Suchergebnisse

The aim of this study – "Security Agenda of Donald J. Trump: Analysis of Security Rhetoric of the US President" – is to analyze post-inaugurational rhetoric of the U.S. President Donald J. Trump attempting to reveal the aspects of U.S. foreign policy that are securitized by the current U.S. President and how the securitization of those aspects translates to the National Security Strategy of the United States of America. The main question is what aspects of U.S. foreign policy are securitized by President Donald J. Trump and how it is reflected in the National Security Strategy of the United States of America? Goals of this study are (1) to examine the existing academic literature that analyses the rhetoric of Donald J. Trump, his foreign policy goals and implemented foreign policy; (2) using Securitization theory by B. Buzan and O.Weaver understand what aspects of U.S. foreign policy are securitized in Donald J. Trump's rhetoric and (3) upon the identification of Trump's securitized U.S. foreign policy aspects examine the National Security Strategy of the United States of America, seeking to reveal which of Trump's securitized aspects are reflected in the strategy and which of those transgress the limits of securitizing move (i.e. a certain aspect of the U.S. foreign policy is not only named as a threat but also emergency measures are offered to solve that threat). In order to achieve these goals a method of qualitative content analysis was used to select the relevant material (speeches, remarks and press conferences of Donald J. Trump on national security and foreign policy) and build coding frame which allowed to identify the main threats that are securitized in Donald J. Trump's rhetoric. The identified threats fall under three main categories: existential threats (terrorism and rogue regimes i.e. Iran, North Korea, Syria); threats to the U.S. interests (bad deals and states that are not fulfilling financial obligations to international organizations) and threats that are securitized in two ways – as existential threats as well as threats to the U.S. interests (immigration). The research in this study has shown that almost all these threats (except for states that are not fulfilling financial obligations to international organizations) are included into the National Security Strategy of the United States of America. This study also reveals that the threats that were included into the National Security Strategy are securitized there in a very similar fashion to the way they are securitized in Presidential rhetoric. Finally, it is determined that emergency measures were offered to solve those threats that were securitized (at least in part) as existential threats – terrorism, rogue regimes, immigration – in the rhetoric of U.S. President Donald J. Trump while those threats that did not have an element of existential threat in their securitization remained in the realm of securitizing move, that is the measures that were offered to solve them do not constitute as emergency measures. The study ends with several suggestions for future research that would be useful and interesting. It is proposed to execute a more in-depth analysis of threats to the U.S. interests seeking to find out whether there are some threats that are securitized as threats to the U.S. interests that surpasses the limits of securitizing move or to examine which of the securitized threats reach the third step of securitization and are accepted by the public.

The aim of this study – "Security Agenda of Donald J. Trump: Analysis of Security Rhetoric of the US President" – is to analyze post-inaugurational rhetoric of the U.S. President Donald J. Trump attempting to reveal the aspects of U.S. foreign policy that are securitized by the current U.S. President and how the securitization of those aspects translates to the National Security Strategy of the United States of America. The main question is what aspects of U.S. foreign policy are securitized by President Donald J. Trump and how it is reflected in the National Security Strategy of the United States of America? Goals of this study are (1) to examine the existing academic literature that analyses the rhetoric of Donald J. Trump, his foreign policy goals and implemented foreign policy; (2) using Securitization theory by B. Buzan and O.Weaver understand what aspects of U.S. foreign policy are securitized in Donald J. Trump's rhetoric and (3) upon the identification of Trump's securitized U.S. foreign policy aspects examine the National Security Strategy of the United States of America, seeking to reveal which of Trump's securitized aspects are reflected in the strategy and which of those transgress the limits of securitizing move (i.e. a certain aspect of the U.S. foreign policy is not only named as a threat but also emergency measures are offered to solve that threat). In order to achieve these goals a method of qualitative content analysis was used to select the relevant material (speeches, remarks and press conferences of Donald J. Trump on national security and foreign policy) and build coding frame which allowed to identify the main threats that are securitized in Donald J. Trump's rhetoric. The identified threats fall under three main categories: existential threats (terrorism and rogue regimes i.e. Iran, North Korea, Syria); threats to the U.S. interests (bad deals and states that are not fulfilling financial obligations to international organizations) and threats that are securitized in two ways – as existential threats as well as threats to the U.S. interests (immigration). The research in this study has shown that almost all these threats (except for states that are not fulfilling financial obligations to international organizations) are included into the National Security Strategy of the United States of America. This study also reveals that the threats that were included into the National Security Strategy are securitized there in a very similar fashion to the way they are securitized in Presidential rhetoric. Finally, it is determined that emergency measures were offered to solve those threats that were securitized (at least in part) as existential threats – terrorism, rogue regimes, immigration – in the rhetoric of U.S. President Donald J. Trump while those threats that did not have an element of existential threat in their securitization remained in the realm of securitizing move, that is the measures that were offered to solve them do not constitute as emergency measures. The study ends with several suggestions for future research that would be useful and interesting. It is proposed to execute a more in-depth analysis of threats to the U.S. interests seeking to find out whether there are some threats that are securitized as threats to the U.S. interests that surpasses the limits of securitizing move or to examine which of the securitized threats reach the third step of securitization and are accepted by the public.

The aim of this study – "Security Agenda of Donald J. Trump: Analysis of Security Rhetoric of the US President" – is to analyze post-inaugurational rhetoric of the U.S. President Donald J. Trump attempting to reveal the aspects of U.S. foreign policy that are securitized by the current U.S. President and how the securitization of those aspects translates to the National Security Strategy of the United States of America. The main question is what aspects of U.S. foreign policy are securitized by President Donald J. Trump and how it is reflected in the National Security Strategy of the United States of America? Goals of this study are (1) to examine the existing academic literature that analyses the rhetoric of Donald J. Trump, his foreign policy goals and implemented foreign policy; (2) using Securitization theory by B. Buzan and O.Weaver understand what aspects of U.S. foreign policy are securitized in Donald J. Trump's rhetoric and (3) upon the identification of Trump's securitized U.S. foreign policy aspects examine the National Security Strategy of the United States of America, seeking to reveal which of Trump's securitized aspects are reflected in the strategy and which of those transgress the limits of securitizing move (i.e. a certain aspect of the U.S. foreign policy is not only named as a threat but also emergency measures are offered to solve that threat). In order to achieve these goals a method of qualitative content analysis was used to select the relevant material (speeches, remarks and press conferences of Donald J. Trump on national security and foreign policy) and build coding frame which allowed to identify the main threats that are securitized in Donald J. Trump's rhetoric. The identified threats fall under three main categories: existential threats (terrorism and rogue regimes i.e. Iran, North Korea, Syria); threats to the U.S. interests (bad deals and states that are not fulfilling financial obligations to international organizations) and threats that are securitized in two ways – as existential threats as well as threats to the U.S. interests (immigration). The research in this study has shown that almost all these threats (except for states that are not fulfilling financial obligations to international organizations) are included into the National Security Strategy of the United States of America. This study also reveals that the threats that were included into the National Security Strategy are securitized there in a very similar fashion to the way they are securitized in Presidential rhetoric. Finally, it is determined that emergency measures were offered to solve those threats that were securitized (at least in part) as existential threats – terrorism, rogue regimes, immigration – in the rhetoric of U.S. President Donald J. Trump while those threats that did not have an element of existential threat in their securitization remained in the realm of securitizing move, that is the measures that were offered to solve them do not constitute as emergency measures. The study ends with several suggestions for future research that would be useful and interesting. It is proposed to execute a more in-depth analysis of threats to the U.S. interests seeking to find out whether there are some threats that are securitized as threats to the U.S. interests that surpasses the limits of securitizing move or to examine which of the securitized threats reach the third step of securitization and are accepted by the public.

Various statistical indicators suggest that in less than 25 years Lithuania will become one of the oldest countries in the EU. This demographic shift has, and will have a significant economic, social and political impact. Although according to the ageing indicators Lithuania does not belong to the EU leaders, the pace of ageing during the period since the beginning of the 1990s was among the fastest. Eurostat projections suggest that pace of ageing will continue to be very fast: by the year 2050 every third person (32.3%) in Lithuania is expected to be aged 65+, and the population above the age of 60 to constitute 39%. With a view to improving active ageing opportunities in Lithuania in the future, it is appropriate to enhance opportunities for people in retirement age to stay in the labour market, improve the accessibility of adult learning programmes and free-time activities for them. It should be noted that one of the main challenges d

Various statistical indicators suggest that in less than 25 years Lithuania will become one of the oldest countries in the EU. This demographic shift has, and will have a significant economic, social and political impact. Although according to the ageing indicators Lithuania does not belong to the EU leaders, the pace of ageing during the period since the beginning of the 1990s was among the fastest. Eurostat projections suggest that pace of ageing will continue to be very fast: by the year 2050 every third person (32.3%) in Lithuania is expected to be aged 65+, and the population above the age of 60 to constitute 39%. With a view to improving active ageing opportunities in Lithuania in the future, it is appropriate to enhance opportunities for people in retirement age to stay in the labour market, improve the accessibility of adult learning programmes and free-time activities for them. It should be noted that one of the main challenges d

Various statistical indicators suggest that in less than 25 years Lithuania will become one of the oldest countries in the EU. This demographic shift has, and will have a significant economic, social and political impact. Although according to the ageing indicators Lithuania does not belong to the EU leaders, the pace of ageing during the period since the beginning of the 1990s was among the fastest. Eurostat projections suggest that pace of ageing will continue to be very fast: by the year 2050 every third person (32.3%) in Lithuania is expected to be aged 65+, and the population above the age of 60 to constitute 39%. With a view to improving active ageing opportunities in Lithuania in the future, it is appropriate to enhance opportunities for people in retirement age to stay in the labour market, improve the accessibility of adult learning programmes and free-time activities for them. It should be noted that one of the main challenges d

Various statistical indicators suggest that in less than 25 years Lithuania will become one of the oldest countries in the EU. This demographic shift has, and will have a significant economic, social and political impact. Although according to the ageing indicators Lithuania does not belong to the EU leaders, the pace of ageing during the period since the beginning of the 1990s was among the fastest. Eurostat projections suggest that pace of ageing will continue to be very fast: by the year 2050 every third person (32.3%) in Lithuania is expected to be aged 65+, and the population above the age of 60 to constitute 39%. With a view to improving active ageing opportunities in Lithuania in the future, it is appropriate to enhance opportunities for people in retirement age to stay in the labour market, improve the accessibility of adult learning programmes and free-time activities for them. It should be noted that one of the main challenges d

Various statistical indicators suggest that in less than 25 years Lithuania will become one of the oldest countries in the EU. This demographic shift has, and will have a significant economic, social and political impact. Although according to the ageing indicators Lithuania does not belong to the EU leaders, the pace of ageing during the period since the beginning of the 1990s was among the fastest. Eurostat projections suggest that pace of ageing will continue to be very fast: by the year 2050 every third person (32.3%) in Lithuania is expected to be aged 65+, and the population above the age of 60 to constitute 39%. With a view to improving active ageing opportunities in Lithuania in the future, it is appropriate to enhance opportunities for people in retirement age to stay in the labour market, improve the accessibility of adult learning programmes and free-time activities for them. It should be noted that one of the main challenges d

[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] Lithuanian economy, over the last century, has been subject to significant changes and various vicissitudes. After restoring its independence (1918), Lithuania had to start everything from the very beginning, i.e. as soon as possible to commence the development of its own economy under challenging and complex political conditions. Small and medium-sized business, crafts, retail trade were the first significant changes. Unfortunately, Lithuania, at that time, was missing its own independent, entrepreneurial, life-innovation-sensitive entrepreneurs' layer. The foregoing was determined both by objective (the global economic crisis) and subjective (lack of working capital, negligible purchasing power, public institutions' red tape, etc.) reasons. The inter-war period was too short for Lithuania's economy to obtain the best possible results though certain conditions were ensured, and much solid work was done in the field of social policy. Current politicians and economists still have what to learn from that time political insight, economic rationality, legislative technique. Unfortunately, the Second World War and the subsequent authoritarian character of the Soviet Union's economy influenced the nature of Lithuania's economy, irrational attitude towards its changes taking place at that time. For very many, restoration of independence was unexpected. It was necessary to start managing Lithuanian economy in the absence of almost any practical, scientific expertise and input so that to begin objective and significant economic reforms. In order to focus on European management standards, Lithuania should substantially improve its management in all activity fields. Unfortunately, Lithuania's science is still lacking the applied research orientation, natural connection of theory and practice. Becoming a Member State of the European Union, we should manage to realize ourselves. Only universal prosperity, high level of cultural and well educated youth, as well as proper and sufficient understanding of democracy ideals will enable Lithuania to speed up its efforts and to become a full member of the free EU. Marginal efficiency theory, Keynesian view, neoclassical attitude towards economics, Monetarism, Neoliberalism and institutionalists' attitudes, hopefully, will promote the efforts to form a base of uniform researches, favorable for political scientists and economists. Creation of macroeconomics, undoubtedly, is a major achievement of the 20th Century economics. Nobel Prize Laureates: Milton Friedman, James Tobin, Franco Modigliani, Lawrence R. Klein, Robert M. Solow and other famous scientists are the most prominent contributors in this field. Regretfully, the reverse process still often happens on the Lithuanian revival path: fragmentation of social sciences, i.e. theoretical researches are prevailing over the empirical studies in the field of social sciences abroad. Lithuania, however, is still lacking the same. The number of successors of the interwar-period intellectuals (D. Cesevičius, D. Budrys, P. Padalskis and others) is alarmingly low. Current economists do not have enough consistency and are not well prepared from the theoretical point of view. In my opinion, teaching assignments of the mathematized economic theory for the 21st Century's future economists shall be notably reinforced and enhanced. Furthermore, they should be able themselves not only to interpret such theories, but also to create new ones. Full symbiosis of the economic theory and practice is of vital importance.

[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] Lithuanian economy, over the last century, has been subject to significant changes and various vicissitudes. After restoring its independence (1918), Lithuania had to start everything from the very beginning, i.e. as soon as possible to commence the development of its own economy under challenging and complex political conditions. Small and medium-sized business, crafts, retail trade were the first significant changes. Unfortunately, Lithuania, at that time, was missing its own independent, entrepreneurial, life-innovation-sensitive entrepreneurs' layer. The foregoing was determined both by objective (the global economic crisis) and subjective (lack of working capital, negligible purchasing power, public institutions' red tape, etc.) reasons. The inter-war period was too short for Lithuania's economy to obtain the best possible results though certain conditions were ensured, and much solid work was done in the field of social policy. Current politicians and economists still have what to learn from that time political insight, economic rationality, legislative technique. Unfortunately, the Second World War and the subsequent authoritarian character of the Soviet Union's economy influenced the nature of Lithuania's economy, irrational attitude towards its changes taking place at that time. For very many, restoration of independence was unexpected. It was necessary to start managing Lithuanian economy in the absence of almost any practical, scientific expertise and input so that to begin objective and significant economic reforms. In order to focus on European management standards, Lithuania should substantially improve its management in all activity fields. Unfortunately, Lithuania's science is still lacking the applied research orientation, natural connection of theory and practice. Becoming a Member State of the European Union, we should manage to realize ourselves. Only universal prosperity, high level of cultural and well educated youth, as well as proper and sufficient understanding of democracy ideals will enable Lithuania to speed up its efforts and to become a full member of the free EU. Marginal efficiency theory, Keynesian view, neoclassical attitude towards economics, Monetarism, Neoliberalism and institutionalists' attitudes, hopefully, will promote the efforts to form a base of uniform researches, favorable for political scientists and economists. Creation of macroeconomics, undoubtedly, is a major achievement of the 20th Century economics. Nobel Prize Laureates: Milton Friedman, James Tobin, Franco Modigliani, Lawrence R. Klein, Robert M. Solow and other famous scientists are the most prominent contributors in this field. Regretfully, the reverse process still often happens on the Lithuanian revival path: fragmentation of social sciences, i.e. theoretical researches are prevailing over the empirical studies in the field of social sciences abroad. Lithuania, however, is still lacking the same. The number of successors of the interwar-period intellectuals (D. Cesevičius, D. Budrys, P. Padalskis and others) is alarmingly low. Current economists do not have enough consistency and are not well prepared from the theoretical point of view. In my opinion, teaching assignments of the mathematized economic theory for the 21st Century's future economists shall be notably reinforced and enhanced. Furthermore, they should be able themselves not only to interpret such theories, but also to create new ones. Full symbiosis of the economic theory and practice is of vital importance.

[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] Lithuanian economy, over the last century, has been subject to significant changes and various vicissitudes. After restoring its independence (1918), Lithuania had to start everything from the very beginning, i.e. as soon as possible to commence the development of its own economy under challenging and complex political conditions. Small and medium-sized business, crafts, retail trade were the first significant changes. Unfortunately, Lithuania, at that time, was missing its own independent, entrepreneurial, life-innovation-sensitive entrepreneurs' layer. The foregoing was determined both by objective (the global economic crisis) and subjective (lack of working capital, negligible purchasing power, public institutions' red tape, etc.) reasons. The inter-war period was too short for Lithuania's economy to obtain the best possible results though certain conditions were ensured, and much solid work was done in the field of social policy. Current politicians and economists still have what to learn from that time political insight, economic rationality, legislative technique. Unfortunately, the Second World War and the subsequent authoritarian character of the Soviet Union's economy influenced the nature of Lithuania's economy, irrational attitude towards its changes taking place at that time. For very many, restoration of independence was unexpected. It was necessary to start managing Lithuanian economy in the absence of almost any practical, scientific expertise and input so that to begin objective and significant economic reforms. In order to focus on European management standards, Lithuania should substantially improve its management in all activity fields. Unfortunately, Lithuania's science is still lacking the applied research orientation, natural connection of theory and practice. Becoming a Member State of the European Union, we should manage to realize ourselves. Only universal prosperity, high level of cultural and well educated youth, as well as proper and sufficient understanding of democracy ideals will enable Lithuania to speed up its efforts and to become a full member of the free EU. Marginal efficiency theory, Keynesian view, neoclassical attitude towards economics, Monetarism, Neoliberalism and institutionalists' attitudes, hopefully, will promote the efforts to form a base of uniform researches, favorable for political scientists and economists. Creation of macroeconomics, undoubtedly, is a major achievement of the 20th Century economics. Nobel Prize Laureates: Milton Friedman, James Tobin, Franco Modigliani, Lawrence R. Klein, Robert M. Solow and other famous scientists are the most prominent contributors in this field. Regretfully, the reverse process still often happens on the Lithuanian revival path: fragmentation of social sciences, i.e. theoretical researches are prevailing over the empirical studies in the field of social sciences abroad. Lithuania, however, is still lacking the same. The number of successors of the interwar-period intellectuals (D. Cesevičius, D. Budrys, P. Padalskis and others) is alarmingly low. Current economists do not have enough consistency and are not well prepared from the theoretical point of view. In my opinion, teaching assignments of the mathematized economic theory for the 21st Century's future economists shall be notably reinforced and enhanced. Furthermore, they should be able themselves not only to interpret such theories, but also to create new ones. Full symbiosis of the economic theory and practice is of vital importance.

[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] Lithuanian economy, over the last century, has been subject to significant changes and various vicissitudes. After restoring its independence (1918), Lithuania had to start everything from the very beginning, i.e. as soon as possible to commence the development of its own economy under challenging and complex political conditions. Small and medium-sized business, crafts, retail trade were the first significant changes. Unfortunately, Lithuania, at that time, was missing its own independent, entrepreneurial, life-innovation-sensitive entrepreneurs' layer. The foregoing was determined both by objective (the global economic crisis) and subjective (lack of working capital, negligible purchasing power, public institutions' red tape, etc.) reasons. The inter-war period was too short for Lithuania's economy to obtain the best possible results though certain conditions were ensured, and much solid work was done in the field of social policy. Current politicians and economists still have what to learn from that time political insight, economic rationality, legislative technique. Unfortunately, the Second World War and the subsequent authoritarian character of the Soviet Union's economy influenced the nature of Lithuania's economy, irrational attitude towards its changes taking place at that time. For very many, restoration of independence was unexpected. It was necessary to start managing Lithuanian economy in the absence of almost any practical, scientific expertise and input so that to begin objective and significant economic reforms. In order to focus on European management standards, Lithuania should substantially improve its management in all activity fields. Unfortunately, Lithuania's science is still lacking the applied research orientation, natural connection of theory and practice. Becoming a Member State of the European Union, we should manage to realize ourselves. Only universal prosperity, high level of cultural and well educated youth, as well as proper and sufficient understanding of democracy ideals will enable Lithuania to speed up its efforts and to become a full member of the free EU. Marginal efficiency theory, Keynesian view, neoclassical attitude towards economics, Monetarism, Neoliberalism and institutionalists' attitudes, hopefully, will promote the efforts to form a base of uniform researches, favorable for political scientists and economists. Creation of macroeconomics, undoubtedly, is a major achievement of the 20th Century economics. Nobel Prize Laureates: Milton Friedman, James Tobin, Franco Modigliani, Lawrence R. Klein, Robert M. Solow and other famous scientists are the most prominent contributors in this field. Regretfully, the reverse process still often happens on the Lithuanian revival path: fragmentation of social sciences, i.e. theoretical researches are prevailing over the empirical studies in the field of social sciences abroad. Lithuania, however, is still lacking the same. The number of successors of the interwar-period intellectuals (D. Cesevičius, D. Budrys, P. Padalskis and others) is alarmingly low. Current economists do not have enough consistency and are not well prepared from the theoretical point of view. In my opinion, teaching assignments of the mathematized economic theory for the 21st Century's future economists shall be notably reinforced and enhanced. Furthermore, they should be able themselves not only to interpret such theories, but also to create new ones. Full symbiosis of the economic theory and practice is of vital importance.

This article analyzes the role of political rhetoric in social interaction with the public on the internet when considering public issues. Today Facebook, a new platform for political communication, is seen as a media platform where citizens are provided with abundant information about politics and society. During the transformation period, a political leader becomes the most important direct reporter for his electorate. The language of a politician is like the politician's "product," which is personally produced and sold in the "market of virtual society." The language of a politician is their identity. As the media of social network is not editorial, the politicians themselves are responsible for the broadcast of personal rhetoric as well as telling and creating confidence in politics. This article presents a qualitative research. It includes the analysis of the rhetoric of Ingrida Šimonytė, a member of the Seimas of Lithuania of the 2016–2020 term, who is also a former Minister of Finance, while constructing her self-representation to the "friends" found on the social network on her personal Facebook account. During the research, it was established that Ingrida Šimonytė's rhetoric on discussed public issues include the following topics: a) Criticism of personalities of the governing majority; b) Criticism of her colleagues – members of the Seimas; c) Tax, state treasury issues; d) Issues with the city of Vilnius. The way that issues are framed by the member of the Seimas provides a rich arsenal of rhetorical arguments: ranging from authentic sentences to rough, non-standard vocabulary. The verbal ethos of Ingrida Šimonytė as a speaker is ironic, and the shared information of private nature is also full of auto-irony.

This article analyzes the role of political rhetoric in social interaction with the public on the internet when considering public issues. Today Facebook, a new platform for political communication, is seen as a media platform where citizens are provided with abundant information about politics and society. During the transformation period, a political leader becomes the most important direct reporter for his electorate. The language of a politician is like the politician's "product," which is personally produced and sold in the "market of virtual society." The language of a politician is their identity. As the media of social network is not editorial, the politicians themselves are responsible for the broadcast of personal rhetoric as well as telling and creating confidence in politics. This article presents a qualitative research. It includes the analysis of the rhetoric of Ingrida Šimonytė, a member of the Seimas of Lithuania of the 2016–2020 term, who is also a former Minister of Finance, while constructing her self-representation to the "friends" found on the social network on her personal Facebook account. During the research, it was established that Ingrida Šimonytė's rhetoric on discussed public issues include the following topics: a) Criticism of personalities of the governing majority; b) Criticism of her colleagues – members of the Seimas; c) Tax, state treasury issues; d) Issues with the city of Vilnius. The way that issues are framed by the member of the Seimas provides a rich arsenal of rhetorical arguments: ranging from authentic sentences to rough, non-standard vocabulary. The verbal ethos of Ingrida Šimonytė as a speaker is ironic, and the shared information of private nature is also full of auto-irony.

This article analyzes the role of political rhetoric in social interaction with the public on the internet when considering public issues. Today Facebook, a new platform for political communication, is seen as a media platform where citizens are provided with abundant information about politics and society. During the transformation period, a political leader becomes the most important direct reporter for his electorate. The language of a politician is like the politician's "product," which is personally produced and sold in the "market of virtual society." The language of a politician is their identity. As the media of social network is not editorial, the politicians themselves are responsible for the broadcast of personal rhetoric as well as telling and creating confidence in politics. This article presents a qualitative research. It includes the analysis of the rhetoric of Ingrida Šimonytė, a member of the Seimas of Lithuania of the 2016–2020 term, who is also a former Minister of Finance, while constructing her self-representation to the "friends" found on the social network on her personal Facebook account. During the research, it was established that Ingrida Šimonytė's rhetoric on discussed public issues include the following topics: a) Criticism of personalities of the governing majority; b) Criticism of her colleagues – members of the Seimas; c) Tax, state treasury issues; d) Issues with the city of Vilnius. The way that issues are framed by the member of the Seimas provides a rich arsenal of rhetorical arguments: ranging from authentic sentences to rough, non-standard vocabulary. The verbal ethos of Ingrida Šimonytė as a speaker is ironic, and the shared information of private nature is also full of auto-irony.