Echo chambers, fake news, filter bubbles and algorithms have been framed as great threats to our contemporary democracies and public spheres. In the Nordic countries, the state plays an active role in sustaining democracy and the public sphere through culture- and knowledge policies. The Norwegian Government have over the last years presented a white paper on overall cultural policy and a library strategy document. Both documents address the effects of digital technology on democracy, and how culture institutions in general and libraries in particular can help sustain our democracies in changing times. In this article, we study these and preceding documents on culture- and library policies. We analyze how they address digital technology and how they see culture- and library policies as providing solutions to digital threats to democracy and the public sphere. Furthermore, we study what notion of democracy and the public sphere are prevalent in Norwegian cultural policies. The results show that the Government view culture as a remedy against a fragmented public sphere, and that libraries play a key role as providers of digital guidance and teaching.
How should cultural and religious diversity be understood? What happens when different cultures and religions meet? How should we understand such encounters in society and school today? How have they played out historically? This scholarly anthology elucidates these questions from a variety of perspectives, disciplines and subject areas. The book includes both theoretical and practice-oriented texts. Fundamental questions and conceptual understanding are combined with discussions of encounters and diversity in daily life. The book is written for researchers and students at the bachelor, master and doctoral levels, and anyone interested in questions pertaining to culture, religion and society. - Hvordan skal vi forstå kulturelt og religiøst mangfold? Hva vil det si at kulturer og religioner møtes? Hvordan skal vi forstå dette i samfunnet og i skolen i dag? Hvordan har det utspilt seg i historien? Denne vitenskapelige antologien belyser disse spørsmålene ut ifra ulike perspektiver, fag og fagområder. Boken har både teori- og praksisorienterte tekster. Prinsipielle spørsmål og forståelse av begreper kombineres med drøftinger av møter og mangfold i levd liv. Boken er skrevet for forskere og studenter på bachelor-, master- og doktorgradsnivå og ellers alle som er interessert i spørsmål knyttet til kultur, religion og samfunn.
This paper explores the development of the United States from the colonial period to the present, with a particular emphasis on its reputation as the land of opportunity and global superpower. The bright side of America based on the promises of the founding principles and basic traditional values has been the source of unsurpassed national pride and admiration by much of the world. However, the dark side of America has dimmed the beacon of democracy which has been overshadowed by instances of inequality of opportunity based on race, gender and other backgrounds, displacement, exclusion, discrimination, segregation, systemic racism, and mistreatment of its workers. The paper highlights particular events that belong to the tragic side of American history that have devalued the American creed in order to raise awareness to the fact that if America is to be truly great, it needs to rebuild its founding principles and honor its constitutional rights and responsibilities. This is illustrated in the poems "Let America be America Again" by Langston Hughes and the Inaugural Poem "The Hill We Climb" by Amanda Gorman. The selected works focus on America as a work in progress, a country that needs to rebuild and heal in order to achieve the American Dream and live up to its creed. Only then will America be a country of which its citizens can be proud and a role model for other cultures. Thus, to achieve the aspiration of a City upon a Hill, the United States needs to restore and reconstruct itself using the same founding principles to right the wrongs and eliminate anti-American sentiment.
This paper explores the development of the United States from the colonial period to the present, with a particular emphasis on its reputation as the land of opportunity and global superpower. The bright side of America based on the promises of the founding principles and basic traditional values has been the source of unsurpassed national pride and admiration by much of the world. However, the dark side of America has dimmed the beacon of democracy which has been overshadowed by instances of inequality of opportunity based on race, gender and other backgrounds, displacement, exclusion, discrimination, segregation, systemic racism, and mistreatment of its workers. The paper highlights particular events that belong to the tragic side of American history that have devalued the American creed in order to raise awareness to the fact that if America is to be truly great, it needs to rebuild its founding principles and honor its constitutional rights and responsibilities. This is illustrated in the poems "Let America be America Again" by Langston Hughes and the Inaugural Poem "The Hill We Climb" by Amanda Gorman. The selected works focus on America as a work in progress, a country that needs to rebuild and heal in order to achieve the American Dream and live up to its creed. Only then will America be a country of which its citizens can be proud and a role model for other cultures. Thus, to achieve the aspiration of a City upon a Hill, the United States needs to restore and reconstruct itself using the same founding principles to right the wrongs and eliminate anti-American sentiment.
Danske pendlere kører fortrinsvist i bil – også i store byer som København. Når rejsetiden er 20 minutter i bil var der blandt pendlere bosiddende i Hovedstaden godt 15 % cyklister, 35 % bilister og 15 % i offentlig transport. De resterende 35 % var enten til fods eller vekslede mellem forskellige transportmidler fra dag til dag. Tilsvarende ved 20 minutter var andelene blandt sjællændere godt 5 % cyklister, 55 % bilister og godt 5 % i offentlig transport. Region Nord- og Midtjylland havde begge 5 % på cykel, 75 % i bil og 5 % i offentlig transport. I Syddanmark sås ved 20 minutters rejsetid 10 % cyklister, 60 % i bil og 5 % i bus/tog. Beregningerne er baseret på data fra en spørgeskemaundersøgelse blandt 2235 pendlere. Vi estimerede elasticitet i transportmiddelvalget med hensyn til rejsetid i bil. Rejsetiderne blev beregnet ved brug af Google Maps Distance Matrix. Pendlerne var alle i beskæftigelse, 18-65 år og med samme fordeling af køn, alder, geografi og uddannelse, som den danske baggrundsbefolkning. Desuden præsenteres en typologi afpendlere, der indeholder 4 overordnede grupperinger. "Bilister uden klare holdninger" (32 %), "grønne pendlere i storbyen" (30 %), "bilister der bor uden for de store byer" (23 %) og endelig "anti-grønne bilister" (15 %). Denne opdeling i pendler-grupperinger indeholdt overraskende få holdninger og kultur.
Die globale Migration der Gegenwart führt zu Hybridität, transnationalen Biografien und auszuhandelnden Identitäten. Der Umgang mit diesen Phänomenen des »Zwischenraums« stellt die sozialwissenschaftlichen Disziplinen vor methodologische Herausforderungen. Lösungen hierfür finden sich vor allem in der aktuellen kulturwissenschaftlichen Debatte, die Begriffe und Konzepte bereitstellt, welche die kulturelle Dimension von Hybridisierungen aufzeigen und ihre Geschichtlichkeit betonen. Der transdisziplinäre Sammelband vereint unterschiedliche Zugänge zum Phänomen. Er zeigt, wie der »Zwischenraum« i
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Abstract One of the main concerns of New Institutional Economics is to explain the pervasive existence of inefficient political or economic arrangements. However, quite different explanations of this phenomenon are offered. Some authors consider it a result of formally established rules, others think it is caused by traditional cultural beliefs, yet others ascribe it to evolved social relations. But each of these approaches can only cover part of the truth. In this paper I suggest that societal development and endurance can only be explained if we consider the dynamic interactions between formal, cultural and social institutions. In applying this theoretical framework to the development of the Chinese economy during the past thirty years, I will argue that the special relations between the socialist political system, Confucian familist culture and social relationships namely Guanxi have contributed to the rise and concomitant problems of the Chinese economy. On this basis it might be possible to answer two questions that have troubled scholars for decades: How could the Chinese private economy flourish without well-defined property rights? Why did the Chinese entrepreneurs fail to lead China to further political reform after having achieved huge success on the market?