Suchergebnisse

Ovaj članak analizira razlike između konsocijacijske i centrifugalne demokracije, nudeći pojmovni pregled tih dvaju modela i uspoređujući ih na primjerima Švicarske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Po prvi se put modelu demokracije u Bosni i Hercegovini pripisuje pojam centrifugalne demokracije. Takvo određenje potvrđuje se analizom povijesnog razvoja institucija te analizom postojećih glavnih društvenih rascjepa i sukoba među političkom elitom. Razvoj konsocijacijske demokracije na primjeru Švicarske analizira se od 1848. godine, a centrifugalna demokracija u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1878. godine. U članku se također razmatraju "politički korektivi" koji stabiliziraju i aktivno usmjeravaju rad političkih elita u Švicarskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. To su referendum i pučka inicijativa u prvom slučaju te prisutnost međunarodne zajednice u drugom slučaju. Zaključno se razmatra možebitni proces transformacije bosanskohercegovačkog poretka iz centrifugalne u konsocijacijsku demokraciju i oprimjeruje se potencijalnim inovacijama u institucionalnom dizajnu koje bi slijedile švicarski model. ; This paper analyzes differences between consociational and centrifugal democracy. It offers a conceptual framework for the two models and compares them through the Swiss and Bosnian Herzegovinian cases. For the first time, the concept of centrifugal democracy is attributed to the Bosnian-Herzegovinian model of democracy. This attribution is confirmed through an analysis of the historical institutional development, and of existing cleavages and conflicts among political elites. The development of Swiss consociational democracy is examined since 1848, while the development of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy is assessed since 1878. The paper also considers "political correctives", which stabilize and direct the work of political elites in Switzerland and Bosnia and Herzegovina. These comprise referenda and popular initiatives in the first case and international community in the second case. The paper concludes with an assessment of a possible process of transformation of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy into consociational democracy, and provides examples of potential institutional innovations that would follow the Swiss model.

Tržište energetskih mineralnih sirovina predstavlja kompleksne odnose ponude i potražnje dobara koje ovise o velikome broju čimbenika i rizika koje nose sa sobom. Rizici koji se pojavljuju mogu se podijeliti na tehnološke, ekonomske, političke, geopolitičke i druge. Tehnološki rizici mogu se javiti u svim segmentima poslovanja od istraživanja do transporta. Energetski ekonomski rizici uključuju moguće gubitke zbog, primjerice, pada cijena sirove nafte, porasta troškova za eksploataciju nafte, požara u rafineriji i sl. Osim energetskih ekonomskih rizika u obzir je potrebno uzeti i financijske rizike. Financijski rizici odnose se na moguće gubitke zbog promjena vrijednosti financijske imovine koju su izdale energetske kompanije, a mogu se podijeliti na: tržišni rizik, kreditni rizik, rizik likvidnosti, operativni rizik i pravni rizik. Zbog velike promjenjivosti cijena energije energetske kompanije rizike eliminiraju ili smanjuju na najmanju moguću mjeru energetskim financijskim derivatima, i to terminskim ugovorima te opcijama. Specifičnosti energetskih tržišta leže u nerazmjernoj geografskoj distribuciji rezervi energenata i eksploatacije s jedne te potrošnje energenata s druge strane. Tržišta nafte u svijetu, iako su zbog trgovine određenim markerima geografski lokalizirana, čine jedinstveno globalno tržište nafte sa sve manjim cjenovnim razlikama ponajprije zbog transportnih mogućnosti dobave nafte. Razvojem tehnologije ukapljivanja plina (UPP) sve je veći pritisak i na plinska tržišta i njihovu integraciju u globalno tržište, što je jedna od trenutačnih inicijativa unutar EU-a, iako su još uvijek znatne cjenovne razlike na pojedinim plinskim tržištima u svijetu (Sjedinjene Američke Države, Jugoistočna Azija). Razvoj globalnih energetskih tržišta omogućen je razvojem trgovine terminskih i opcijskih ugovora za trgovinu energentima koji su zamijenili prethodne bilateralne dogovore o kupoprodaji energenata između proizvođača i potrošača. Terminski su ugovori standardizirani ugovori kojima kupac pristaje kupiti određenu količinu robe (npr. sirove nafte) po određenoj cijeni s isporukom na neki datum u budućnosti. Prednosti su terminskih tržišta cjenovna transparentnost i informacije oko očekivanih cijena proizvoda. Opcijski ugovor sporazum je između prodavača i kupca koji kupcu ugovora daje pravo na kupnju ili prodaju određene robe po određenoj cijeni u budućnosti. Cijenu opcije određuje cijena temeljne imovine, cijena iskorištenja, rizik imovine, vrijeme dospijeća te kamatna stopa. Kupci i prodavači mogu upravljati rizikom promjene cijene kupnjom ili prodajom terminskih i opcijskih ugovora. Rizik se može potpuno eliminirati, ograničiti ili se katkad može preuzeti neuobičajeno velik rizik, za neku naknadu, što omogućuju terminska i opcijska tržišta koja su analizirana u radu kao i strategije trgovanja na njima. ; Energy mineral resources markets are represented by complex supply and demand ratios which are depending on different factors such as technical (transport) and geopolitical. The main specific of energy markets is represented by an uneven geographic distribution of hydrocarbon reserves and exploration on one hand and energy consumption on the other. World oil markets, although geographically localized, because of specific market trade, represent unique global market with decreasing price difference. Price differences are result of development of a transport possibilities of oil supply. Development of transport routes of natural gas and increasing number of liquefied natural gas terminals in the world give pressure to natural gas market and its integration into global gas market. Integration of regional gas markets into a common European gas market is main energy policy of EU concerning natural gas. On the other hand, there are still significant price differences on some markets (e.g. United States of America - South East Asia). Development of global energy markets is enabled by development of a futures and options contracts of an energy trade which have replaced bilateral contract deals between producers and consumers. Futures contracts are standardized contracts traded on exchanges. Buyer agrees to buy certain quantity of stock for an agreed upon price and with some future delivery date. Option is a contract which gives a buyer the option of the right to buy (or sell, depending on the option) an asset at predetermined price and at a later date. Stocks price risk can be managed with the purchase and selling futures and options contracts. This paper deals with futures and options energy markets and their market strategies.

The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run. ; The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run.

Pravilno određeni i na jasan način prikazani načela, ciljevi i instrumenti temeljne su odrednice za uspješno uspostavljanje i provođenje pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije i njezinih zemalja članica, a kako bi se razvio efektivan prometni i pomorski sustav uz istovremeni gospodarski rast utemeljen na sustavu održivog razvoja potrebna je usklađenost nacionalne politike s determinantama pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije, uz respektiranje osobitih značajki pomorskog tržišta. Europska unija svojim programima, strategijama i projektima nastoji pomoći u razvitku svojih zemalja članica, te financiranjima i ograničenjima uvesti i održavati mir i sigurnost u teritorijalnim oblastima Europskog kontinenta, uz stvaranje međunarodne suradnje i očuvanja ljudskih prava i demokracije. ; Properly defined and clearly presented principles, goals and instruments are fundamental determinants for the successful establishment and implementation of maritime and transport policy of the European Union and its Member States, in order to develop an effective transport and maritime system with simultaneous economic growth based on sustainable development. It is necessary to harmonize the national policy with the determinants of the maritime and transport policy of the European Union, while respecting the special features of the maritime market. Through its programs, strategies and projects, the European Union seeks to help the development of its member states, and to introduce and maintain peace and security in the territorial areas of the European continent with funding and restrictions, while creating international cooperation and preserving human rights and democracy.

Pravilno određeni i na jasan način prikazani načela, ciljevi i instrumenti temeljne su odrednice za uspješno uspostavljanje i provođenje pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije i njezinih zemalja članica, a kako bi se razvio efektivan prometni i pomorski sustav uz istovremeni gospodarski rast utemeljen na sustavu održivog razvoja potrebna je usklađenost nacionalne politike s determinantama pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije, uz respektiranje osobitih značajki pomorskog tržišta. Europska unija svojim programima, strategijama i projektima nastoji pomoći u razvitku svojih zemalja članica, te financiranjima i ograničenjima uvesti i održavati mir i sigurnost u teritorijalnim oblastima Europskog kontinenta, uz stvaranje međunarodne suradnje i očuvanja ljudskih prava i demokracije. ; Properly defined and clearly presented principles, goals and instruments are fundamental determinants for the successful establishment and implementation of maritime and transport policy of the European Union and its Member States, in order to develop an effective transport and maritime system with simultaneous economic growth based on sustainable development. It is necessary to harmonize the national policy with the determinants of the maritime and transport policy of the European Union, while respecting the special features of the maritime market. Through its programs, strategies and projects, the European Union seeks to help the development of its member states, and to introduce and maintain peace and security in the territorial areas of the European continent with funding and restrictions, while creating international cooperation and preserving human rights and democracy.

ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance is a web exhibition of atlases from the Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences of the University of Bristol (http://uobatlases.net/). It includes atlases produced between 1570 to approximately 1970.The exhibition consists of four thematic parts. Renaissance Theatres contains famous and les famous atlases produced between the end of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century, such as atlases by Ortelius (1574), Camden (1610), Speed (1611) and four atlas tomes by Blaeu (1645). Rhetoric of Truth contains geological and archaeological atlases from the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. However, Rhetoric of Truth is not only limited to renaissance, but it also encompasses first computer generated atlases, e.g. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) and others. The Colonial Gaze focuses on atlases applied in colonial projects and land exploitation in Africa and the Caribbean Islands, as well as in circulation of race theories in Europe and North America at the end of the 19th century. The last part, National Identities and Conflict explores the role of atlas as a powerful instrument for visualizing conflicts and shaping territorial-political ideas in the 20th century. ; ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance je izložba na mreži atlasa iz Specijalne zbirke i Škole geografskih znanosti (Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences) Sveučilišta u Bristolu (http://uobatlases.net/). Uključeni su atlasi od 1570. do približno 1970. godine.Izložba obuhvaća četiri tematske cjeline. Renaissance Theatres sadrži slavne i manje poznate atlase od kraja 16. do sredine 17. stoljeća., među ostalim, Orteliusov atlas iz 1574., Camdenov iz 1610., Speedov iz 1611. i četiri toma Blaeuova atlasa iz 1645. Rhetoric of Truth sadrži geološke i arheološke atlase iz 18. i početka 19. stoljeća. Međutim, cjelina Rhetoric of Truth nije ograničena samo na stoljeća prosvjetiteljstva već prožima i prve računalno generirane atlase poput npr. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) i neke druge. Treća cjelina The Colonial Gaze fokusirana je na atlase koji su primjenjivani u provedbi kolonijalnih projekata i eksploataciji zemljišta u Africi i na Karibima, ali i cirkulaciji rasnih teorija krajem 19. stoljeća u Europi i Sjevernoj Americi. Posljednji dio National Identities and Conflict istražuje ulogu atlasa kao moćnog instrumenta za vizualizaciju sukoba i oblikovanje teritorijalno-političkih ideja u 20. stoljeću.

U posljednjih 15-tak godina hrvatska politièka elita nije dovoljno uèinila na planu "debalkanizacije" lokalne uprave u RH koju obilježava korupcija, nepotizam, bahatost, glomaznost i neodgovornost. Nužno je stoga uspostaviti weberijanski model racionalne uprave koju, između ostaloga, obilježava načelo sine ira et studio. ; The territory of the Republic of Croatia was until the adoption of the Local Sel fgovernment and Administration Act of December 1992 divided into municipalities (102 in 1990) and associations of municipalities (10) which were local units at the regional level. Despite the argumented claims not to change the existing administrative-territorial division of the national territory until the end of the war, "extensive reorganization" of local self-government started. The number of local units increased by five times. In that process, not rational but political criteria were taken into consideration. During the 1990s, so called imaginary employment positions were opened in local units as one of the means of solving the problem of unemployment. Corruption and nepotism were among the main problems in local administration. "Balkanisation" of administration was at work, not only in Lika, but also in the Republic of Croatia. It was manifested in the following characteristics of administration: arrogance, massiveness, inefficiency and irresponsibility. The new political elite did little for "de-Balkanisation" of administration. That is, for the establishment of the Weberian model of rational administration which, among others, is characterised by the principle sine ira et studio. After political changes in 2000, certain efforts in respect of rationalisation of the system of local self-government have been made, particularly by the rationalisation of the number of employees. This, of course, is not enough. It is necessary to reduce a great number of municipalities, towns and counties. Instead of 21 counties, the Croatian territory should be divided into regions. And the area of Lika should probably most rationally be divided between the regions of Dalmatia and Rijeka.

This research is premised on two theoretical constructs: that maps do not objectively depict space and that traditional cartography produces a geopolitical narrative. The research aim is to investigate geopolitical influence in modern, digital representations of space, and vice versa. This paper is divided into three parts: In the first, the digital representation of space is introduced and explained, and two widely acknowledged digital cartographic services are established as the empirical foundation of the research – Google (Google Maps and Google Earth), designed by cartographic and geo-data professionals, and OpenStreetMap, built through crowdsourcing. In the second part, the geopolitical features of traditional cartography are discussed in the context of digital mapping, including ethnocentricity and hierarchical representations of space, similarities to geopolitische karte, and "minor geopolitics." The final part asks and answers a key question about geopolitical subjectivity: "Who benefits from the geopolitical narratives in digital representations of space?" ; This research is premised on two theoretical constructs: that maps do not objectively depict space and that traditional cartography produces a geopolitical narrative. The research aim is to investigate geopolitical influence in modern, digital representations of space, and vice versa. This paper is divided into three parts: In the first, the digital representation of space is introduced and explained, and two widely acknowledged digital cartographic services are established as the empirical foundation of the research – Google (Google Maps and Google Earth), designed by cartographic and geo-data professionals, and OpenStreetMap, built through crowdsourcing. In the second part, the geopolitical features of traditional cartography are discussed in the context of digital mapping, including ethnocentricity and hierarchical representations of space, similarities to geopolitische karte, and "minor geopolitics." The final part asks and answers a key question about geopolitical subjectivity: "Who benefits from the geopolitical narratives in digital representations of space?"

Želja za osvajanjem športskih natjecanja ili opsjednutost postizanjem savršene građe učinila je pojedine adolescente i djecu podložnima uzimanju tvari ili primjeni metoda zabranjenih u športu. U našem smo se pregledu dotakli većine istraživanja iz područja dopinga koja se usko odnose na adolescente kao na vulnerabilnu skupinu. U potrazi za literaturom služili smo se tražilicom PubMed. Pretraga je izvođena po svim poljima na temelju MeSH predmetnica, adolescen*, doping, sport*, youth drug abuse in sport uz upotrebu Booleova operatora AND. Pubmed tražilica ponudila je više od 500 rezultata. Pomnim čitanjem sažetaka i cjelovitih radova, uz definiranu tematiku zanimljivu za raspravu odabran je 41 rad. Nesporna je činjenica da sredstva nedopuštena u športu štetno utječu na zdravlje, rast i razvitak u adolescentnoj dobi. Unatoč kreiranju politike i strategije razvijenijih zemalja u borbi protiv dopinga, rezultati jasno upućuju na to da se i dalje intenzivnije mora raditi na programima obrazovanja, prevencije, zabrane i testiranja na sredstva zabranjena u športu. ; The desire to win sports competitions or obsession with achieving the perfect body structure has made some adolescents and children vulnerable to taking substances and use of methods prohibited in sports. In our review, we refer to most of the research in the field of doping that narrowly concerns adolescents as a vulnerable group. In our search of the literature, we used the free search engine PubMed. The search was made in all fields based on the MeSH thesaurus; adolescent *, doping, sport *, youth drug abuse in sport using the Boolean operator AND. Based on the aforementioned MeSH thesaurus, using the Boolean operator AND, the Pubmed search engine offered more than 500 results. Careful reading of abstracts and full papers with a defined topic of interest for discussion included 41 papers. In conclusion, it is an indisputable fact that illicit substances adversely affect adolescent health, growth and development. Despite development of the policies and strategies of developed countries in the fight against doping, the results clearly indicate that education, prevention, prohibition and testing programs on substances and methods prohibited in sports still need to be intensified

In this article the author attempts to analyse the power relationships in the Yugoslav society, in post-war historical perspective of development. He is using the difference between power and meta-power as the conceptual framework. The whole development can be demonstrated as the creation of a system by actors who have meta-power and who want to negate their own meta-power by development of self-management. However, the spontaneous developments lead to such social structuring which challenges the established structure of meta^power. The dilemma with which those having meta-power are faced is whether to intervene into the development of the system and thus »come to surface« as the one having meta-power, or leave the development to remain spontaneous and in such a manner endanger their meta-power. Particular attention has been paid to the relationship between an enterprise and the political system as that sphere of the social system where the processes described in this article are shown with great clarity.

The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation. ; The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation.

Although Gavella could not have ever heard of Goffman's work, since he was primarily learned in German philosophical tradition, the two theoreticians do share a common interest in the two-way relationship of theatrical acting and everyday performing. True, Gavella is in the early fifties an already well established director and thinker, while Goffman only starts to develop his dramaturgical methodology, but both in their reflections draw on the same philosophical ground, that is, on phenomenology: Gavella in order to build his theory of acting on a certain difference with respect to the everyday performing, whereas Goffman in order to build a theory of everyday performing on a certain similarity to acting. Gavella had hard time in establishing the mentioned difference, still firmly believing in the utopian aspects of his aesthetics, while Goffman was accused of cynicism, of a distopian view of the prison-house of social »language«. The stunning correlation of crucial concepts and ideas of both of these theoreticians (»face-work«; »norm«, »normalcy«, »tact«, »mask«, »sincerity«, »looking-glass self«, »misunderstanding«, etc.) testify to a common obsession with the ways in which the study of misperformances in everyday face-to-face interaction reveals a fundamental crack in social ontology, and therefore in essential, irreducible selfhood as well. Far from matching the refined spectrum of Goffman's endlessly multiplying »frames of experience«, Gavella's extensive anthropological digressions on tacit norms and values ruling social interaction insist on consequences of such insights for the analysis of a specific, Croatian »social atmosphere«. In his view, Croatian milieu engendered a kind of sociality that, due to various historical, economical and political factors, demonstrates symptoms of »deep disturbances« and therefore, on one hand, does not provide a »material of actor's creativity« rich enough, while on the other, is in dire need of the actor's help to find a way out of its cultural impasses.

U radu se razmatraju osnovni aspekti Lutherova i Calvinova shvaćanja morala, posebno u povezanosti s pojmom (moralne) individualizacije kao ključnog etičkog određenja. Također, razmatra se i pitanje uloge reformacijskog učenja u razgradnji srednjovjekovne »moralne slike svijeta«, kao i posljedice koje je ono izazvalo u političkom i ekonomskom smislu. ; This paper deals with the fundamental aspects of Luther's and Calvin's understanding of morality, particularly regarding the notion of moral individualisation as a key ethical definition. Additionally, the question of the role of Reformation teachings in the degeneration of the medieval "moral picture of the world" is also being considered, as well as the consequences it caused in the political and economic sense.

U radu se ljubav poima kao kulturna pojava čije značenje je, za pojedinca, rezultat različitih diskursa o ljubavi. Dok je jedan od njih diskurs o romantičnoj ljubavi te ulazak u brak, koji se na nju nadovezuje, a potom i zasnivanje obitelji (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012), diskurs o demokratskoj i fluidnoj ljubavi obuhvaća "odstupanja" od takva slijeda (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). Uvidom u različite narative, znanstvene i kolokvijalne, u radu se problematizira stvaranje predodžbi o budućoj ljubavnoj vezi i braku. ; In the paper love is perceived as a cultural phenomenon the significance of which – for the individual – is the result of different discourses on love. One of them is the discourse on romantic love and its follow-up, marriage and family (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012). On the other hand, the discourse on democratic and fluid love covers "departures" from such a sequence (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). After due consideration of different (scientific and colloquial) narratives, the paper problematises the development of ideas about future love relationships and marriage.

Korupcija je problem koji postoji već dugi niz godina, ali se u zadnje vrijeme o tome više govori i piše u medijima i društvu. U prošlosti na korupciju se gledalo kao na normalnu pojavu, dok se danas ona ipak osuđuje i pokušava spriječiti. Korupcija je zloupotreba ovlasti radi stjecanja privatne koristi. Dvije temeljne podjele su na administrativnu ili birokratsku korupciju i političku. Iako svi misle da je mito jedini oblik korupcije, postoje još mnogi oblici kao što su sukob interesa, nepotizam i klijentelizam. Mnogi se pitaju zašto dolazi do korupcije? Razlozi su mnogobrojni. To mogu biti ekonomski, politički, moralni ili neki drugi razlozi. Naravno, postoje različite teorije koje različito definiraju razloge zbog kojih se javlja korupcija. Korupcija je loša pojava i negativno utječe na čitavo društvo zato što građani gube povjerenje u vlast i korupciju doživljavaju kao normalnu pojavu. Kako bi se korupcija spriječila potrebno je imati dobar zakonodavni okvir, učinkovite institucije u borbi protiv korupcije, aktivno građanstvo, svijest o štetnosti i sankcije za počinitelja korupcije. Stanje u Republici Hrvatskoj s korupcijom nije baš dobro, naime ona je među korumpiranijim državama Europske Unije, unatoč brojnim nastojanjima da se suzbije i spriječi. ; Corruption is the problem that exist a lot of years, but lately this problem is more involved in the media and society. In the past, corruption was a normal thing, but today corruption is condemned and tries to prevent. Corruption is the abuse of power for private gain. Two main types of corruption are administrative (bureaucratic) and political corruption. Although everyone thinks that bribe is the only type of corruption, there are a lots of other forms like conflict of interest, nepotism and clientelism. People are wondering why comes to corruption. There are many reasons. It could be economic, political, moral or some other reason. Of course, there are many theories differently explaining reasons of corruption. Corruption is a bad phenomenon and has a ...