Suchergebnisse

"The thought and work of the Jesuit Francisco Suárez (1548-1617) is widely acknowledged as the culmination point of the contribution of the theologians and jurists of the so-called School of Salamanca to the development of modern Western law. This collection of studies on the legal work of Suárez explores some of his major forays into the law. Both his theoretical system-building as well as his interventions in practical questions are covered. Next to discussions on the nature of law and its different categorisations, they extend to various subbranches of the law including family law, property law, the law of obligations, criminal law and international law. Contributors are: Dominique Bauer, Daniel Schwartz, João Manuel Azevedo Alexandrino Fernandes, Lisa Brunori, Wim Decock, Bart Wauters, Gaëlle Demelemestre, and Jean-Paul Coujou"--

This research focused on tracing the genesis, forms and challenges of incorporating kanak civil law into French and/or neo-Caledonian law. Its main aim is to measure the relevance for interested parties of the contemporary project of writing a customary kanak law. It begins by specifying the legislative approach currently undertaken by the customary Senate, which is found to have a monopoly on identity speech. Taking the view that law could not be understood outside of a broader political project to define the State, we wanted to point out that, through the promotion of a kanak right, this institution defended the establishment of 'institutional legal pluralism', visible in particular in a clear document (the Charter of the Peuple Kanak) which sets out fundamental kanak values and militates for the rehabilitation of customary authorities. We then turned back to the colonial roots of the differential approach advocated. Then, we analysed how the latter relates and/or stands out of the previous societal perspectives of Kanak nationalists by conducting a survey on the definition of identity recognition in the project of an independent society from the drafting of the Kanaky Constitution in 1987 to the Nouméa Agreement of 1998. This work shows that the unitary design of the State has never been undermined by these demands, which now tend to translate into the search for a proper neo-Caledonic right from a legal point of view. The differential option adopted by the customary senate, which intends to go further than the Nouméa agreement, is new; we show that she benefited from a local reflection by some lawyers from the University of New Caledonia at colloquia on the subject of the country's institutional future since the 1990s. In order to assess the advisability of validating the differential claims of the customary Senate, it is therefore necessary to bear in mind these gradually emerging political differences, which highlight different political conceptions and uses of a kanak right. It is also important to ...

In 2020, the whole world was hit by an epidemic, a year during which economic activity decreased sharply and even froze completely for several sectors. Faced with this unprecedented situation and in order to accompany the companies that very quickly found themselves in difficulty, Moroccan Customs was obliged on the one hand to take several exceptional measures to relieve their cash flow and on the other hand to help the recovery of the national economic activity by preserving the state's revenues. By examining the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on Moroccan companies in terms of customs taxation, the objective of this article is to analyse the role of customs tax policy in responding to the coronavirus crisis. It is approached by measuring the impact of the quality of the tax breaks, adopted by the Moroccan customs, in response to this crisis on the expectations of economic operators. To this end, a quantitative study is conducted among 20 freight forwarders and 20 companies that have benefited from these reliefs. The data collection method adopted is the questionnaire. Based on different types of questions from the literature review. We encountered difficulties with some operators who were reluctant to fill in the questionnaire, which did not allow us to achieve our objective of collecting a maximum number of responses. According to the results obtained, the operators interviewed are aware of the importance of these facilities on their treasuries. JEL Classification: H2 Paper type: Empirical Research. ; En 2020, le monde entier a été frappé par une épidémie, une année au cours de laquelle l'activité économique s'est diminuée brutalement et même totalement gelée pour plusieurs secteurs. Face à cette situation inédite et afin d'accompagner les entreprises qui se sont très vite retrouvées en difficulté, la Douane Marocaine était obligée d'une part à prendre plusieurs mesures exceptionnelles visant à soulager leur trésorerie et d'autre part pour aider à la reprise de l'activité économique nationale en préservant les recettes de l'état. En examinant les répercussions de la pandémie covid-19 sur les entreprises marocaines en matière de fiscalité douanière, l'objectif du présent article est d'analyser le rôle de la politique fiscale douanière en matière de réponse à la crise du coronavirus. Il est abordé en mesurant l'impact de la qualité des allégements douaniers, adoptés par la douane marocaine, en réponse à cette crise sur les attentes des opérateurs économiques ainsi que sur leurs performances. À cet effet, une étude quantitative est menée auprès de 20 transitaires et 20 entreprises qui ont bénéficié de ces allégements. La méthode de collecte des données adoptée est le questionnaire. En se basant sur différents types dе questions qui sont issus de la revue de littérature. Nous avons rencontré des difficultés auprès de certains opérateurs qui ont été réticents à remplir le questionnaire cе qui ne nous a pas permis d'atteindre notre objectif dе collecter un maximum des réponses. Suite aux résultats obtenus, les opérateurs interrogés sont conscients de l'importance de ces facilités sur leurs trésoreries. Classification JEL : H2 Type de l'article: Recherche Appliquée.

The Post-September 11,2001 years have been chartered in Melanesia by the direct re-engagement of the formal colonial powers (Australia and New Zealand) and by the obligation imposed on the young Oceanic states to implement neoliberal political and economic reforms. An "arc of instability" supposedly stretches from Timor to Fiji, with a string of "missing states" of which the deliction can only be addressed by military intervention and the establishment of structural adjustment plans recognised as a cure-all. This article sheds light on this turning point in international relations and policies to analyse its local achievements with respect to traditions, in a context in which Melanesian societies and cultures are now watched with an open critical eye by the training colonial powers. The decline of ethnocultural nationalisms in the region, enshered as state ideologies in the aftermath of independence, has a number of parallels with the current situation of biculturalism, a state institution in New Zealand since the 1980s, which is also now in crisis. ; International audience ; The Post-September 11,2001 years have been chartered in Melanesia by the direct re-engagement of the formal colonial powers (Australia and New Zealand) and by the obligation imposed on the young Oceanic states to implement neoliberal political and economic reforms. An "arc of instability" supposedly stretches from Timor to Fiji, with a string of "missing states" of which the deliction can only be addressed by military intervention and the establishment of structural adjustment plans recognised as a cure-all. This article sheds light on this turning point in international relations and policies to analyse its local achievements with respect to traditions, in a context in which Melanesian societies and cultures are now watched with an open critical eye by the training colonial powers. The decline of ethnocultural nationalisms in the region, enshered as state ideologies in the aftermath of independence, has a number of parallels with the ...

La presente etude est une tentative d'evaluation de l'evolution et de performance de l'UDEAC depuis sa creation en 1964. Pour arrive a ce dessin, ce travail est forme de 5 sections. La Section I est consacree a l'examen de l'environnement economique des Etats membres de l'UDEAC, de leur evolution historique, leurs institutions et les instruments politiques de l'Union. Dans la Section II, une analyse est faite de l'influence des facteurs majeurs determinants, qu'ils soient internes ou externes, depuis la creation de l'UDEAC. La Section III est centree sur l'examen de nouvelles approches, de modeles emergents et des instruments politiques de l'UDEAC. La Section IV examine les implications exterieurs de l'evolution de l'UDEAC dans le cadre de la Communaute Economique des Etats d'Afrique Centrale (CEEAC), de la Commission du Bassin du Lac Tchad (CBLC) et du Plan d'Action de Lagos. La Section V se penche sur les perspectives d'avenir de l'UDEAC

who has never been confronted with a telereal show that assesses a dress on another person, a meal for a group of guests, the value of an apartment, etc.? Who was not surprised to assess the reception in a restaurant as if he had to award him a star? The mystery client could be each of us. However, over time he has become an increasingly professionalised reporting officer. It even has its full place in a reflection on evaluation methods. It is no longer limited to the private sector or foreign countries. Belgium tends to implement the mystery survey in the public sector. This method has at least two functions: assess the quality of a (public) service offered and evaluate the public interventions themselves. However, to date, very few scientific publications on the analysis and/or evaluation of public policies have established the results, modalities, risks and strengths. Here the authors explain the implementation of the mystery client approach, identify the issues at stake, and question the ethical dimension for the evaluation of policies or programmes in the public sector. Three evaluation criteria are at the heart of their consideration: the relevance of the method, the quality of its implementation, and the ethical dilemma of its use. The legitimacy of the mystery client and the validity of his assessment are not given once and for all: precautions and beacons are important. Rigour in implementation is crucial. Ethical questions, however important, should not a priori be used as an alibi to evacuate the method from the outset. By involving stakeholders throughout the evaluation process, ensuring a climate of trust, matching the approach to the evaluation question, the evaluator may increase the likelihood of meaningful conclusions and recommendations at the end of the survey. In all cases, the mystery client device must be considered in the public interest and in the public interest. As it involves significant changes in organisational culture, how the public sector is designed, and the participatory ...

National audience The theme of 'customer satisfaction' has become one of the leitmotives of social housing policy since the 1 980s. But does client-centrism remain an incantatory narrative or have it actually changed the practices of actors on the ground? Do the street-level bureaucrats involved in the process of allocating social housing perceive the user as a customer, a beneficiary, a citizen, a consumer? What are the consequences of this social construction of the client in terms of equal access to social housing? It is these questions that we try to raise here, through a Franco-British comparison and focusing on a specific issue, namely ethnic discrimination. Our main assumption is that the ways in which customers are built on the ground lead to unequal distribution of social housing according to social groups and, in particular, to ethnic groups. We begin by showing how client-centrism has penetrated national social housing policies, and in particular allocation, since the years 1970-80, in a wider context of rebranding social housing. We then discuss the theoretical prospects for analysing the process of social construction of social housing clients and understanding why the working conditions of the bureaucratic street-level lead in a structural way to an unequal redistribution of public resources, particularly along ethnic lines. Finally, on the basis of the case studies carried out in Birmingham and Marseille, we highlight local ways of building customers and their consequences in terms of ethnic discrimination. Our conclusion is twofold: on the one hand, the client-customer discourse and policies developed since the 1980s and 90s completely obscure the real working conditions of the street-level bureaucrats and the effective relationship between the administration and its "clients"; on the other hand, the fight against inequalities can only succeed if it directly undermines the structure of the action of these actors. ; National audience Le thème de la « satisfaction du client » est devenu depuis les ...

Under the GSP program, the European Union provides customs tariff reduction to developing countries in order to help them improve their development. Goods of least developed countries (LDC) and vulnerable countries which respect a list of human rights, fundamental labour rights, good governance and the environment norms enjoy a duty free access to the EU market. The GSP utilisation's interest (the benefit ?) is the heart of this study wich include two parts. The first concern the economic developement, the second the social and political developement. In the first title, the economic developement promotion framework is the topic of the first sub-title. It tries to explain how EU favorises some countries (LDC) and protects some sectors of it economy (textile and agriculture). Furthermore, this subtitle seek to know what economical advantages EU can have with the GSP and if this instrument has been efficient in it aim to reduce the poverty in developing countries. While it will have been explain that the GSP's impact in the poverty reduction is not important the second subtitle explain the reasons of this fail. The first reasons are extern of the system. While the MFN notion is challenged with the bilateral trade agreement multiplication, consequently, preferential margin notion is questioned too. So, this notion have to be rethinked. Their relevance must be discuted because without a high MFN level, the GSP can't work. Furthermore, the non tariff measure and service importance must be taken into account in the GSP (a tariff instrument) evaluation. Regarding intern obstacle, rules of origine problem has a central role. More generally, the simplification (and so cost reduction) of the GSP is treated in order to know how the system can be more efficient. In the second title, the first subtitle concern the fundamental rights promotion framework (historical, normative, geogragraphical and methodical framework). The GSP+ and the processal aspect are also treaten in this subtitle. The second subtitle is dedicated to the ...

Under the GSP program, the European Union provides customs tariff reduction to developing countries in order to help them improve their development. Goods of least developed countries (LDC) and vulnerable countries which respect a list of human rights, fundamental labour rights, good governance and the environment norms enjoy a duty free access to the EU market. The GSP utilisation's interest (the benefit ?) is the heart of this study wich include two parts. The first concern the economic developement, the second the social and political developement. In the first title, the economic developement promotion framework is the topic of the first sub-title. It tries to explain how EU favorises some countries (LDC) and protects some sectors of it economy (textile and agriculture). Furthermore, this subtitle seek to know what economical advantages EU can have with the GSP and if this instrument has been efficient in it aim to reduce the poverty in developing countries. While it will have been explain that the GSP's impact in the poverty reduction is not important the second subtitle explain the reasons of this fail. The first reasons are extern of the system. While the MFN notion is challenged with the bilateral trade agreement multiplication, consequently, preferential margin notion is questioned too. So, this notion have to be rethinked. Their relevance must be discuted because without a high MFN level, the GSP can't work. Furthermore, the non tariff measure and service importance must be taken into account in the GSP (a tariff instrument) evaluation. Regarding intern obstacle, rules of origine problem has a central role. More generally, the simplification (and so cost reduction) of the GSP is treated in order to know how the system can be more efficient. In the second title, the first subtitle concern the fundamental rights promotion framework (historical, normative, geogragraphical and methodical framework). The GSP+ and the processal aspect are also treaten in this subtitle. The second subtitle is dedicated to the fundamental rights application advantages in the UE GSP. So, the fundamental rights application by developing countries is positive for the EU economy whether or not their protectionnist aspect. Regarding developing countries, if a fundamental rights application is benefit, it can also be a burden. There are few GSP withdrawal request in case of fundemental rights violation, especialy by trade union and NGO. The last chapter tries to explain this fact. ; Grâce au SPG, l'Union Européenne accorde une réduction tarifaire douanière aux pays en développement (PED) afin de les aider à se développer. Les pays les moins avancés (PMA) et les pays vulnérables qui respectent une liste de normes relatives aux droits de l'homme, aux droits fondamentaux du travail, à la bonne gouvernance et à l'environnement sont eux, exempts de droit de douane sur le territoire communautaire. L'intérêt de l'utilisation du SPG est au cœur de cette étude qui a comporte deux parties. La première a trait au développement économique, la seconde au développement social et politique. Dans le titre premier, l'étude du cadre de la promotion du développement économique fait l'objet du premier sous-titre. Il s'attache à expliquer comment l'Union Européenne favorise certains pays (les PMA) et protège certains pans de son économie que ce soit en accordant un régime qui n'est pas totalement favorable à certaines marchandises (le textile et l'agriculture) ou grâce aux mécanismes de protectionnisme. En outre, ce sous-titre cherche à savoir quels avantages économiques l'Union Européenne peut tirer du SPG et s'il a été efficace dans son objectif de lutte contre la pauvreté dans les PED. Alors qu'il aura été expliqué que l'impact du SPG sur la réduction de la pauvreté n'est pas probant, le second sous-titre explique les raisons de cet échec. Les premières raisons sont externes au système. Alors que le notion de clause NPF est remise en question par la multiplication des accords commerciaux bilatéraux, par conséquent, celle de la marge préférentielle l'est aussi. Ces deux notions doivent donc être repensées. Il faut en discuter la pertinence dont dépend celle du SPG. En outre, l'importance des mesures non tarifaires et des services doit aussi être prise en compte dans l'évaluation du SPG qui est un instrument tarifaire. S'agissant des obstacles intrinsèques, le problème des règles d'origine occupe une place centrale. Plus globalement, la question de la simplification (et donc de la réduction des coûts) du SPG est abordée afin de savoir comment rendre le système plus efficace. Dans le titre second, le premier sous-titre est relatif au cadre (historique, normatif, géographique et méthodique) de la promotion des droits fondamentaux dans le SPG de l'Union Européenne. Le SPG+ et les aspects procéduraux font, quant à eux, y font aussi l'objet d'une attention particulière. Le second sous titre est consacré à l'intérêt de l'application des droits fondamentaux dans le SPG de l'Union Européenne. Ainsi, l'application des droits fondamentaux par les PED est positive pour l'économie de l'Union Européenne qu'il s'agisse ou non de leur aspect protectionniste. Concernant les PED, si une application des droits fondamentaux leur est bénéfique, elle n'en demeurent pas moins une charge. La possibilité de suspension du SPG en cas de violation des droits fondamentaux est peu invoquée, notamment par les ONG et les syndicats. Une tentative d'explication de ce phénomène est proposée dans le dernier chapitre de cette thèse.