The paper aims at investigating the process of international R&D relocation by transnational corporations abroad. The prospective impacts exerted by corporate research units on host countries and the public policy conducted for enhancing innovativeness of national economy are presented. R&D relocation implies FDI inflows by TNCs to host countries aimed at establishing corporate research units (research centers, subsidiaries engaged in research and production) as well as expanding their local ties which generate impacts on national R&D sphere and host economy. "Foreign component" of national research sphere is developed and its characteristics differ from those of domestic research entities. There are possible both favorable and unfavorable impacts exerted by foreign research units on innovativeness of domestic entities and NIS functioning. The host state should influence growth and activity of corporate foreign research units by means of investment policy (towards FDI inflows) and innovation policy (towards TNCs' innovation activity), in both cases serving a long-term strategy for enhancing innovativeness of national economy.
Globally, tax incentives belong to the group of the most popular state intervention tools which are directed to support R&D activities. From a historical perspective, the prevalence of R&D tax incentives has increased both in the long-run and also over the past decade. When it comes to Poland, until the beginning of 2016 R&D tax incentives were used only to a very limited extent. Afterwards they became available to a wide range of entrepreneurs. The aim of the article is to analyze state interventions involving the introduction of R&D tax incentives, and in particular to answer the following questions: (1) When should the state intervene with the use of innovation policy instruments? (2) What factors have determined the popularity and increasing generosity of R&D tax incentives? (3) What were the circumstances and reasons for the introduction of R&D tax incentives in Poland?
Wileński szczyt Partnerstwa Wschodniego może okazać się punktem zwrotnym w polityce wschodniej UE. Podpisanie umowy stowarzyszeniowej z Ukrainą i parafowanie porozumień z Mołdową i Gruzją byłoby wielkim krokiem w kierunku zbliżenia wschodnich partnerów do UE, stabilizacji jej wschodniego sąsiedztwa i reform przeobrażających te kraje zgodnie z zasadami rządów prawa, demokracji i wolnego rynku. Opóźnienie tego procesu może mieć negatywne skutki dla UE i jej wschodnich sąsiadów. Jednak szczyt w Wilnie to nie koniec. Nie zmaleje zapotrzebowanie na odważne działania UE, która stawić musi czoło wyzwaniom wyłaniającym się w krajach sąsiedztwa wschodniego. Wprost przeciwnie, przyszły rozwój wypadków wymaga nowego strategicznego myślenia państw członkowskich UE i ich instytucji. Polityka wschodnia UE staje w obliczu decydującego sprawdzianu.
At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).
Reflektierung der politischen Entscheidungen der Jalta-Konferenz von 1945 in Polen. Frage der Einflußzonen in Ost- und Mitteleuropa in Bedingungen der gegenwärtigen polnischen Krise. Historischer Überblick über die Grundbeschlüsse der Konferenz und interpretativer Kommentar zur aktuellen Polemik aus regime-konformer Sicht. BIOst/Crp
The historicity of the Constitution of the Fifth French Republic has a special dimension. In the preamble and in the articles of the first Chapter, reference is made to the heritage of the French Revolution and identification with its principles is emphasised. We are therefore dealing with a case of the Constitution that explicitly refers not to the entire historical heritage of France but to an exceptional moment in its history. This reference has a very real meaning because the legacy of the French Revolution affects the constitutional reality of today's France. This applies in particular to the specially conceive d idea of the sovereignty of the nation, the principles of indivisibility and the secularity of the Republic. At the same time, under the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, there has been an interpretation of the legacy of the Revolution in terms that are critical of the Jacobin tradition, which allowed for a broad consensus on it. On the other hand, it can be argued that the Constitution is not fully representative in the dimension of history, as the legacy of pre-revolutionary France occupies a vital place in public education and in the politics of memory.
The article raises the topic of Croatia's place and role in the Three Seas Initiative (3SI). The aim of the article is: (a) showing the relationship of the main political forces to the 3SI; (b) an indication of the scale of interest in this project from national analytical centers; (c) analysis of the reasons for involvement or reserve and distance to the Three Seas Initiative; (d) analysis of the role attributed or expected in the Three Seas Initiative; (e) analysis of the perception of other states – participants of the Three Seas Initiative; (f) analysis of integration projects competing or complementary to the Three Seas Initiative which are or may be of importance for Croatia; (g) to show the attitude of the government in Zagreb to the execu-tive/intergovernmental dimension being developed; (h) an indication of the threats and opportunities identified by the Croatian authorities for the Three Seas Initiative; (i) analysis of the perception of 3SI's relations with the European Union; (j) analysis of the perception and assessment of the policy of third countries towards the Three Seas Initiative (from the Zagreb perspective). The structure of the article follows the above-mentioned goals.
The article analyzes the sanitary and hygienic conditions of living and medical care at Konzentrationslager Stutthof — Aussenlager Pölitz — a branch of the Stutthof central camp. The sub-camp in Police was created with a view to supplying cheap labour to a synthetic gasoline fac-tory, which was a strategic plant of the German war economy. The health condition of prisoners in concentration camps always remained bad, but the health problems of the prisoners in Police resulted not only from terrible sanitary, hygienic, and living conditions, but also from the difficult working conditions in the factory. So far, the issues of interest to us have not found wider interest among researchers who focused on the so-called "Camps", apart from the so-called small — affiliate camps. The following research questions were asked: How did medical care function in the German (Nazi) sub-camp Konzentrationslager Stutthof — Aussenlager Pölitz? What were the sanitary, living and hygienic conditions in the German (Nazi) sub-camp Konzentrationslager Stutthof — Aussen-lager Pölitz? In preparing this article the author used research methods characteristic for historical sciences, such as external and internal evaluation of sources; the dogmatic method, which seeks casual connections of a more complex nature than simple time-related connections, and comparative research. The analysis was based on archival materials of the Institute of National Remembrance, es-pecially the Archives of the Branch Office of the Commission For the Prosecution of Crimes Against The Polish Nation of the Institute of National Remembrance in Szczecin (primarily testimony re-ports and witness accounts, factual documentation), memories and literature of the subject (Polish, German, and English). Based on the source material and subject literature it was proved that: 1) The way the sub-camp in Pölitz operated depended on the requirements of the German arms industry. It was created to provide cheap labor for a synthetic fuel factory (Chemische Werke Hydropetroleum Industrie Gesellschaft), a strategic plant for the German war industry. 2) Prisoners of concentration camps were never in good health, but health problems of prisoners in Pölitz were caused not only by poor sanitation, hygiene, and living conditions, but also by harsh working conditions in the factory. 3) The health conditions developed by prisoners from the KL Stutthof — Aussenlager Pölitz could be divided into 4 groups: a) illnesses related to the living conditions in the camp, typical for most concentration camps, b) illnesses resulting from hunger and total exhaustion, c) injuries caused by beating, and d) illnesses resulting from workplace contamination. The operation of the Pölitz camp could be divided into two periods: one when the camp (at that time "the summer camp") was still under construction, and the other — its actual operation — when the winter camp was established with extended camp infrastructure. However, regardless of the time, prisoners always suffered from hunger, exhausting work beyond their capabilities and various illnesses.
