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Mediation is proving to be an effective way to manage conflicts in aconstructive way. But mediation not only helps to solve specific problems, because its potential encompasses aspects of greater complexity. Thus, mediation helps us to know ourselves better, to better understand others, and to use what we have learned to better manage future conflict situations. In asociety where there is no culture of agreement and where there is no education in the field of emotions, mediation becomes an adequate and effective tool to resolve conflicts in apeaceful and constructive manner. On the other hand, mediation allows the parties to take responsibility for the resolution of their own conflict, to be active agents in the process. The greater the citizens' participation in the different decision making processes, the more democratic asociety will be. That is why, in the restoration of social peace, citizenship should play arole as an active agent, and mediation is asuitable instrument for this purpose because the individuals in conflict find the way to solve it without third party impositions. ; Mediation is proving to be an effective way to manage conflicts in aconstructive way. But mediation not only helps to solve specific problems, because its potential encompasses aspects of greater complexity. Thus, mediation helps us to know ourselves better, to better understand others, and to use what we have learned to better manage future conflict situations. In asociety where there is no culture of agreement and where there is no education in the field of emotions, mediation becomes an adequate and effective tool to resolve conflicts in apeaceful and constructive manner. On the other hand, mediation allows the parties to take responsibility for the resolution of their own conflict, to be active agents in the process. The greater the citizens' participation in the different decision making processes, the more democratic asociety will be. That is why, in the restoration of social peace, citizenship should play arole as an active agent, and mediation is asuitable instrument for this purpose because the individuals in conflict find the way to solve it without third party impositions.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is an analysis of Witold Gombrowicz's position in reference to the archetype of Polish political culture. THE RESEARCH PROBLEMS AND METHODS: The main problem undertaken in the article is an analysis of Witold Gombrowicz's position in reference to the question of Polishness, its components, and its relationship to Latin civilization. The article is based on an analysis of Gombrowicz's Diary. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article begins with a synthetic outline of two fundamental issues: the Latinness of European civilization and the debate surrounding the archetype of Polish political culture. This is followed by what constitutes the main body of the article: an analysis of Gombrowicz's views on Polishness. RESEARCH RESULTS: The most important result of the scientific analysis conducted here is the indication of the main theses of Gombrowicz's understanding of Polishness and of the relationship between Polishness and Latin civilization. Gombrowicz's conception is presented as an innovative approach to the problem, transcending traditional takes on Polishness as a specific type of realism. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In his conclusions, the author indicates interpretative possibilities resulting from the perspective taken in the article, as well as areas that require further study, concerning such issues as the relationship between the Sonland and the Fatherland, and the culture of the Polish nobility during the "Saxon Era."

Celem artykułu jest charakterystyka dwóch kultur prawnych, tj. kultury władzy oraz kultury uzasadniania, sformułowanych przez Davida Dyzenhausa. Powyższa dystynkcja kultur zaproponowana przez kanadyjskiego teoretyka prawa stanowi interesujący głos w dyskusji nad tym, w jaki sposób wybrnąć z problemu wyznaczenia granic sprawowania władzy publicznej, a w konsekwencji również problemu bezkonfliktowego realizowania zasady podziału władzy. Najogólniej rzecz ujmując, w kulturze władzy uzasadnianie dla działania władzy jest konieczne na etapie jej ustanawiania, w momencie zaś jej ustanowienia władza nie widzi potrzeby uzasadniania swoich decyzji. W kulturze uzasadniania w sytuacji, gdy władza już została ustanowiona, reguły kultury uzasadniania nakazują władzy uzasadniać swoje wszystkie decyzje. Rekonstrukcja powyższych idei kultur prawnych została zilustrowana ostatnimi propozycjami zmian w ustawie o Sądzie Najwyższym. W konkluzji artykułu wskazano, że zaproponowane zmiany funkcjonowania Sądu Najwyższego są oczywistymi przykładami działań władzy ustawodawczej opartych na dyrektywach kultury władzy, co prowadzić może do naruszeń zasad państwa prawa. ; The aim of this article is to describe two legal cultures, namely the culture of authority and the culture of justification, as formulated by David Dyzenhaus. This distinction between legal cultures proposed by the Canadian theorist of law makes an interesting contribution to the discussion on how to make headway with the problem of determining the limits of public authority and, consequently, the problem of implementing the principle of the separation of powers in such a way that conflicts do not arise. In general, with the culture of authority, justification of the actions of an authority is necessary only when it is being established, and once its authority has been established, the authority sees no further need to justify its decisions. Whereas in the cultureof justification, after an authority has already been established, the rules of the culture of justification require that the authority continue to justify all its decisions. The reconstruction of these conceptions of legal cultures are illustrated by the recently proposed Act on the Supreme Court in Poland. The conclusion of the paper indicates that the proposed changes to the functioning of the Supreme Court are clear examples of legislative action based on the directives of a culture of authority, which may lead to violations of the rule of law.

The article starts with a series of questions concerning the relations between particular levels of adjustment and the forms and contents of the youths' participation in culture. Having commented on basic dilemmas of contemporary adjustment, the author distinguished and discussed five basic types of the youths' participation in culture, determined according to the criterion of the level of social adjustment. The first (the lowest) level consists in participation in massand pop-culture in institutional frames, with the elements of revolt and individualism. A characteristic feature of the second level of adjustment is the past association with local cultural institutions and the present participation in cultural institutions of more universal character. A determinant of the third level of adjustment is cultural superficiality and syncretism. The essence of the fourth level of adjustment is the continuity of interests and the past participation in school extracurricular activities. Finaly, a characteristic symptom of the fifth (the highest) level of adjustment is the autotelic (in the past) and pragmatic (at present) character of the reading habit. The article ends with the confrontation of the adjustment levels with the character of the youths' participation in culture. In that part the author synthetically discusses the stages and periods of adjustment in relation to the types of participation in culture. Here, the author distinguished eight types of participation in culture, starting from the simplest one (habitual), characterized by the mere participation in mass culture, and ending with the fullest and comprehensive participation, characterized i.a. by one's own creative activity. 10

Polityka zagraniczna UE w dziedzinie kultury jest stosunkowo nowym i mało zbadanym obszarem działalności UE. Jej funkcjonowanie określił traktat z Lizbony, nakładając nań kompetencje programująco-inicjatywne oraz reprezentacyjne Wysokiego Przedstawiciela Unii do spraw zagranicznych i bezpieczeństwa (WP), ESDZ oraz delegatur UE. Dyplomację kulturalną UE prowadzą również – na zasadzie partnerstwa z Unią – instytuty kultury państw członkowskich, zarejestrowane w Stowarzyszeniu Narodowych Instytutów Kultury Unii Europejskiej (EUNIC) oraz ich klastry regionalne. Artykuł ma za zadanie prześledzić w trybie analiz ewolucji priorytetów zawartych w relacjach zewnętrznych UE w dziedzinie kultury (a także analiz instytucjonalnych) oraz zweryfikować, czy instrumenty polityczne zastosowane wobec soft power UE są wystarczające dla efektywnego kształtowania wizerunku kulturowego Europy w świecie. Tezą niniejszego artykułu jest twierdzenie, że relacje zewnętrzne UE w sektorze kultury odznaczają się słabą polityką, dlatego nie mają szans osiągnąć fazy dojrzałości, tym samym tworzyć trwałych podstaw do cywilizacyjnego oddziaływania kultury europejskiej, rozumianej w sposób integracyjny, czyli jako realizacja paradygmatu "jedności w różnorodności". ; The EU's foreign policy in the field of culture is a relatively new and under-explored area of the EU activity. Its operation was defined by the Treaty of Lisbon, imposing on it programming and initiative and representation powers of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security (HR), the EEAS and EU Delegations. The EU cultural diplomacy is also conducted – on a partnership basis with the European Union – by the institutes of culture of the member states registered in the Association of National Institutes of European Union (EUNIC) and their regional Clusters. The article aims to follow in the evolution analysis mode the priorities contained in the EU's external relations in the field of culture (as well as institutional analysis) and verify whether the political instruments applied to the EU 'soft power' are sufficient to effectively shape Europe's cultural image in the world. The thesis of this article is that EU external relations in the cultural sector are characterized by poor politics, and therefore have no chance of reaching the maturity phase, thus creating a solid basis for the civilizational impact of European culture, understood in an integrative way, i.e. as the implementation of the "unity in diversity" paradigm.

Polityka zagraniczna UE w dziedzinie kultury jest stosunkowo nowym i mało zbadanym obszarem działalności UE. Jej funkcjonowanie określił traktat z Lizbony, nakładając nań kompetencje programująco-inicjatywne oraz reprezentacyjne Wysokiego Przedstawiciela Unii do spraw zagranicznych i bezpieczeństwa (WP), ESDZ oraz delegatur UE. Dyplomację kulturalną UE prowadzą również – na zasadzie partnerstwa z Unią – instytuty kultury państw członkowskich, zarejestrowane w Stowarzyszeniu Narodowych Instytutów Kultury Unii Europejskiej (EUNIC) oraz ich klastry regionalne. Artykuł ma za zadanie prześledzić w trybie analiz ewolucji priorytetów zawartych w relacjach zewnętrznych UE w dziedzinie kultury (a także analiz instytucjonalnych) oraz zweryfikować, czy instrumenty polityczne zastosowane wobec soft power UE są wystarczające dla efektywnego kształtowania wizerunku kulturowego Europy w świecie. Tezą niniejszego artykułu jest twierdzenie, że relacje zewnętrzne UE w sektorze kultury odznaczają się słabą polityką, dlatego nie mają szans osiągnąć fazy dojrzałości, tym samym tworzyć trwałych podstaw do cywilizacyjnego oddziaływania kultury europejskiej, rozumianej w sposób integracyjny, czyli jako realizacja paradygmatu "jedności w różnorodności". ; The EU's foreign policy in the field of culture is a relatively new and under-explored area of the EU activity. Its operation was defined by the Treaty of Lisbon, imposing on it programming and initiative and representation powers of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security (HR), the EEAS and EU Delegations. The EU cultural diplomacy is also conducted – on a partnership basis with the European Union – by the institutes of culture of the member states registered in the Association of National Institutes of European Union (EUNIC) and their regional Clusters. The article aims to follow in the evolution analysis mode the priorities contained in the EU's external relations in the field of culture (as well as institutional analysis) and verify whether the political instruments applied to the EU 'soft power' are sufficient to effectively shape Europe's cultural image in the world. The thesis of this article is that EU external relations in the cultural sector are characterized by poor politics, and therefore have no chance of reaching the maturity phase, thus creating a solid basis for the civilizational impact of European culture, understood in an integrative way, i.e. as the implementation of the "unity in diversity" paradigm.

Celem poniższego artykułu jest przeprowadzenie analizy na temat kultury strategicznej Węgier po zmianach ustrojowych. Poznanie węgierskiej kultury strategicznej jest niezbędne do zrozumienia decyzji strategicznych i politycznych dotyczących bezpieczeństwo dla sojuszników oraz partnerów politycznych. Węgierska strategia opiera się między innymi na położeniu geopolitycznym, doświadczeniach historycznych o sytuacji wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej. Węgry są małym krajem, co uwarunkuje jego kulturę strategiczną. Kraj podobnie jak inne państwa w regionie po upadku Układu Warszawskiego jednoznacznie określił cel strategiczny - dołączenie się do struktury euroatlantyckiej. Najważniejszymi momentami okresu badanego jest zaproszenie do Organizacji Traktatu Północnoatlantyckiego w 1999 roku oraz dołączenie do Unii Europejskiej w 2004 roku. W badanym okresie 1990-2020 zostało wydanych 5 strategii bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Dokumenty te są podstawą do analizy kierunku rozwoju, jak i współpracy w aspekcie bezpieczeństwa kraju. Węgry od zmian ustrojowych prowadzili pokojową politykę w regionie. Mimo zgrzytów historycznych ciągnących się od dwóch wojen światowych, traktaty pokojowe nie zostały głównym elementem kultury nienawiści i wrogości. Najnowsza strategia z 2020 roku wydana na początku pandemii Sars-CoV-2 jest jedną z najbardziej rozbudowaną od 1990 roku. Mimo 30 lat od zmianach ustrojowych nie można mówić o własnej kulturze strategicznej Węgier. Kraj o małej potencjale społeczno-gospodarczym w dobie globalizacji nie ma możliwości tworzenia własnej kultury strategicznej bez uwzględnienia otoczenia a także sojuszników i organizacji międzynarodowych działających w regionie. Wynika to między innymi z charakteru uchwalenia i pracy nad strategią. Analiza opiera się na analizach dokumentów strategicznych w okresie 1990-2020, a także literatury węgierskiej. Ze względu na analizy dokumentów i literatury można wywnioskować charakterystyczne cechy kultury strategicznej regionu Środkowej Europy, a także doświadczenia historyczne z czasów zimnej wojny i strefy wschodniej do której Węgry należą. ; The aim of the article is to analyze the strategic culture of Hungary after the political changes in 1990. Getting to know the Hungarian strategic culture it is inevitable to understand the strategic political decisions regarding security for political allies and partners. The Hungarian strategy is based, inter alia, on the geopolitical situation, historical experience, internal and external situation. Hungary's culture is conducted by small countries situation. The country, similarly, to others in the region after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, clearly defined its strategic goals, which included the joining the Euro-Atlantic structures. The most important moments of the analyzed period are the invitation to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 1999 and joining to the European Union in 2004. In the period from 1990 to 2020, five national strategies were issued. These documents are the basis for the analysis of development directions and cooperation in the aspect of security. Since the political changes, Hungary has pursued a peaceful policy in the region. Even the historical experiences of the two lost world wars and peace treaties, did not remain the main element of the Hungarian culture of hatred and hostility. The latest strategy from 20202, released at the beginning of the Sars-CoV-2 pandemic, is one of the most extensive strategy since 1990. Despite 30 years after the political changes, it is impossible to speak of Hungary's own strategic culture. A country with a small socio-economic potential in the era of globalization cannot create its own strategic culture without considering its location, allies and international organizations operating in the region. This is due, inter alia, to the nature of the adoption and work on the strategy. The analysis is based on analyzes of strategic documents in the period 1990-2020, as well as Hungarian literature. Due to the analysis of documents and literature it is possible to deduce the characteristic features of the strategic culture of the Central European region as well as historical experiences from the Cold War and the Eastern zone to which Hungary belongs.

Celem artykułu jest charakterystyka procesu funkcjonowania demokracji w Polsce w ciągu ostatniej dekady. Główna hipoteza badawcza postawiona w artykule brzmi: Kultura polityczna ma kluczowy wpływ na proces funkcjonowania demokracji w Polsce. Celem autora była charakterystyka procesu rywalizacji politycznej oraz czynników określających (warunkujących) proces konsolidacji demokracji. Tekst ma charakter interdyscyplinarny, problem badawczy został przeanalizowany z perspektywy politologicznej, socjologicznej i filozoficznej. Weryfikując hipotezę postawioną w pracy, zauważono, iż występuje duże prawdopodobieństwo, że to właśnie niska kultura polityczna ma negatywny wpływ na funkcjonowanie demokracji w Polsce. Próba analizy problemu badawczego może wnieść istotny wkład w dalsze badanie procesu funkcjonowania demokracji w Polsce. ; The aim of the article is to describe the process of democracy as it has been functioning in Poland over the last decade. The main research hypothesis in the article is that the political culture has had a crucial impact on the functioning of democracy in Poland. The author's goal was to describe the process of political rivalry and the determinants of the process of consolidating democracy. The text is of an interdisciplinary character, since the research problem has been analyzed from the political, sociological and philosophical perspectives. While verifying the hypothesis put forward, it was observed that it is the low level of political culture that is very likely to have a negative impact on the functioning of democracy in Poland. An attempt to analyze the research problem may make a significant contribution to further study of the process of consolidating democracy in Poland.

The aim of the article is to describe the process of democracy as it has been functioning in Poland over the last decade. The main research hypothesis in the article is that the political culture has had a crucial impact on the functioning of democracy in Poland. The author's goal was to describe the process of political rivalry and the determinants of the process of consolidating democracy. The text is of an interdisciplinary character, since the research problem has been analyzed from the political, sociological and philosophical perspectives. While verifying the hypothesis put forward, it was observed that it is the low level of political culture that is very likely to have a negative impact on the functioning of democracy in Poland. An attempt to analyze the research problem may make a significant contribution to further study of the process of consolidating democracy in Poland. ; Celem artykułu jest charakterystyka procesu funkcjonowania demokracji w Polsce w ciągu ostatniej dekady. Główna hipoteza badawcza postawiona w artykule brzmi: Kultura polityczna ma kluczowy wpływ na proces funkcjonowania demokracji w Polsce. Celem autora była charakterystyka procesu rywalizacji politycznej oraz czynników określających (warunkujących) proces konsolidacji demokracji. Tekst ma charakter interdyscyplinarny, problem badawczy został przeanalizowany z perspektywy politologicznej, socjologicznej i filozoficznej. Weryfikując hipotezę postawioną w pracy, zauważono, iż występuje duże prawdopodobieństwo, że to właśnie niska kultura polityczna ma negatywny wpływ na funkcjonowanie demokracji w Polsce. Próba analizy problemu badawczego może wnieść istotny wkład w dalsze badanie procesu funkcjonowania demokracji w Polsce.

Celem artykułu było zasygnalizowanie głównych kierunków ewolucji polskich obyczajów i postaw politycznych, dających się dostrzec dzięki analizie polskiej parlamentarnej debaty budżetowej przeprowadzanej w okresie 2001–2010. Refleksji poddano tu przebieg pierwszych czytań debat z lat 2001–2010, przy czym przedmiotem uwagi uczyniono dwa pola opisu: ilościowe – uwarunkowania regulaminowe, forma (debata długa, średnia), uczestnicy – liczba, funkcja (we władzy wykonawczej, w parlamencie, w klubie parlamentarnym) oraz jakościowe – wybrane elementy semantyki i pragmatyki języka debaty – poparcie lub odmowa poparcia dla propozycji rządu (tu ograniczono się do dwóch wybranych debat – z 2002 roku i z 2010 roku). Wnioski wynikające z podjętej analizy wskazują na malejące (w przeciwieństwie do deklaracji głoszonych przez jej uczestników) znaczenie debaty budżetowej, na jej pozorną profesjonalizację i rzeczywistą, owocującą zjawiskami związanymi z mediatyzacją i tabloidyzacją polityki, polityzację. ; The aim of the article "Polish political culture in the light of the parliamentary budgetary debates from 2001–2010. Selected aspects" is to point out the main directions of the evolution of the Polish customs and political attitudes that can be seen by analyzing the Polish parliamentary budget debates carried out in the period from 2001–2010. The course of the first debate readings from 2001 to 2010 has been examined, where attention is focused on two areas of description: quantitative – the conditions of the regulations, the form (long or medium debate), the participants, including their number and function (regarding executive power, parliament, and parliamentary club), and qualitative – selected semantic and pragmatic elements of the debate language in support of or opposed to the government proposals (here reduced to the two selected debates from 2002 and 2010). As opposed to the declarations made by the participants, the conclusions resulting from this analysis indicate the decreasing importance of the budget debate, as well as its apparent professionalization and actual politicization, resulting in phenomena related to the mediatization and tabloidization of politics.

This book aims at revealing the trends of development of the spoken Polish language in Lithuania and drawing attention to the impact of the Russian, Lithuanian and Belarusian languages on contemporary Polish which is currently used in Lithuania. Based on the results of observing the formal and informal use of the Polish language in a public space as well as in private the publication presents a socio-linguistic approach regarding the issues concerning the language culture. The greatest focus falls on the elimination of the most frequent mistakes penetrating the formal speaking. The didactic teaching resource has been developed based on the programme of contemporary advanced Polish and it is designed for students studying humanitarian sciences in Vilnius University and those who are concerned with correctness of the Polish language. The book consists of theoretical and practical parts; the material of the latter is divided into 12 topics. Each topic is finished with self-control tasks which may be used by students for testing their knowledge and skills. The reference list is provided at the very end of the publication. The fact that Polish is primarily used as the spoken language in Lithuania is taken into consideration in the thesis. The Poles use the Polish language in a private environment, they use it for communication with family members (especially with people of older generations). The language is also used in informal situations in a public space, i.e. when communicating with neighbours and acquaintances. In the latter case other languages are used as well. Almost all Poles residing in Lithuania know three languages (Lithuanian, Russian and Polish); "the new Polish intellectuals" (Kurzowa 1992: 131) speak standard Polish at home. The goal of the lectures is to promote the language culture and linguistic self-awareness as it will influence further linguistic changes. The analysis focuses on lexical changes which have been taking place during the last decades in the language of Lithuanian Polish intellectuals. Linguistic processes which are taking place are similar to the development of the standard Polish language (new terms for economic, political, educational and cultural phenomena emerge, new connotations are attributed to the words); nevertheless, specific features of the Polish language used in Lithuania remain and the development itself is slower. The quality of said changes depends on the impact made by Lithuanian and Russian languages, new words corresponding with the Lithuanian realia are created, new borrowings from Lithuanian and Russian appear, dialecticisms are used as well as linguistic elements of social varieties. The interferential lexis is characteristic of many phraseological novelties related to phenomena of the social and economic nature. Many officially used phraseological novelties have a colloquial connotation; the stylistic and expressive evaluation of the contemporary Polish language are thus neutralised, for instance, stylistic and linguistic means, which do not correspond with the standards of the official language, namely colloquial words, abbreviations, dialecticisms and expressive borrowings, may be observed in mass media. Lectures promote the culture of the Polish language, since the knowledge of the standard Polish language would allow understanding the rapidly changing contemporary Polish culture and participating in the dialogue between Poland and Lithuania.

This book aims at revealing the trends of development of the spoken Polish language in Lithuania and drawing attention to the impact of the Russian, Lithuanian and Belarusian languages on contemporary Polish which is currently used in Lithuania. Based on the results of observing the formal and informal use of the Polish language in a public space as well as in private the publication presents a socio-linguistic approach regarding the issues concerning the language culture. The greatest focus falls on the elimination of the most frequent mistakes penetrating the formal speaking. The didactic teaching resource has been developed based on the programme of contemporary advanced Polish and it is designed for students studying humanitarian sciences in Vilnius University and those who are concerned with correctness of the Polish language. The book consists of theoretical and practical parts; the material of the latter is divided into 12 topics. Each topic is finished with self-control tasks which may be used by students for testing their knowledge and skills. The reference list is provided at the very end of the publication. The fact that Polish is primarily used as the spoken language in Lithuania is taken into consideration in the thesis. The Poles use the Polish language in a private environment, they use it for communication with family members (especially with people of older generations). The language is also used in informal situations in a public space, i.e. when communicating with neighbours and acquaintances. In the latter case other languages are used as well. Almost all Poles residing in Lithuania know three languages (Lithuanian, Russian and Polish); "the new Polish intellectuals" (Kurzowa 1992: 131) speak standard Polish at home. The goal of the lectures is to promote the language culture and linguistic self-awareness as it will influence further linguistic changes. The analysis focuses on lexical changes which have been taking place during the last decades in the language of Lithuanian Polish intellectuals. Linguistic processes which are taking place are similar to the development of the standard Polish language (new terms for economic, political, educational and cultural phenomena emerge, new connotations are attributed to the words); nevertheless, specific features of the Polish language used in Lithuania remain and the development itself is slower. The quality of said changes depends on the impact made by Lithuanian and Russian languages, new words corresponding with the Lithuanian realia are created, new borrowings from Lithuanian and Russian appear, dialecticisms are used as well as linguistic elements of social varieties. The interferential lexis is characteristic of many phraseological novelties related to phenomena of the social and economic nature. Many officially used phraseological novelties have a colloquial connotation; the stylistic and expressive evaluation of the contemporary Polish language are thus neutralised, for instance, stylistic and linguistic means, which do not correspond with the standards of the official language, namely colloquial words, abbreviations, dialecticisms and expressive borrowings, may be observed in mass media. Lectures promote the culture of the Polish language, since the knowledge of the standard Polish language would allow understanding the rapidly changing contemporary Polish culture and participating in the dialogue between Poland and Lithuania.

When examining Polish political thought, one cannot help but notice that what engages Polish thinkers in reflection on the state and society is the problem of freedom. This is a characteristic feature of Polish political thought and is responsible for the special nature of the heritage of Polish political culture. In the secondary literature,the idea even appears that – historically – the fate of Poland and Polish people in the cultural, intellectual, and political spheres can be understood as, on the one hand, a reflection on the "republican paradigm" characteristic of Polish culture, and on the other, as this paradigm's impact (positive or negative) on the history of Polandand Poles. The goal of this article is to attempt to explain the idea of republicanism in the socio-political thought of Joachim Lelewel. In the article, we propose the thesis that if – according to assumptions accepted by scholars – the archetype of every nation is, by definition, unchanging and untranslatable into any other archetype, and Lelewel defines it as republican, then in his view: firstly, Polish republicanism is distinct from European republicanism; and secondly, political life in Poland can only be organized within the bounds of the "republican paradigm." The success of Poland depends upon whether the value of this paradigm will be recognized. However paradoxical it may sound, the requirement for "strong rule" in Poland consists in taking into account the "republican soul" of Poles. We also point to the issue – raised by Lelewel – of the fundamental "distinctness" of the archetype of Polish political culture (which is subsumed within the "republican paradigm") from the archetype of European culture. ; Badając polską myśl polityczną, nie sposób nie zauważyć, że tym, co łączy refleksję polskich myślicieli nad państwem i społeczeństwem, jest problem wolności. Jest on wyróżnikiem polskiej myśli politycznej i stanowi o szczególnym charakterze dorobku polskiej kultury politycznej. Pojawia się nawet sformułowanie, iż koleje losów Polski i Polaków zarówno w sferze kulturowo-intelektualnej, jak i będącej z nią w koniecznym związku historii politycznej, można ująć jako z jednej strony refleksję nad charakterystycznym dla polskiej kultury "paradygmatem republikańskim", a z drugiej jako jego oddziaływanie (pozytywne lub negatywne) na dzieje Polski i Polaków. Celem tego artykułu jest próba zrozumienia idei republikanizmu w myśli społeczno-politycznej Joachima Lelewela, który jest wyrazicielem i apologetą "paradygmatu republikańskiego". W artykule zostaje postawiona teza, iż jeżeli – w myśl przyjętych przez badaczy założeń – archetyp kultury każdego narodu na mocy pojęcia jest niezmienny i nieprzekładalny na inny archetyp, a Lelewel ujmuje go jako republikański – to w jego ujęciu – po pierwsze; republikanizmpolski jest odmienny od republikanizmu europejskiego, po drugie życie polityczne w Polsce można organizować wyłącznie w ramach "paradygmatu republikańskiego". Od uznania wartości tego paradygmatu zależy powodzenie Polski. Jakkolwiek brzmi to paradoksalnie: warunkiem "silnej władzy", stabilnej i skutecznej, jest uwzględnienie przez nią "republikańskiej duszy Polaków". Autorka wskazuje również na podnoszony przez Lelewela problem fundamentalnej "odmienności" archetypu polskiej kultury politycznej, którą tworzy "paradygmat republikański", od archetypu kultury Europy.

The intention of the author of this paper is to present a scientific analysis of the influence of culture and the cultural diplomacy of the European Union on the animation and stimulation of Europe's integration process, which is in a constant state of perturbation and lack of stability. It examines the problem-related approach to the European Union's change and development strategy, including the "Europe 2020" strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, which envisages the implementation of many new communal initiatives and practical solutions introduced by the European Union, including ones that concern both the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector. The European Union, from 2020 onwards, intends to be ready to reach a high level of employment and efficiency, and a higher level of social integration. To enable this, the European Union must ensure attractive framework conditions for innovation and creativity. In that respect, the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector are the source of groundbreaking ideas which may develop into products and services that could contribute to economic growth and job creation, thereby fighting the crisis and social problems. The economic and social crisis in Europe has also been influencing the world of culture. A series of problematic issues associated with the fragmentation of culture and its inventions are identified, including globalisation and digitalisation, underinvestment, inadequate protection of intellectual property and copyright, and insufficient international cultural cooperation. ; The intention of the author of this paper is to present a scientific analysis of the influence of culture and the cultural diplomacy of the European Union on the animation and stimulation of Europe's integration process, which is in a constant state of perturbation and lack of stability. It examines the problem-related approach to the European Union's change and development strategy, including the "Europe 2020" strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, which envisages the implementation of many new communal initiatives and practical solutions introduced by the European Union, including ones that concern both the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector. The European Union, from 2020 onwards, intends to be ready to reach a high level of employment and efficiency, and a higher level of social integration. To enable this, the European Union must ensure attractive framework conditions for innovation and creativity. In that respect, the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector are the source of groundbreaking ideas which may develop into products and services that could contribute to economic growth and job creation, thereby fighting the crisis and social problems. The economic and social crisis in Europe has also been influencing the world of culture. A series of problematic issues associated with the fragmentation of culture and its inventions are identified, including globalisation and digitalisation, underinvestment, inadequate protection of intellectual property and copyright, and insufficient international cultural cooperation.

Celem artykułu było zasygnalizowanie głównych kierunków ewolucji polskich obyczajów i postaw politycznych, dających się dostrzec dzięki analizie polskiej parlamentarnej debaty budżetowej przeprowadzanej w okresie 2001–2010. Refleksji poddano tu przebieg pierwszych czytań debat z lat 2001–2010, przy czym przedmiotem uwagi uczyniono dwa pola opisu: ilościowe – uwarunkowania regulaminowe, forma (debata długa, średnia), uczestnicy – liczba, funkcja (we władzy wykonawczej, w parlamencie, w klubie parlamentarnym) oraz jakościowe – wybrane elementy semantyki i pragmatyki języka debaty – poparcie lub odmowa poparcia dla propozycji rządu (tu ograniczono się do dwóch wybranych debat – z 2002 roku i z 2010 roku). Wnioski wynikające z podjętej analizy wskazują na malejące (w przeciwieństwie do deklaracji głoszonych przez jej uczestników) znaczenie debaty budżetowej, na jej pozorną profesjonalizację i rzeczywistą, owocującą zjawiskami związanymi z mediatyzacją i tabloidyzacją polityki, polityzację. ; The aim of the article "Polish political culture in the light of the parliamentary budgetary debates from 2001–2010. Selected aspects" is to point out the main directions of the evolution of the Polish customs and political attitudes that can be seen by analyzing the Polish parliamentary budget debates carried out in the period from 2001–2010. The course of the first debate readings from 2001 to 2010 has been examined, where attention is focused on two areas of description: quantitative – the conditions of the regulations, the form (long or medium debate), the participants, including their number and function (regarding executive power, parliament, and parliamentary club), and qualitative – selected semantic and pragmatic elements of the debate language in support of or opposed to the government proposals (here reduced to the two selected debates from 2002 and 2010). As opposed to the declarations made by the participants, the conclusions resulting from this analysis indicate the decreasing importance of the budget debate, as well as its apparent professionalization and actual politicization, resulting in phenomena related to the mediatization and tabloidization of politics.