Suchergebnisse

Naglasak je stavljen na promišljanje prepoznatljivosti nacije na temelju segmenta njezine glazbene kulture te redefiniranju hrvatskog kulturnog identiteta s pozicije glazbe. Propitivala se primjenjivost uspješnog austrijskog modela "nacije kulture" koji se potiče kao važna komponenta austrijskog imidža na Hrvatsku. Prikazan je glazbeni segment u isticanju specifičnosti tijekom formiranja kulturnog identiteta nacije, a teorija o neapsolutnosti identiteta koji se konstituiraju novom uspostavom mjerila i granica, koristila se u prikazu mogućnosti redefiniranja hrvatskog kulturnog identiteta na primjerima festivalske politike. Brendiranje zemlje, proces u kojem se iskazuju i naglašavaju različitosti i jedinstvenosti države, upotrijebljen je kod prikaza načina postizanja prepoznatljivosti i modaliteta primjene u kulturnom segmentu.

U ovom su radu analizirani stavovi srednjoškolaca prema selektiranim demokratskim vrijednostima, odnos između shvaćanja i sociodemografskih obilježja učenika srednjih škola te su uspoređena gledišta učenika, njihovih roditelja i profesora. Korišteni su podaci prikupljeni 1993. i 1998. godine u sklopu projekata "Genealogija i transfer modela interkulturalizma" i "Školski kurikulum i obilježja hrvatske nacionalne kulture". Analiza rezultata pokazala je da je 1998. godine došlo do znatnih promjena u stavovima srednjoškolaca prema demokratskim vrijednostima u odnosu prema prijašnjem istraživanju. Promjene se očituju u statistički značajno manjem stupnju prihvaćanja vrijednosti, i to prema sedamnaest, od ponuđenih devetnaest vrijednosti. Nadalje, u oba je istraživanja utvrđeno da varijable socioobrazovnog statusa znatno distingviraju ispitanike s obzirom na njihove stavove. Učenici s boljim uspjehom u školi, polaznici gimnazija i oni s višim obrazovnim aspiracijama i podrijetlom imaju pozitivniji odnos prema demokratskim vrijednostima. Velike su razlike utvrđene s obzirom na stupanj prihvaćanja vrijednosti između učenika, roditelja i profesora. Općenito, najveće slaganje sa svim ponuđenim vrijednostima iskazuju profesori, a najmanje učenici. ; This article analyses the attitudes of high school students towards selected democratic values and the relation between attitudes and socio-demographic characteristics, and compares the attitudes of students, their parents and teachers. The data were obtained during 1993 and 1998 within projects "Genealogy and transfer of models of interculturalism" and "School curriculum and characteristics of Croatian national culture". The analysis of the results showed the significant changes in students' attitudes towards democratic values in 1998 in comparison with the previous study. The changes are revealed through statistically significant lower degree of acceptance of 17 out of 19 suggested values. Furthermore, both studies showed that the variables of socio-educational status distinguish the subjects significantly in regard to their attitudes. Students with higher educational achievement, those attending the academic high schools and those with higher educational aspirations have more positive attitude towards democratic values. The significant differences were also found in the degree of acceptance of those values among students, parents and teachers. Generally, teachers showed the highest acceptance of all suggested values, while students showed the lowest. ; In dieser Arbeit werden Einstellungen der Mittelschüler zu den ausgewählten demokratischen Werten sowie das Verhältnis zwischen den Einstellungen und sozio-demographischen Merkmalen der befragten Mittelschüler analysiert und mit den Einstellungen ihrer Eltern und Lehrer verglichen. Die benutzten Daten wurden 1993 und 1998 im Rahmen von Projekten "Genealogie und Transfer des Interkulturalismusmodells" bzw. "Schulkurrikulum und Merkmale der kroatischen Nationalkultur" erhoben. Die Analyse der Ergebnisse zeigte, dass 1998 im Vergleich zu den früheren Untersuchungen zu bedeutenden Änderungen in den Einstellungen der Mittelschüler zu den demokratischen Werten gekommen ist. Diese Änderungen äußern sich in dem statistisch bedeutend geringeren Akzeptieren der vorgeschlagenen Werte, und zwar bei den siebzehn von neunzehn angeführten Werten. Weiterhin wurde in den beiden Untersuchungen festgestellt, dass sich die Befragten durch Variabeln ihrer sozialen Merkmale und ihrer Schulausbildung im Hinblick auf ihre Einstellungen gravierend unterscheiden. Schüler mit besseren Schulleistungen, Gymnasiasten sowie jene mit höheren Bildungsaspirationen und Herkunft haben eine positivere Stellung zu den demokratischen Werten. Bedeutende Abweichungen ergeben sich auch hinsichtlich der Akzeptanz der genannten Werte unter den Schülern, deren Eltern und Lehrern. Insgesamt finden die angebotenen Werte die höchste Zustimmung unter den befragten Lehrern, und die kleinste unter den Schülern.

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

Prijetnja koja dotiče sadašnju Srednju Europu vezana je uz dvije skupine uzroka. Kao prvo, s politikom Rusije koja traži novo mjesto za sebe na globalnoj razini. Kao drugo, s krizom unutar same Unije, koja se većinom tiče zemalja Srednje Europe kao najmlađeg njezinog člana i onoga koji nosi postkomunistički teret. Geostrateški, ideološki i kulturološki aspekti povezani s prethodno spomenutim kompleksima prijetnje bit će predmet izlaganja na konferenciji. ; The threat that Central Europe faces nowadays is connected with two sets of causes. The first cause is Russian politics that attempts to establish a new position on a global level. And the second is the crisis within the Union, which has mainly affected Central European countries, their youngest members that still bear the post-communist burden. The paper focuses on geostrategic, ideological and cultural aspects regarding the abovementioned complex threat.

O modelu "nacionalne kulture" Geerta Hofstedea raspravlja se u ovom članku s tri aspekta. Sa sociološkog aspekta, model je izraz interesa multinacionalnih korporacija u eri globalizacije za uklanjanjem kulturnih prepreka poslovanju, koje su uspostavili modeli značenja kulture u sklopu carstava i nacija-država, preferirajući oštre distinkcije i fundamentalnu neusporedivost kultura. Drugi aspekt rasprave je metodološki, gdje se upozorava na problem odnosa između empirijskih varijacija i tipičnosti u Hofstedeovu modelu, budući da on zanemaruje promjenjivost i proturječja u kulturnom obrascu. I treći aspekt, pedagoški, odnosi se na pitanje može li se ili na koji način model upotrijebiti kao predložak za izradu odgojno-obrazovnog kurikuluma, odnosno pedagoški preporučljivog vrijednosno-normativnog obrasca orijentacije (učenika), u demokratskom i pluralističkom, ali i sve više tržišno povezanom i neizvjesnom svijetu. ; Geert Hofstede's model of "national culture" is discussed from three aspects. From the sociological aspect, the model represents the expression of multinational companies' interests for the removal of cultural barriers to business in the era of globalization, the barriers established by the models of importance of culture within empires and nation-states, preferring strict distinctions and fundamental incomparability of cultures. The second aspect of the discussion is methodological, pointing to the problem of relationship between empirical variations and typicalnesses in Hofstede's model, since it does not sufficiently allow for variability and discrepancies in cultural pattern. The third, educational aspect, considers the question whether it is or how is it possible to use this model as a sample for an educational curriculum, i.e. pedagogically recommendable value-normative pattern of students' orientation in the world which is democratic and pluralistic, but at the same time more and more market-united and uncertain. ; Über das Modell der "nationalen Kultur" von Geert Hofstede wird in diesem Artikel unter drei Gesichtspunkten gesprochen. Aus soziologischer Sicht kommen in diesem Modell Interessen multinationaler Konzerne zum Ausdruck, in der Zeit der Globalisierung kulturelle Barrieren für ihre Geschäftstätigkeit zu beseitigen, die durch Bedeutungsmodelle der Kultur im Rahmen der Weltreiche und nationalen Staaten aufgebaut wurden, indem sie scharfe Trennungslinien und grundsätzliche Unvergleichbarkeit von Kulturen bevorzugten. Der zweite Aspekt der Diskussion ist methodologischer Natur. Dabei wird das Verhältnis zwischen empirischen Varianten und dem Idealtyp in Hofstedes Modell kritisch überprüft, da es ungenügend die Veränderlichkeit und Widersprüchlichkeit von Kulturmustern berücksichtigt. Der dritte, pädagogische Gesichtspunkt bezieht sich auf die Frage, ob und wie dieses Modell als Vorlage für die Ausarbeitung eines Bildungs- und Erziehungskurrikulums bzw. eines pädagogisch vertretbaren normativen Wertmusters zur Orientierung von Schülern in einer demokratischen und pluralen, jedoch wirtschaftlich immer mehr vernetzten und unsicheren Welt benutzt werden kann.

Rad promišlja i prikazuje interakciju globalizacije i kulture kao sustava značenja koji reguliraju društveni život, odnosno na općoj razini skicira i analizira neke teze glede odnosa kulture i globalizacije. Globalizacija je društvena, ekonomska, politička i kulturna činjenica suvremenog društva, totalni fenomen. Ona je sveprisutna pojava današnje epohe i ostavlja upečatljive tragove svoje nazočnosti u svim prostorima u kojima se odvija. Osnovni aspekti globalizacije su ekonomski i politički odnosi koji se razvijaju između zemalja i regija i sve više čine okvir nekoj vrsti kulturnoga međusobnog približavanja u kojemu izvjestan broj istih vrijednosti prolazi krozviše zemalja s tendencijom prema kulturnoj jednakosti.Globalizacijski proces uključuje sve veći broj kulturnih elemenata, proširuje prostorne, kvantitativne i kvalitativne dimenzije kulture, a uključivanjem sve većega broja ljudi potiče aktivno djelovanje kulture. U prošlosti i danas dodiri kultura su se skladno prožimali, ali i iskazivali dramatične i često konfliktne oblike. Istinsko življenje trebalo bi biti međusobno razumijevanje i poštovanje, sporazumijevanje i ravnopravna suradnja jer smisao čovjeka ogleda se u humanosti. ; This paper represents an analysis and an account of the interaction between globalization and culture as systems of meaning that regulate social life. In other words, the paper provides a general outline and insight into certain thesis regarding the relationship between culture and globalization. Globalization is a social, economic, political, and cultural fact of modern society, an absolute phenomenon. It is an omnipresent occurrence of today's epoch leaving significant traces of its presence wherever it occurs. The basic aspects of globalization refer to economic and political relations that develop between countries and regions and that increasingly represent a framework for closer cultural contacts within which a certain number of the same values pass through many countries with a tendency towards cultural equality.The globalization process includes an increasing number of cultural elements, it broadens the spatial, quantitative and qualitative dimensions of culture, and, by including an increasing number of people, promotes active functioning of culture. In past and at present cultural contacts have harmoniously interfused, but they have also taken dramatic and often conflicting forms. True living should consist of mutual understanding and respect, agreement and equal cooperation because the meaning of man is reflected in humanity.