutna pojava današnje epohe i ostavlja upečatljive tragove svoje nazočnosti u svim prostorima u kojima se odvija. Osnovni aspekti globalizacije su ekonomski i politički odnosi koji se razvijaju između zemalja i regija i sve više čine okvir nekoj vrsti kulturnoga međusobnog približavanja u kojemu izvjestan broj istih vrijednosti prolazi krozviše zemalja s tendencijom prema kulturnoj jednakosti.Globalizacijski proces uključuje sve veći broj kulturnih elemenata, proširuje prostorne, kvantitativne i kvalitativne dimenzije kulture, a uključivanjem sve većega broja ljudi potiče aktivno djelovanje kulture. U prošlosti i danas dodiri kultura su se skladno prožimali, ali i iskazivali dramatične i često konfliktne oblike. Istinsko življenje trebalo bi biti međusobno razumijevanje i poštovanje, sporazumijevanje i ravnopravna suradnja jer smisao čovjeka ogleda se u humanosti. ; This paper represents an analysis and an account of the interaction between globalization and culture as systems of meaning that regulate social life. In other words, the paper provides a general outline and insight into certain thesis regarding the relationship between culture and globalization. Globalization is a social, economic, political, and cultural fact of modern society, an absolute phenomenon. It is an omnipresent occurrence of today's epoch leaving significant traces of its presence wherever it occurs. The basic aspects of globalization refer to economic and political relations that develop between countries and regions and that increasingly represent a framework for closer cultural contacts within which a certain number of the same values pass through many countries with a tendency towards cultural equality.The globalization process includes an increasing number of cultural elements, it broadens the spatial, quantitative and qualitative dimensions of culture, and, by including an increasing number of people, promotes active functioning of culture. In past and at present cultural contacts have harmoniously interfused, but they have also taken dramatic and often conflicting forms. True living should consist of mutual understanding and respect, agreement and equal cooperation because the meaning of man is reflected in humanity.

Nacija predstavlja oblik političke organizacije povezan s modernosti. Nacionalne države su gradile standardne jezike i obrazovne sustave kako bi se formirala nacionalna identifikacije, budući da država teško može postojati bez nekog oblika kulturne bliskosti među svojim građanima. Bez zajedničkog identiteta, društvo je često podijeljeno i nedostaje mu solidarnosti. Europska unija je izgrađena na ekonomskim i političkim temeljima; no pokušava krivotvoriti osjećaj zajedničke pripadnosti i identiteta. Kao u slučaju nacionalne integracije, postoje dvije mogućnosti - europski identitet na temelju zajedničke kulture i europski identitet temeljen na zajedničkim političkim načelima. Prvi tip identiteta je teško krivotvoriti, s obzirom na europske kulturne i jezične raznolikosti. Drugi tip identiteta teško može biti osnova političke zajednice, a također se teško može postići zbog nepostojanja europskog medijskog prostora i zajedničkog javnog mnijenja. Stoga, autori ovog rada zaključuju da se Europska unija temelji na nestabilnim osnovama. ; Nation represents a form of political organization connected with modernity. National states had been building standard languages and educational systems in order to form national identification, since a state can hardly exist without some form of cultural closeness between its citizens. Without a common identity, a society is often divided and lacks solidarity. European Union was built on economical and political grounds; however it tries to forge a sense of common belonging and identity. As in the case of national integration, there are two possibilities – European identity based on the common culture, and European identity based on common political principles. The first type of identity is hard to forge, due to European cultural and linguistic diversity. The second type of identity can hardly form a basis of spolitical community, and also can hardly be achieved due to non-existence of European media space and common public opinion. Therefore, the authors of this paper conclude that European Union is based on unstable grounds.

The paper presents the results of research exploring the relationship between democratic school leadership and democratic school culture in primary schools. The research is based on the present knowledge that points to the significant role of principals in the process of developing and changing school culture (Fullan, 2005). The aim of the research was to determine the extent of primary teachers' perception regarding the level of development of selected characteristics of democratic school leadership and its connection to their estimate of the level of development of selected characteristics of democratic school culture. The research comprised 651 teachers from the City of Zagreb and Zagreb County. The research was conducted by means of a survey using a questionnaire containing two instruments: the Instrument for the measurement of characteristics of democratic school leadership (designed for the research) and the Instrument for the measurement of characteristics of democratic school culture (adopted from Spajić-Vrkaš, 2016). According to the teachers' perception, principals in the City of Zagreb and Zagreb County implement characteristics of democratic school leadership to a significant degree. They perceive the level of characteristics of democratic school culture as moderate. In addition, the research has determined a statistically significant high positive correlation between characteristics of democratic school leadership and democratic school culture. ; U radu je prikazano istraživanje u kojem je provjeren odnos između demokratskoga školskog vođenja i demokratske školske kulture u osnovnim školama. Istraživanje se temelji na dosadašnjim spoznajama koje upućuju na značajnu ulogu ravnatelja u razvoju i mijenjanju školske kulture (Fullan, 2005). Svrha je istraživanja utvrditi je li i u kojoj mjeri procjena učitelja osnovnih škola o stupnju razvij enosti odabranih obilježja demokratskoga školskog vođenja povezana s njihovom procjenom stupnja razvijenosti odabranih obilježja demokratske školske kulture. U istraživanju je sudjelovao 651 učitelj iz grada Zagreba i Zagrebačke županije. Istraživanje je provedeno anketnim ispitivanjem u kojem je korišten upitnik koji je sadržavao Instrument za mjerenje obilježja demokratskoga školskog vođenja (izrađen za potrebe istraživanja) i Instrument za mjerenje obilježja demokratske školske kulture (preuzet od Spajić-Vrkaš, 2016.). Prema percepciji učitelja ravnatelji u Gradu Zagrebu i Zagrebačkoj županiji u značajnoj mjeri implementiraju obilježja demokratskoga školskog vođenja te percipiraju da u školama postoji osrednja razina prisutnosti obilježja demokratske školske kulture. Nadalje, istraživanjem je utvrđena statistički značajna visoka pozitivna povezanost između obilježja demokratskoga školskog vođenja i demokratske školske kulture.

U ovom su radu analizirani stavovi srednjoškolaca prema selektiranim demokratskim vrijednostima, odnos između shvaćanja i sociodemografskih obilježja učenika srednjih škola te su uspoređena gledišta učenika, njihovih roditelja i profesora. Korišteni su podaci prikupljeni 1993. i 1998. godine u sklopu projekata "Genealogija i transfer modela interkulturalizma" i "Školski kurikulum i obilježja hrvatske nacionalne kulture". Analiza rezultata pokazala je da je 1998. godine došlo do znatnih promjena u stavovima srednjoškolaca prema demokratskim vrijednostima u odnosu prema prijašnjem istraživanju. Promjene se očituju u statistički značajno manjem stupnju prihvaćanja vrijednosti, i to prema sedamnaest, od ponuđenih devetnaest vrijednosti. Nadalje, u oba je istraživanja utvrđeno da varijable socioobrazovnog statusa znatno distingviraju ispitanike s obzirom na njihove stavove. Učenici s boljim uspjehom u školi, polaznici gimnazija i oni s višim obrazovnim aspiracijama i podrijetlom imaju pozitivniji odnos prema demokratskim vrijednostima. Velike su razlike utvrđene s obzirom na stupanj prihvaćanja vrijednosti između učenika, roditelja i profesora. Općenito, najveće slaganje sa svim ponuđenim vrijednostima iskazuju profesori, a najmanje učenici. ; This article analyses the attitudes of high school students towards selected democratic values and the relation between attitudes and socio-demographic characteristics, and compares the attitudes of students, their parents and teachers. The data were obtained during 1993 and 1998 within projects "Genealogy and transfer of models of interculturalism" and "School curriculum and characteristics of Croatian national culture". The analysis of the results showed the significant changes in students' attitudes towards democratic values in 1998 in comparison with the previous study. The changes are revealed through statistically significant lower degree of acceptance of 17 out of 19 suggested values. Furthermore, both studies showed that the variables of socio-educational status distinguish the subjects significantly in regard to their attitudes. Students with higher educational achievement, those attending the academic high schools and those with higher educational aspirations have more positive attitude towards democratic values. The significant differences were also found in the degree of acceptance of those values among students, parents and teachers. Generally, teachers showed the highest acceptance of all suggested values, while students showed the lowest. ; In dieser Arbeit werden Einstellungen der Mittelschüler zu den ausgewählten demokratischen Werten sowie das Verhältnis zwischen den Einstellungen und sozio-demographischen Merkmalen der befragten Mittelschüler analysiert und mit den Einstellungen ihrer Eltern und Lehrer verglichen. Die benutzten Daten wurden 1993 und 1998 im Rahmen von Projekten "Genealogie und Transfer des Interkulturalismusmodells" bzw. "Schulkurrikulum und Merkmale der kroatischen Nationalkultur" erhoben. Die Analyse der Ergebnisse zeigte, dass 1998 im Vergleich zu den früheren Untersuchungen zu bedeutenden Änderungen in den Einstellungen der Mittelschüler zu den demokratischen Werten gekommen ist. Diese Änderungen äußern sich in dem statistisch bedeutend geringeren Akzeptieren der vorgeschlagenen Werte, und zwar bei den siebzehn von neunzehn angeführten Werten. Weiterhin wurde in den beiden Untersuchungen festgestellt, dass sich die Befragten durch Variabeln ihrer sozialen Merkmale und ihrer Schulausbildung im Hinblick auf ihre Einstellungen gravierend unterscheiden. Schüler mit besseren Schulleistungen, Gymnasiasten sowie jene mit höheren Bildungsaspirationen und Herkunft haben eine positivere Stellung zu den demokratischen Werten. Bedeutende Abweichungen ergeben sich auch hinsichtlich der Akzeptanz der genannten Werte unter den Schülern, deren Eltern und Lehrern. Insgesamt finden die angebotenen Werte die höchste Zustimmung unter den befragten Lehrern, und die kleinste unter den Schülern.

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

Članak propituje doprinos hrvatske politologije razvoju demokracije u Hrvatskoj. Fokus analize je pojam kulture o kojem autor govori u pet koraka. U prvom koraku je određena u modernom ključu, u drugom kao različita od prirode, a u trećemu kao različita od društva. U četvrtom se unutar politike razlikuje politička kultura od političke ekonomije i političkih ustanova, no u petom se pokazuje da je kultura nosivi dio politike i kao politics i kao policy i kao polity. Na temelju tih odredaba pokazuje se da je matica hrvatske politologije zaokupljena pretežito i u sve većoj mjeri izučavanjem upravo predmeta koji na prvi pogled pripadaju politici kao kulturi, i to u užem smislu političke kulture, te da se ona sama reproducira kao politička kultura. ; The article discusses the contribution of Croatian political science to the development of democracy in Croatia. The focus of the analysis is the concept of culture which author talks about in five steps. In the first step it is understood in the modern key, in the second step as different for nature and in the third as different from society. In the fourth step author differentiates political culture from political economy and political institutions, but in the fifth part there is an attempt to show culture as a fundamental part of politics, policy and polity. On the basis of these insights author shows that the matrix of Croatian political science is more and more devoted to scientific investigation of politics as culture as both study of political culture and as a source of development as politics as culture.

Ovaj članak istražuje kako su pobunjeni Srbi u Republici Srpskoj Krajini (RSK) reinterpretirali narative Drugog svjetskog rata ne bi li opravdali svoj ustanak protiv demokratski izabrane hrvatske vlasti 1990. godine i ostvarili domaći i međunarodni legitimitet paradržavne tvorevine Republike Srpske Krajine. Dok su se znanstvenici već bavili uporabom kontroverznih simbola i rehabilitacijom kolaboratora iz Drugog svjetskog rata u Hrvatskoj kao strategijama kojima se služe nacionalističke elite, o kulturi sjećanja u Republici Srpskoj Krajini malo se pisalo. Na osnovi dokumenata zaplijenjenih nakon sloma Republike Srpske Krajine 1995. ovaj članak pokazuje kako nije samo vlada Franje Tuđmana odbacivala partizanske narative o bratstvu i jedinstvu, već se paralelan proces odigravao i u vodstvu Krajine. Konačno, odluka da šovinističku i ekstremističku interpretaciju prošlosti učini povijesnim temeljem svojih političkih ciljeva rezultirala je kriminaliziranom tvorevinom koja je završila tragično i po Srbe i po Hrvate koji su živjeli na teritoriju Republike Srpske Krajine ; Although in recent years a new generation of scholars have analyzed the transformation of memory politics, the use of controversial symbols from the Second World War, and the rehabilitation of collaborationists in Croatia since 1990, these processes in the Republic of Srpska Krajina (RSK) have received little attention. The rebel Croatian Serb leaders of this parastate, carved out of Croatian territory during the breakup of Yugoslavia, justified their rejection of the democratically elected government in Zagreb by claiming that Franjo Tuđman's administration had abandoned the antifascist legacy of the Partisans, which they alleged was the beginning of a new genocide against Serbs. However, this article, based on captured RSK documents, fieldwork, materials collected by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and interviews with individuals who had lived in the RSK, shows that the rebel Croatian Serb leadership had also abandoned the Partisan narrative during its short-lived existence. The RSK's new politics of memory resulted in the destruction of monuments that reflected Serb-Croat cooperation, the transformation of public space, and the introduction of symbols that likewise rejected the antifascist legacy. The decision by the Krajina Serb leaders to base their political goals on a chauvinist and extremist interpretation of the past, which excluded the possibility of co-existing with other national groups, ended tragically for both Serbs and Croats living on the territory of the RSK.